Wednesday, June 06, 2018

Puerto Rico: Primero de Mayo Policía ataca manifestantes ¡Por el derecho a la independencia!

Workers Vanguard No. 1134
18 May 2018
 
Puerto Rico: Primero de Mayo
Policía ataca manifestantes
¡Por el derecho a la independencia!
Por segundo año consecutivo, un paro nacional en el Día Internacional de los Trabajadores paralizó gran parte de Puerto Rico, cuyo pueblo empobrecido ha sufrido bajo el yugo de la opresión colonial de EE.UU. durante mucho tiempo. Hartos de los ataques incesantes contra las necesidades básicas y los servicios públicos, miles de sindicalistas, estudiantes y otros activistas tomaron las calles de San Juan y otros lugares para protestar contra las más recientes medidas de austeridad salvaje dictadas por Washington y su Junta de Supervisión y Administración Financiera, conocida como la Junta. Este organismo, establecido por la administración de Obama en 2016, está ferozmente resuelto a saquear las pensiones, cerrar escuelas y hacer la vida después del Huracán María aún más miserable para los trabajadores y los oprimidos, todo con el fin de que los bancos y fondos de cobertura de EE.UU. puedan cobrar la enorme deuda de la isla. Bajo órdenes de la Junta, el pago de la matrícula ha aumentado más del doble en la Universidad de Puerto Rico (UPR).
Marchando desde distintos puntos, los manifestantes del Primero de Mayo en San Juan se reunieron en la Milla de Oro, donde la Junta y varias instituciones financieras tienen sus oficinas. Más de mil policías en equipo antidisturbios, muchos en motocicleta, flanquearon las calles y formaron barricadas. Cuando un contingente, formado en su mayoría por estudiantes e izquierdistas, intentó proceder a la oficina central del odiado Banco Popular, la policía antidisturbios y un equipo SWAT repentinamente los atacó a macanazos, con balas de goma, gas pimienta y gases lacrimógenos. Jubilados, sindicalistas y sus hijos lloraban y luchaban por respirar mientras que el gas se extendía por toda el área y la policía bloqueaba rutas de escape.
La policía persiguió a los manifestantes hasta Río Piedras, donde está el plantel principal de la UPR, soltando gas lacrimógeno frente a una residencia para ancianos y tomando una vivienda por asalto sin orden de allanamiento. Unas 20 personas fueron arrestadas y detenidas en distintas comisarías, dificultando que otros activistas les ayudaran. Esa noche, el Partisan Defense Committee, una organización de defensa legal y social asociada con la Spartacist League, emitió una declaración en protesta en español e inglés, la cual se distribuyó en San Juan. El PDC declaró: “Denunciamos esta campaña de terror. El estado quiere silenciar a todos aquellos que se oponen a las medidas hambreadoras dictadas por los amos coloniales de Estados Unidos e impuestas por el gobierno capitalista de Puerto Rico”.
Pocas horas después del arrasamiento por la policía, el gobernador puertorriqueño Ricardo Roselló, un lacayo de los colonialistas estadounidenses, exigió que los organizadores del Primero de Mayo, sindicalistas y otros, denunciaran la “violencia” de los manifestantes. En respuesta, los dirigentes sindicales en la coalición Pueblo Unido, los principales organizadores de la marcha en la Milla de Oro, defendieron públicamente a todos los manifestantes. Se organizó una manifestación de emergencia y todos los detenidos han sido liberados. En algunos casos el estado ha decidido no presentar cargos. Otros de los arrestados tienen audiencias programadas en los próximos días. ¡Manos fuera de los manifestantes del Primero de Mayo!
Una y otra vez, la policía puertorriqueña, conocida como la Uniformada, ha atacado brutalmente manifestaciones sindicales. Apenas unos días antes del paro nacional, el 27 de abril, maestros de la Federación de Maestros de Puerto Rico (FMPR) fueron golpeados con macanas y rociados con gas pimienta mientras formaban un piquete fuera del Departamento de Educación. El pasado noviembre, 21 miembros de la FMPR fueron arrestados dentro del edificio mientras marchaban hacia la oficina de la Secretaria de Educación Julia Keleher, quien abiertamente pregona como modelo a Nueva Orleans después del Huracán Katrina. En esa ciudad, los maestros sindicalizados, en su mayoría mujeres negras, fueron desechados mientras casi todo el sistema de escuelas públicas fue remplazado con las antisindicales escuelas chárter.
Los maestros de Puerto Rico están enzarzados en una batalla encarnizada no sólo por su sustento sino por la existencia misma de la educación pública. A pesar de la experiencia directa de violencia policiaca al servicio de las fuerzas de privatización capitalistas, los dirigentes sindicales apelan a los policías como compañeros víctimas de la austeridad, como compañeros trabajadores. El día después del paro nacional, la líder del sindicato de maestros Educamos propuso: “Si quieren nuestro apoyo a sus reclamos de un sueldo justo y que se les respete su retiro, no pueden ponerse del lado de los ricos ni de los corruptos que han saqueado al país y nos han llevado a la bancarrota”.
Los policías no son en ningún sentido trabajadores ni posibles aliados de los trabajadores y los oprimidos. Cuando los policías se movilizan por sus salarios y pensiones es para poder imponer aún más la represión total. Puerto Rico es una sociedad dividida en clases, y la policía una parte central del estado burgués que asegura la dominación del capital sobre los obreros. Al mantener “la ley y el orden”, los policías son la primera línea en la imposición del sistema de subyugación colonial y los matones de la burguesía local. Cualquiera que sea su origen social, incluyendo aquellos que provienen de un origen social pobre o trabajador, los policías funcionan como rompehuelgas. Las asociaciones policiales no tienen lugar en el movimiento obrero.
Por algo la proporción entre policías activos y los habitantes de Puerto Rico es más del doble del promedio nacional en EE.UU. Desde sus orígenes en 1899, el año siguiente a la invasión y toma de posesión del país por EE.UU., la Policía de Puerto Rico (PPR, entonces la Policía Insular) tuvo como tarea ayudar a mantener bajo la bota a los sujetos coloniales de Washington. La PPR siempre ha respaldado a los amos estadounidenses, incluso durante la sangrienta guerra contra los independentistas que duró décadas. En la Masacre de Ponce en 1937, los policías abatieron a tiros a 19 simpatizantes independentistas e hirieron a más de 200 personas.
El Primero de Mayo del año pasado, la PPR arrestó a la activista Nina Droz bajo cargos fabricados y la entregó al gobierno federal. Después de enfrentar un año de sufrimiento y humillación, Droz sigue encarcelada sin derecho a fianza, y aún espera sentencia (ver, “¡Libertad para Nina Droz!”, traducción de Workers Vanguard, No. 1128, 23 de febrero). Es notable que maestros de la FMPR han tomado su causa. Marchas recientes exigiendo libertad para Droz (y para Ana Belén Montes, una oficial de inteligencia para EE.UU., encarcelada por defender a Cuba) en Puerto Rico han recibido cobertura en los medios de comunicación locales. Nuestros camaradas repartieron la traducción en español del artículo de Workers Vanguard defendiendo a Droz en las protestas del Primero de Mayo y en varios planteles de la UPR.
Antes del Huracán María, los imperialistas estadounidenses habían privado al país de infraestructura básica y de recursos esenciales. Ocho meses después, Puerto Rico está lejos de la recuperación; un testimonio es el estado extremadamente precario del sistema eléctrico. Más de 22 mil puertorriqueños aún carecen de servicios eléctricos. El 18 de abril, Puerto Rico una vez más tuvo un apagón después de un sencillo y evitable accidente causado por un subcontratista. La mayoría de los semáforos están apagados en San Juan, incluso a lo largo de la Milla de Oro. Mientras tanto, la próxima temporada de huracanes se acerca rápidamente.
El resentimiento hacia el trato colonial de Puerto Rico se vio claramente el Primero de Mayo. Como revolucionarios marxistas, favorecemos la independencia de Puerto Rico, la cual asestaría un golpe resonante al imperialismo estadounidense. La lucha contra la opresión colonial de Puerto Rico necesariamente se dirigirá contra los agentes locales del imperialismo y podría servir como palanca para la revolución socialista y para establecer una república obrera. Tales luchas resonarían a lo largo del Caribe, América Latina y Estados Unidos.
Al mismo tiempo, reconocemos que muchos puertorriqueños tienen opiniones encontradas sobre el tema de la independencia; un fuerte sentimiento de identidad nacional a menudo está acompañado de temor a perder la posibilidad de vivir y trabajar en EE.UU. (lo que les permite mandar remesas a Puerto Rico), y de sumirse en una pobreza más profunda. Por eso, enfatizamos el derecho de Puerto Rico a la independencia.
Muchos más puertorriqueños viven en EE.UU. que en Puerto Rico, formando una parte importante de la clase obrera multirracial, especialmente en Nueva York y Florida. Estos trabajadores puertorriqueños representan un vínculo viviente entre las luchas del proletariado en el centro imperialista estadounidense y su colonia más grande. Los sindicatos y el movimiento obrero en Estados Unidos deben luchar en defensa de las masas trabajadoras y estudiantes de Puerto Rico contra la represión y opresión colonial.
Los maestros sindicalizados de Puerto Rico han encontrado inspiración en las recientes huelgas estatales de los educadores en Virginia Occidental y otros estados. La privación general de la educación pública es solamente uno de los ejemplos de cómo la clase dirigente capitalista de Estados Unidos es el enemigo tanto de los trabajadores en EE.UU. como en Puerto Rico. Lo que se necesita es una lucha conjunta contra la privatización, por educación pública gratuita y por cancelar la deuda que está estrangulando a las masas puertorriqueñas.
Las luchas contra la rapaz burguesía estadounidense deben ser dirigidas hacia su derrocamiento a través de la revolución proletaria. El dominio internacional de la clase obrera liberará a la humanidad de la dominación imperialista y sentará las bases para erradicar la pobreza. Nuestra perspectiva es construir partidos leninistas en EE.UU., Puerto Rico y más allá, cuya meta es establecer el poder obrero.

A View From The American Left- Puerto Rico May Day Cops Attack Demonstrators For the Right of Independence!

Workers Vanguard No. 1134
18 May 2018
 
Puerto Rico May Day
Cops Attack Demonstrators
For the Right of Independence!
For the second year in a row, a national work stoppage on international workers day shut down much of Puerto Rico, whose impoverished people have long suffered under the yoke of U.S. colonial oppression. Fed up with relentless attacks on basic needs and public services, thousands of trade unionists, students and other activists took to the streets of San Juan and elsewhere to protest against the latest savage austerity measures dictated by Washington’s Financial Oversight and Management Board, known as the “junta.” This body, established by the Obama administration in 2016, is hell-bent on looting pensions, closing schools and making life post-Hurricane Maria even more miserable for workers and the oppressed, all so U.S. banks and hedge funds can collect on the island’s massive debt. Under the directive of the junta, tuition at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) has more than doubled.
Marching from different gathering points, May Day protesters in San Juan converged on the Milla de Oro (Gold Mile), where the junta and various financial institutions have their offices. Over 1,000 cops in full riot gear, many with motorcycles, lined the city streets and formed barricades. When one contingent made up mostly of students and leftists tried to proceed to the despised Banco Popular headquarters, riot cops and a SWAT team suddenly unleashed an assault of macanazos (nightstick blows), rubber bullets, pepper spray and tear gas. Retirees, union members and their children cried and gasped for air as gas spread throughout the area and police blocked escape routes.
Cops chased protesters all the way back to Río Piedras, where the main UPR campus is located, releasing tear gas in front of a retirement home and storming a residence without a warrant. Some 20 people were arrested and held at several different police stations, making it difficult for activists to assist them. That night, a protest statement in Spanish and English was issued by the Partisan Defense Committee, a legal and social defense organization associated with the Spartacist League, which we distributed in San Juan. It declared: “We denounce this campaign of terror. The state wants to silence all those who oppose the starvation measures imposed by the U.S. colonial masters and enforced by the capitalist government of Puerto Rico.”
A few short hours after the cop rampage, Puerto Rican governor Ricardo Rosselló, a lackey of the U.S. colonialists, demanded that union and other May Day organizers condemn the protesters’ “violence.” In response, union leaders in the Pueblo Unido coalition, the main organizers of the Milla de Oro rally, publicly defended all protesters. An emergency demonstration was organized and everyone arrested has been released. In some cases, the state has decided not to press charges. Others arrested have hearings scheduled in upcoming days. Hands off the May Day protesters!
Time and again, the Puerto Rican police, known as La Uniformada, have brutally attacked union protests. Just a few days before the national work stoppage, on April 27, teachers represented by the Federación de Maestros de Puerto Rico (FMPR) were clubbed and pepper-sprayed while picketing outside the Department of Education. Last November, 21 FMPR members were arrested inside the building, marching to the office of Education Secretary Julia Keleher, who openly touts New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina as a model. In that city, unionized teachers, overwhelmingly black women, were thrown on the scrap heap as anti-union charter schools all but replaced the public school system.
Puerto Rico’s teachers are locked in a bitter battle not only for their livelihoods but also for the very existence of public education. Despite the direct experience of police violence in the service of the capitalist forces of privatization, union leaders appeal to the cops as fellow victims of austerity, as fellow workers. The day after the national work stoppage, the head of the Educamos teachers union offered: “If they want our support for their demands for fair pay and that their retirement benefits be honored, they can’t put themselves on the side of the rich and corrupt who have sacked the country and brought us to bankruptcy.”
The cops are not workers or potential allies of working people and the oppressed in any sense. When the cops mobilize for their pay and pensions, it is to be better able to mete out all-sided repression. Puerto Rico is a class-divided society, and the police are a core part of the bourgeois state that ensures the domination of capital over labor. Maintaining “law and order,” they are the front-line enforcers of the system of colonial subjugation and the hired guns of the local bourgeoisie. Whatever their social origins, including those from poor or working-class backgrounds, the cops function as strikebreakers. Police associations have no place in the workers movement.
The ratio of Puerto Rico’s active police officers to residents is more than twice that of the U.S. national average for a reason. From its origins in 1899, the year after the U.S. military invaded and took possession of the country, the Puerto Rico Police Department (PRPD, then the Insular Police) was tasked with helping keep Washington’s colonial subjects under its heel. The PRPD has always backed up the U.S. overlords, including in their decades-long bloody war on independentistas. In the 1937 Ponce Massacre, these cops gunned down 19 independence supporters and wounded more than 200 people.
Last May Day, the PRPD arrested activist Nina Droz on trumped up charges and handed her over to the Feds. After enduring a year of suffering and indignities, Droz remains incarcerated without bail, still awaiting sentencing (see “Free Nina Droz!” WV No. 1128, 23 February). Notably, the FMPR teachers have taken up her cause. Recent marches throughout Puerto Rico demanding freedom for Droz (and for Ana Belén Montes, a U.S. intelligence officer imprisoned for aiding Cuba) have received local media coverage. Our comrades distributed a Spanish-language translation of the WV article in defense of Droz at the May Day protests and on UPR campuses.
Before Hurricane Maria, the U.S. imperialists had starved the country of basic infrastructure and essential resources. Now eight months on, Puerto Rico is a long way from recovery, as witnessed by the extremely fragile state of the electric grid. Over 22,000 Puerto Ricans have not yet even had their power restored. On April 18, Puerto Rico once again plunged into darkness after a simple, avoidable accident by a sub-contractor. Most traffic lights are dead in San Juan, including along the Milla de Oro. Meanwhile, the next hurricane season is fast approaching.
Resentment at the colonial treatment of Puerto Rico was on vivid display on May Day. As revolutionary Marxists, we favor independence for Puerto Rico, which would strike a resounding blow against U.S. imperialism. The fight against colonial oppression in Puerto Rico would necessarily be directed at the local agents of imperialism and could act as a lever for socialist revolution and the establishment of a workers republic. Such struggles would reverberate throughout the Caribbean, Latin America and the U.S.
At the same time, we recognize that many Puerto Ricans are of mixed opinion on the matter of independence; a strongly felt national identity is often accompanied by a fear of losing the ability to live and work in the U.S. (which allows for remittances to be sent back to Puerto Rico), and of plunging into deeper poverty. Therefore, we stress the right of independence for Puerto Rico.
Many more Puerto Ricans now live in the U.S. than in Puerto Rico, forming an important component of the multiracial working class, particularly in New York and Florida. These Puerto Rican workers represent a living link between the struggles of the proletariat in the U.S. imperialist center and its largest colony. The trade unions and workers movement in the U.S. must fight to defend the working masses and students of Puerto Rico against repression and colonial oppression.
Puerto Rico’s unionized teachers have drawn inspiration from recent statewide strikes by educators in West Virginia and other states. The generalized starving of public education is but one example of how the U.S. capitalist ruling class is the enemy of both workers in the U.S. and in Puerto Rico. What is needed is joint struggle against privatizations, for free public education and to cancel the debt, which is choking the Puerto Rican masses.
Struggles against the rapacious American bourgeoisie must be directed toward its overthrow through proletarian revolution. International working-class rule will liberate humanity from imperialist domination and lay the basis for the eradication of poverty. Our perspective is to build Leninist parties in the U.S., Puerto Rico and beyond whose goal is to establish workers power.

On Memphis Minnie's Birthday-Out In the 1930s Be-Bop Barrelhouse Blues Night- Memphis Minnie Is Front And Center-A CD Review

Click on the headline to link to a YouTube film clip of Memphis Minnie performing her classic Hoodoo Lady Blues

CD Review

Memphis Minnie, In My Girlish Days, 1991

One of the interesting facts about the development of the blues is that in the early days the recorded music and the bulk of the live performances were done by women, at least they were the most popular exponents of the genre. That time, the early 1920’s to the 1930’s was the classic age of women blues performers. Of course, when one thinks about that period the name that comes up is the legendary Bessie Smith. Beyond that, maybe some know Ethel Waters. And beyond that-a blank. Yet the blues singer under review, Memphis Minnie, probably had as a productive career as either of the above-mentioned names. And here is the kicker. If you were to ask today’s leading women blues singers like Bonnie Raitt or Maria Muldaur about influences they will, naturally, give the obligatory Bessie response, but perhaps more surprisingly will also praise Ms. Minnie to the skies.

This compilation, while not technically the best, will explain the why of the above paragraph. Minnie worked with many back-up players over the years, some good some bad, but her style and her energy carried most of the production. She was the mistress of the double entendre so popular in old time blues- you know, or you better ask somebody, phrases like “put a little sugar in my bowl”. The best of the bunch here are Bumble Bee, Down Home Girl and the classic In My Girlish Days. Listen on.

On The 50th Anniversary- On Bobby Kennedy- A Personal View From The Left On The Anniversary Of His Assassination

On Bobby Kennedy- A Personal  View From The Left On The  Anniversary Of His Assassination










Commentary

Every political movement has its ‘high holy days’, its icons and its days of remembrance. We on the international labor left have our labor day-May Day. We pay tribute each January to the work of Vladimir Lenin, Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebknecht. Some of us remember the assassination by Stalin of the revolutionary Leon Trotsky in Mexico in 1940. Others celebrate November 7th the anniversary of the Russian revolution in 1917. The Democratic Party in the United States is no exception to those symbols of group solidarity. They have their Jefferson- Jackson dinners, their nomination conventions and their remembrances of their modern political heroes like Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and so forth.

It is somewhat ironic that at just the time that when presumptive Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama, a recent addition to the Democratic Party pantheon of heroes and heir apparent to the Kennedy legacy, is claiming the nomination of the party that the 40th Anniversary of the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy during the presidential campaign of 1968 is being remembered in some quarters. That event holds much meaning in the political evolution of this writer. The Robert Kennedy campaign of 1968 was the last time that this writer had a serious desire to fight solely on the parliamentary road for political change. So today he too has some remembrances, as well.

In the course of this year I have read (or rather re-read) and reviewed elsewhere the 1960, 1968 and 1972 presidential campaign writings of Norman Mailer and those of 1972 by Hunter Thompson. I have, additionally, written reminiscences of my own personal political evolution that point to 1968 as a watershed year personally and politically for those of us of the Generation of ’68. Just a quick thumbnail sketch of my own political trajectory that year will give the reader a flavor of the times.

I committed myself early (sometime in late 1967) to the reelection of Lyndon Johnson, as much as I hated his Vietnam War policy. Why? One Richard M. Nixon. I did not give Eugene McCarthy’s insurgent campaign even a sniff, although I agreed with his anti-war stance. Why? He could not beat one Richard M. Nixon. When Booby jumped into the race and days later Johnson announced that he was not going to run again in I was there the next day. I was a senior in college at the time but I believe I spent hundreds of hours that spring working the campaign either out of Boston, Washington, D.C. and elsewhere. Why? Well, you can guess the obvious by now. He COULD beat one Richard M. Nixon.

It was more than that though, and I will mention more on that below. I took, as many did, his murder hard. It is rather facile now to say that something of my youth, and that of others who I have talked to recently about this event, got left behind with his murder but there you have it. However, to show you the kind of political year that it was for me about a week after his death I was in the Hubert Humphrey campaign office in Boston. Why? You know why by now. And for those who don’t it had one name- Richard M. Nixon.

But let us get back to that other, more virtuous, political motive for supporting Bobby Kennedy. It was always, in those days, complicated coming from Massachusetts to separate out the whirlwind effect that the Kennedy family had on us, especially on ‘shanty’ Irish families. On the one hand we wished one of our own well, especially against the WASPs, on the other there was always that innate bitterness (jealousy, if you will) that it was not we who were the ones that were getting ahead. If there is any Irish in your family you know what I am talking about.

To be sure, as a fourteen year old I walked the neighborhood for John Kennedy in 1960 but as I have mentioned elsewhere that was a pro forma thing. Part of the ritual of entry into presidential politics. The Bobby thing was from the heart. Why? It is hard to explain but there was something about the deeply felt sense of Irish fatalism that he projected, especially after the death of his brother, that attracted me to him. But also the ruthless side where he was willing to cut Mayor Daly and every politician like him down or pat them on the back and more, if necessary, to get a little rough justice in the world. In those days I held those qualities, especially in tandem, in high esteem. Hell, I still do, if on a narrower basis.

This next comment will I hope put the whole thing in a nutshell. Recently I was listening to a program commemorating the 40th anniversary of the Robert Kennedy’s assassination on National Public Radio where one of the guests was the journalist and close Kennedy friend Pete Hamill. Hamill, who was in the Los Angeles hotel celebrating the decisive California primary victory when the assassination took place, mentioned that a number of people closely associated with Kennedy at that time saw history passing through their hands in a flash. By that they meant, sincerely I am sure, that the last best change to beat Nixon and hold off the "Night of the Long Knives" had passed.

Well, if nothing else they were right in one sense and here is where one including this writer, as politically distance from Kennedy’s party as I am today, could appreciate the political wisdom of Robert Kennedy. In his incisive way Kennedy cut to the chase and through all the political baloney when he said that Richard Nixon represented the dark side of the American spirit. True words, I would only add these words-the dark spirit that the world has rightly come to fear and loathe. Forty years later and one hundred years politically wiser I can still say though - Bobby Kennedy, oh what might have been.

We Are In A Cold Civil War-Join The Anti-Fascist Resistance-For Labor/Black Action to Stop Fascists!

We Are In A Cold Civil War-Join The Anti-Fascist Resistance-For Labor/Black Action to Stop Fascists!

By Frank Jackman

Usually I place articles and announcement from various left-wing and progressive groupings that I do not necessarily agree with but think that the general radical-left liberal milieu might find of interest in a blog site dedicated to American Left History (and its complement cultural component) past and present. I have noted more than once that I usually do not comment on the views expressed and if I do have differences I can either write my own comments or if the differences are severe or reflect bad taste not post the item. Occasionally in the struggle against the ugly forces that have reared their heads in the age of Donald J. Trump, President of the United States and apparently nothing but a common criminal and maybe a sociopath, have felt the wind at their backs under his tenure I find some article or statement which I am in general agreement with and will as here take the time to express general if not total solidarity with the views expressed by others.  

The most important point made in the article belong which deals with an analysis and program to defeat the emergent serious extra-parliamentary right-wing threat is that we must learn the hard lessons of history on the question of stopping the fascist and fascistic elements in the egg. If that had been done in Germany at any point up to and including 1933 the history of the Western world could very well have taken a different trajectory and we would today probably not be faced with what looks like yet again a global right-wing counter-revolutionary movement baring its knuckles. Closer to home we have to nip the small but growing fascist threat which seemingly is turning the cold civil war we have been facing for a while now and which is getting more heated in the bud- and in the streets.

A second point to note is knowing what period we are in and who is and who is not going to benefit from the rise of the fascists (call them as they call themselves “the alt-right” it is the same damn thing that has been with us since post-World War I times). The rise of Trump was by parliamentary means-by regular bourgeois norms elections and does not represent a fascist take-over as some claim. The ruling class at this moment has not been defeated anyplace in the world militarily, at least where it would fatally hurt, as it did in Germany after their World War I defeat and that ruling class here is not now, and I emphasize not now, confronted by any militant mass left-wing movements that would threaten their power necessitating the need to go beyond their normal military/police forces to curb.   

As this cold civil war heats up there will be plenty of those in the opposition, on our side, who want to call on the government to stop the fascists, or better yet, call on the opposition party, the Democrats, to do something about the matter. Wrong. While we may unite with all who want to oppose the fascist threat on the streets, including democrats, to rely on the good offices of any establishment political organization to do our work for us is fool-hardy and in the end dangerous. We must rely centrally on our ability to gather masses of working people and the oppressed to stop these sewer rats. History shows no other way but a straight up fight to the finish or else these scumbags, excuse my vulgar usage but we are in a fierce fight and the niceties of everyday politics are not called for, will be further emboldened. Those who profess some “rational” and “reasoned” approach to deal with this life-threatening menace are doomed to the scrap heap.

Finally there is no room for being “liberal” in this fight. These fascists are not a literary/political club movement we can debate with or permit to spew their trash talk under the banner of “free speech.” Those who thought that approach might work in the Weimar Republic in the 1920s and early 1930s either had to flee into exile or found themselves in some death camp. We can give no quarter here. Period. 


So yes, for once, on this issue of fighting the emerging fascist threat I stand in solidarity with the views expressed below with its sober analysis and program to fight the menace right now.  

********

Workers Vanguard No. 1110
21 April 2017
For Labor/Black Action to Stop Fascists!
Fascists Fueled by Trump Election
Hundreds of Jewish headstones desecrated. Women wearing the headscarf attacked on the streets. Two software engineers from India shot, one fatally, in Kansas in February by a Navy vet who howled, “Get out of my country.” A Sikh American shot in his driveway in Kent, Washington, last month by a masked white man screaming, “Go back to your own country.” Timothy Caughman, a 66-year-old black man, murdered on the streets of Manhattan on March 20 by a white-supremacist who had come to New York City from Baltimore with the express purpose of killing black men.
The race-terrorists have been emboldened by the campaign and victory of the right-wing demagogue Donald Trump, and are taking their cue from the unabashed racism and anti-immigrant vitriol emanating from the White House. The ultimate aim of the fascists, including those who congregate around the “alt-right,” is racial genocide and the destruction of workers organizations, including unions and the left.
The race-terrorists have played on the racist backlash against Barack Obama, America’s first black president. Obama’s eight years in office offered nothing to black and working people; the Democratic Party no less than the Republicans represents the very capitalist order that breeds fascism. During the Obama administration, conditions for black people and workers continued to worsen while cops wantonly gunned down black people on the streets. More industrial areas turned into rust bowls, while strongholds of union power continued their steep decline. Obama rigorously pursued U.S. imperialism’s war aims abroad, while ramping up the “war on terror” at home, which targets Muslims in particular. The fascist thugs feed off anger and frustration arising from economic devastation; they scapegoat black people, immigrants and minorities for the misery inflicted on the population by the capitalist rulers.
On April 15, when hundreds of “protesters” descended on downtown Berkeley for a pro-Trump rally, the fascists infesting the crowd made clear that they were out for blood. Chanting “Hitler did nothing wrong” and giving Nazi salutes, they viciously attacked antifa activists and leftists with clubs, flagpoles and knives. One viral video shows Nathan Damigo, head of the fascist group Identity Evropa, punching a woman in the face. Last June, in Sacramento, white-supremacists of the Traditionalist Workers Party and the Golden Gate Skinheads stabbed and slashed at least seven anti-fascists, sending them to the hospital. In Berkeley, anti-fascists were able to defend themselves from fascist violence but a number were injured.
Individual acts of courage are not enough to smash the fascist threat. What is needed are massive, integrated, disciplined mobilizations based on the social power of the multiracial working class. The workplace is the only real point of integration in American society, providing the potential basis for unity in struggle to defend working people and the oppressed. Black workers in particular can be the living link that unites the power of the working class with the anger of the ghettos.
The union movement has been flat on its back for many years under a misleadership that is committed to capitalism and has shackled the unions to the Democratic Party. A fight by militant unionists to organize labor/black power to crush the fascists can give the working class a taste of its social power. It is the fascists—not black people, immigrants, Muslims, Jews, leftists and others—who must be made to feel the sting of fear.
Who Are These Scum?
Today, many fascist groups in the “alt-right” claim that they are something different from the Klan and Nazis. They dress in “respectable” suits and ties and promote themselves as intellectuals. One of their leading voices is Richard Spencer, führer of the innocuously named National Policy Institute (NPI). When the NPI held a conference in Washington, D.C., shortly after Trump’s election, Spencer responded to the audience’s stiff-armed Nazi salutes by declaring: “Hail Trump! Hail our people! Hail victory!” (the latter a translation of the Nazi slogan “Sieg Heil”).
Allied with Spencer is Identity Evropa, which describes itself as an organization of “awakened Europeans” and requires that its members be of “European, non-Semitic heritage.” Its leader, Damigo, is a former Marine who was twice deployed to Iraq. After returning, he held up an immigrant taxi driver at gunpoint in San Diego in 2007, believing the man was Iraqi. While in prison for four years, he immersed himself in the writings of “former” Klansman David Duke. Before founding Identity Evropa in March 2016, Damigo—who describes black people as “inferior to whites, genetically”—was a leader of the now-defunct National Youth Front, the youth arm of the white-supremacist American Freedom Party.
Identity Evropa is currently waging a campaign, called “Project Siege,” to recruit from College Republicans. Its members have appeared at colleges and its posters and stickers have been spotted on campuses around the country. These posters consist of Greco-Roman images with slogans like, “Protect Your Heritage.” Their slick website serves as a portal for those who claim racial superiority and who deny the Holocaust. As part of their recruitment drive, Damigo, Spencer and others held a rally on 6 May 2016 at UC Berkeley, the former bastion of left-wing student protest.
Today, outfits like Identity Evropa, the Traditionalist Workers Party and others are still small. But they will strike with force, as seen in Sacramento and Berkeley. It is vital that they be crushed in the egg before they grow. Against those who call for bans on “hate speech” or who argue for “free speech” for fascists, we say that when these race-terrorists rear their heads they must be repulsed through mass protest. Fascism is not about speech or ideas; it is about racist terror. “Anti-extremism” bans, whether instituted by campus administrations or government forces, will always be used to silence leftists, anti-racists and minority activists.
Fascism in the U.S. is rooted in the defeat of the Confederacy by the Union Army in the Civil War, when 200,000 black soldiers and sailors played a key role in destroying slavery. The Klan and other race-terrorists came into being after that victory and bloodily suppressed the newly freed slaves. No less than the KKK, the fascist vermin in the “alt-right” represent a threat to the very right of black people to exist. They aim to reverse the verdict of the Civil War.
Prepare to Fight!
Unlike Germany in the 1930s, when the Nazis rose to power and went on to carry out the unspeakable horrors of the Holocaust, America’s capitalist rulers do not at this time feel the need to resort to fascism. The U.S. is not a defeated imperialist power, as Germany was after World War I, nor does the U.S. bourgeoisie currently face a challenge to its rule from the working class. The daily terror meted out by the cops against black people and minorities is today deemed sufficient to keep the oppressed in check. At the same time, the capitalist rulers hold the fascist shock troops in reserve, to be unleashed at times of social crisis in order to spike any prospect of revolutionary struggle by the working class.
The Trump administration is not fascist, but the fascists sure as hell have a lot of friends in high places. Trump appointed as his chief strategist Stephen Bannon, a well-known “white nationalist” who took over Breitbart News and turned it into “the platform of the alt-right,” as he boasted. Trump’s top counter-terrorism advisor, Sebastian Gorka, is reportedly a member of the Vitezi Rend, a Hungarian organization that harks back to the fascistic interwar dictatorship of Admiral Horthy—Gorka wore its medal at Trump’s inauguration ball. Stephen Miller, one of Trump’s senior advisors, joined Richard Spencer in organizing an anti-immigrant event at Duke University in 2007. He went on to work for notorious racist and defender of the Confederacy, Jeff Sessions, now the attorney general. One could go on.
Bolstered by their high-ranking friends, the fascists have put the left in their deadly sights. We of the Spartacist League were targeted earlier this year, when a fascist secretly videoed one of our comrades distributing Workers Vanguard at the D.C. inauguration protests. The fascist posted the video on YouTube and vowed to “infiltrate” our organization. In Berkeley, the fascists made it clear that they are targeting leftists by chanting “commies, off our street!” It is a matter of life and death for the left to fight for united-front actions, based on the power of the unions, to beat back the fascist threat. In such united fronts, every organization must be free to put forward its political program in the course of struggle. As Bolshevik leader Leon Trotsky put it: “March separately, but strike together!”
During the presidency of Ronald Reagan, much like today, the official racism of the White House encouraged the Klan and Nazis. When the fascists tried to hold rallies in major urban centers, the Spartacist League and Partisan Defense Committee initiated and organized labor/black mobilizations. From Washington, D.C., where the Klan threatened to stage an anti-immigrant provocation, to Chicago, where the Nazis took aim at a Gay Pride demonstration, and elsewhere, we succeeded in sparking protests of thousands to stop the fascists. At the core of these actions were contingents of determined workers from the multiracial unions standing at the head of the black poor, immigrants and all the intended victims of fascist terror.
These mobilizations required a constant political struggle—against the cops, courts and other forces of the capitalist state, as well as capitalist politicians. Fearing the specter of labor/black power, Democratic mayors and other officials preached “tolerance” and “peace.” They called diversionary rallies far from where the fascists intended to march while violence-baiting those who wanted to stop fascist violence. And time and again, they were joined by reformist leftists who promoted reliance on the Democrats. When, in October 1999, we issued a call to stop the Klan from marching in New York City, the International Socialist Organization refused to endorse and instead joined a diversion organized by the Democrats where they shared the platform with a Latino police association. It should be an elementary understanding for leftists that the cops are the enemy. Historically, the policeman and the Klansman have often been the same man.
What is needed is a fight to finish the Civil War through an American workers revolution that achieves the promise of black equality, the liberation of all the exploited and oppressed and puts the last nail in the coffin of the fascist killers. The labor/black mobilizations we initiated are a small example of the leadership and forces needed to build a party of our class in struggle against the capitalist enemy. In the face of the growing fascist menace, we must be prepared to mobilize.  

*America Love It, Or Leave It?-No, Stay And Fight For Our Socialist Future-Join The Resistance!

*America Love It, Or Leave It?-No, Stay And Fight For Our Socialist  Future-Join The Resistance! 



COMMENTARY

Recently I reviewed Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic by Chalmers Johnson, a book on the very topical issue of the rise of the American Empire. As readers know this space is dedicated to the spreading of socialist ideas. I hold Marx, Lenin and Trotsky in very high regard. I have made no secret of that. I nevertheless have gotten a comment from some irate reader stating that I could use some reality therapy by taking a trip to North Korea for a grass diet. I have been in politics for a long time and have had my share of barbs thrown at me. And done the same in return. That comes with the territory. What has got my Irish up is the utter sameness of the response when one tweaks the “belly of the beast”. Below is my response to that irate reader.

“I am tired of every Tom, Dick and Harry that wants to defend the American Empire, consciously or unconsciously and I suspect here consciously, volunteering to act as my personal travel agent. In the bad old days of the Cold War when I mentioned that nuclear disarmament might be a rationale idea I was advised to go thresh wheat on some Soviet collective farm. When I argued that mainland China was the legitimate government there I was kindly told to cull rice in some people’s commune. After protesting the American-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion and asking for fair play for Cuba it was suggested that cutting sugar cane might be my life’s work. When I protested that America was raining all hell down on Vietnam some unkindly souls pointed out that I might prefer an air raid shelter in Hanoi. Now I am advised to go eat grass in North Korea. No, I will not have it. My forbears on my father’s side were run out of England in the early 1800’s and my mother’s forbears came here on the ‘famine ships’ from Ireland. That may not give me the pedigree of the Mayflower crowd but it is damn good enough. My fight is here. I will make my own travel plans, thank you.”

In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!-Herman Bell

In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!-Herman Bell



http://www.thejerichomovement.com/prisoners.html



A link above to more information about the class-war prisoner honored in this entry.

Make June Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month 

Markin comment (reposted from 2010)


In “surfing” the National Jericho Movement Website recently in order to find out more, if possible, about class- war prisoner and 1960s radical, Marilyn Buck, whom I had read about in a The Rag Blog post I linked to the Jericho list of class war prisoners. I found Marilyn Buck listed there but also others, some of whose cases, like that of the “voice of the voiceless” Pennsylvania death row prisoner, Mumia Abu-Jamal, are well-known and others who seemingly have languished in obscurity. All of the cases, at least from the information that I could glean from the site, seemed compelling. And all seemed worthy of far more publicity and of a more public fight for their freedom.

That last notion set me to the task at hand. Readers of this space know that I am a longtime supporter of the Partisan Defense Committee, a class struggle, non-sectarian legal and social defense organization which supports class war prisoners as part of the process of advancing the international working class’ struggle for socialism. In that spirit I am honoring the class war prisoners on the National Jericho Movement list this June as the start of what I hope will be an on-going attempt by all serious leftist militants to do their duty- fighting for freedom for these brothers and sisters. We will fight out our political differences and disagreements as a separate matter. What matters here and now is the old Wobblie (IWW) slogan - An injury to one is an injury to all.

Note: This list, right now, is composed of class-war prisoners held in American detention. If others are likewise incarcerated that are not listed here feel free to leave information on their cases in the comment section. Likewise any cases, internationally, that come to your attention. I am sure there are many, many such cases out there. Make this June, and every June, a Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month- Free All Class-War Prisoners Now!






REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRICA


  • *****When The Fight To Turn The World Upside Down Was In Full Flower- With The Doors The Unknown Soldier In Mind

    *****When The Fight To Turn The World Upside Down Was In Full Flower- With The Doors The Unknown Soldier In Mind 

     
    Wait until the war is over
    And we're both a little older
    The unknown soldier
    Breakfast where the news is read
    Television children fed
    Unborn living, living, dead
    Bullet strikes the helmet's head

    And it's all over
    For the unknown soldier
    It's all over
    For the unknown soldier

    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up
    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up
    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up

    Comp'nee, halt
    Present, arms

    Make a grave for the unknown soldier
    Nestled in your hollow shoulder
    The unknown soldier

    Breakfast where the news is read
    Television children fed
    Bullet strikes the helmet's head

    And, it's all over
    The war is over
    It's all over
    War is over

    Well, all over, baby
    All over, baby
    Oh, over, yeah
    All over, baby
    Ooh, ha, ha, all over
    All over, baby
    Oh, woah, yeah, all over
    All over, heh



    Songwriters
    Robbie Krieger;John Densmore;Jim Morrison;Ray Manzarek

    From The Pen of Zack James

    There was no seamless thread that wrapped the counter-cultural dominated 1960s up tightly, wrapped it up neatly in a pretty bow all set for posterity except for the media types who lived day by day in those merciful times for scraps to feed the teletype hot wires and by on-the-make politicians who to this day attempt to make capital making sport of what in the final analysis was a half-thought out desire to create the “newer world” that some old-time English poet was harping about. That seamless thread business had been distracting Frank Jackman’s attention of late now that a new generation of media-types are at hand who want to refight that social battle and the politicians are whipping   up the raw meat good old boys and girls and the staid as well to provide the troops for that new battle against some phantom in their heads. Despite all the rhetoric, despite all the books written disclaiming any responsibility by those who led the march, despite all those who have now “seen the light” and have hopped back into the fold in academia and the professions (in fact that march back to what everybody used to call bourgeois society started the day after the whole movement ebbed or the day they got their doctorates or professional degrees) there was some question even in Franks’ own mind about whether “the movement” for all its high gloss publicity and whirlwind effect dominated the play as much as he and his kindred had thought then or can lay claim to these forty plus years later.
    Place plenty of weight on Frank’s observation, maybe not to take to the bank but to have some knowledge about the limits to what a whole generation in all its diversity can claim as its own mark on society and history. Place plenty of weight for the very simple reason that he went through the whole thing in almost all of its contradictions. Had been raised under the star of parents who slogged through the Great Depression although that was a close thing, a very close thing for some like Frank’s parents who were desperately poor. His poor besotted mother having to leave home and head west looking, looking for whatever there was out there before coming back home with three dollars in hand, and maybe her virtue how can you ask that question of your mother when you wouldn’t think to look at her when young, later too, that she was capable of sex, not the sex you had at your pleasure with some sweet Maryjane. His father out of the Southern winds, out of tar-roof shack of a cabin, half naked, down in the coal-rich hills and hollows of Appalachia, the poorest of the poor, leaving that desperate place to seek something, some small fame that always eluded him. They together, collectively, slogged through the war, World War II, his father through Pacific fight, the most savage kind, had his fill of that damn island hopping and his mother waiting, fretfully waiting for the other shoe to drop, to hear her man had laid his head down for his country in some salted coral reef or atoll whatever they were. Get this though, gladly, gladly would lay that head down and she if it came right down to it would survive knowing he had laid that precious head down. That was the salts they were made of, the stuff this country was able to produce even if it had very little hand in forming such faithful servants so no one would, no one could deny their simple patriotism, or doubt that they would pass that feeling on to their progeny.
    Made that progeny respect their music too, their misty, moody I’ll see you tomorrow, until we meet again, I’ll get by, if I didn’t care music, music fought and won with great purpose. But Frank balked, balked young as he was, with as little understanding as he had, the minute he heard some serious rhythm back-beat absent from that sugary palp his parents wanted to lay on him and he would, young as he was, stand up in his three brother shared room (when they were not around of course for they older “dug” Patti Page and Rosemary Clooney, stuff like that) and dance some phantom dance based on that beat he kept hearing in his head, and wondered whether anybody else heard what he heard (of course later when it was show and tell time in the 1960s that beat would be the thing that glued those who were kindred together, funny they were legion). Caught the tail end of the “beat” thing that those older brothers dismissed out of hand as faggy, as guys “light on their feet” and gals who seemed black-hearted blank and neurotic. But that was prelude, that, what did somebody in some sociology class call it, the predicate.                      
    As the 1960s caught Frank by his throat, caught him in its maw as he liked to call it to swishy-dishy literary effect he got “religion” in about six different ways. Got grabbed  when the folk minute held sway, when guys like Bob Dylan and Dave Von Ronk and gals like Joan Baez preached “protest” to the hinterlands, reaching down to places like Frank’s Carver, nothing but a working poor town dependent on the ups and downs of the cranberry business. At one time the town was the cranberry capital of the world or close to it. That up and down business depending too on whether people were working and could afford to throw in cranberry sauce with their turkeys come Thanksgiving and Christmas or would be reduced to the eternal fallback beans and franks. But see Carver was close enough, thirty or forty miles south of Boston to Beacon Hill and Harvard Square to be splashed by that new sound and new way of going on dates too, going to coffeehouses or if times were tough just hang around the Harvard Square’s Hayes-Bickford watching with fascination the drunks, hipsters, dipsters, grifters, winos, hoboes, maybe  an odd whore drinking a cup of joe after some John split on her, but also guys and gals perfecting their acts as folk-singers, poets, artists and writers.
    Grabbed on the basis of that protest music to the civil rights movement down South, putting Frank at odds with parents, neighbors and his corner boys around Jack Slack’s bowling alleys. Grabbed too the dope, the hope and every girl he could get his hands on, or get this to tell you about the times since he was at best an okay looking guy, they could get their hands on him, on those bedroom blue eyes of his they called it more times than not, that came with the great summers of love from about 1965 on.
    Here’s where the contradictions started get all mixed up with things he had no control over, which he was defenseless against. So grabbed too that draft notice from his friends and neighbors at the Carver Draft Board and wound up a dog soldier in Vietnam for his efforts. Wound up on cheap street for a while when he came back unable to deal with the “real” world for a while. That failure to relate to the “real” world cost him his marriage, a conventional marriage to a young woman with conventional white picket fence, a little lawn, kids, and dogs dreams which only had happened because he was afraid that he would not come back from “Nam in one piece, would never get to marriage for what it was worth. Grabbed the streets for a while before he met a woman, a Quaker woman, who saved him, for a while until he went west with some of his corner boys who had also been washed by the great push. Did the whole on the road hitchhike trip, dope, did communes, did zodiacs of love, did lots of things until the hammer came down and the tide ebbed around the middle of the 1970s. So yeah Frank was almost like a bell-weather, no, a poster child for all that ailed society then, and for what needed to be fixed.      
    That decade or so from about 1964 to about 1974 Frank decided as he got trapped in old time thoughts and as he related to his old friend Jack Callahan one night at his apartment in Cambridge as they passed a “joint” between them (some things die hard, or don’t die) was nevertheless beginning to look like a watershed time not just for the first wave immediate post-World War II baby-boomers like him, Jack, Frankie Riley, the late Peter Markin, Sam Lowell and a lot of other guys he passed the corner boy night with (the ones like him born immediately after the war as the troops came home, came off the transports, and guys and gals were all hopped up to start families, figure out how to finance that first white picket fence house and use the GI bill to get a little bit ahead in the world, at least get ahead of their parents’ dead-end great depression woes) who came of social and political age then washed clean by the new dispensation but for the country as a whole. More so since those of the so-called generation of ’68, so called by some wag who decided that the bookends of the rage of the American Democratic Convention in Chicago that year and the defeat of the revolutionary possibilities in France in May of that year signaled the beginning of the ebb tide for the whole thing, for those who are still up for a fight against the military monster who is still with us are continuing to fight a rearguard action to keep what little is left of accomplishments and the spirit of those time alive.
    Thinking back a bit to that time, Frank as the dope kicked in, a thousand things, or it seemed like a thousand things, some things new in the social, economic, political or cultural forest came popping up out of nowhere in many cases, came together in pretty rapid succession to draw down in flames the dread red scare Cold War freezes of their  childhoods (that time always absurdly symbolically topped off by the sight of elementary school kids, them , crouched under some rickety old desk arms over their heads some air-raid drill practice time as if, as the residents of Hiroshima and Nagasaki who are still alive from that time can attest to, that would do the slightest bit of good if the “big one,” the nuclear bombs hit.
    Yeah, the Cold War time too when what did they know except to keep their obedient heads down under their desks or face down on the floor when the periodic air-raid shelter tests were performed at school to see if they were ready to face the bleak future if they survived some ill-meant commie atomic blast. (Personally Frank remembered telling somebody then that he would, having seen newsreel footage of the bomb tests at Bikini, just as soon take his  chances above desk, thank you, for all the good the other maneuver would do them.)
    For a while anyway Frank and the angel-saints were able to beat back that Cold War mentality, that cold-hearted angst, and calculated playing with the good green world, the world even if they had no say, zero, in creating what went on. Not so strangely, although maybe that is why people drifted away in droves once the old bourgeois order reasserted itself and pulled down the hammer, none of those who were caught up in the whirl thought it would be for only a while or at least thought it would fade so fast just as they thought, young and healthy as they were, that they would live forever. But if you, anybody when you really think about the matter, took a step back you could trace things a little, could make your own “live free” categories of the events that chipped away the ice of those dark nights.

    Start in with the mid-1950s if you like, which is where Frank liked to start dating his own sense of the new breeze coming through although being a pre-teenager then he told Jack he would not have had sense enough to call it that, with the heat of the black struggle for some semblance of civil liberties down South in the fight for voter rights and the famous desegregation of buses in Montgomery and the painful desegregation of the schools in Little Rock (and some sense of greater  equality up North too as organizations like the NAACP and Urban League pushed an agenda for better education and housing). Also at that same time, and in gathering anecdotal evidence Frank had found that these too are a common lynchpin, the first break-out of music with the crowning of rock and roll as the wave of the future (black rhythm and blues, scat, rockabilly music all mixed up and all stirred up), and the “discovery” of teen alienation and angst exemplified by sullen movie star  James Dean, who lived fast, and died fast a metaphor that would work its way through youth culture over the next generation. (And throw in surly “wild one” movie star Marlon Brando in The Wild One and a brooding Montgomery Cliff in almost anything during those days, take The Misfits for one, to the mix of what they could relate to as icons of alienation and angst .)   
    An odd-ball mix right there. Throw in, as well, although this was only at the end and only in very commercial form, the influence of the “beats,” the guys (and very few gals since that Jack Kerouac-Neal Cassady-William Burroughs-Allen Ginsberg mix was strictly a male bonding thing) who listened to the guys who blew the cool be-bop jazz and wrote up a storm based on that sound, declared a new sound, that you would hear around cafés even if you did not understand it unlike rock and roll, the guys who hitchhiked across the American landscape creating a wanderlust in all who had heard about their exploits, and, of course, the bingo bongo poetry that threw the old modernists like T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound out with a bang.
    Then start to throw in the struggles against the old authority in places like Frisco town where they practically ran the red-baiters in the HUAC out of town (what Frank, and some of his friends although not the Carver corner boys except Markin, would learn to call “bourgeois authority working hand in hand with the capitalists”), the old certitudes that had calmed their parents’ lives, made them reach out with both hands for the plenty in the “golden age of plenty.”
    Of course the biggest event that opened the doors for liberals, radicals, hell, even thoughtful conservatives was the sweet breeze coming down the road from Boston with the election of Jack Kennedy. Ike, the harmless uncle, the kindly grandfather, was for parents Frank wanted guys who set the buzz going, let them think about getting some kicks out of life, that maybe with some thought they would survive, and if they didn’t at least we had the kicks.

    That event opened up a new psyche, that it was okay to question authority, whatever the limitations and shortness of the Camelot times with the struggles against some hoary things like segregation, the death penalty, nuclear proliferation, the unevenness of social life which would get propelled later in the decade with fight for women’s liberation, gay liberation, and the fight against the draft, the damn war in Vietnam that drove a nail into the heart of Frank’s generation. A river of ideas, and a river of tears, have been, and can be, shed over that damn war, what it did to young people, those who fought, maybe especially those who fought as Frank got older and heard more stories about the guys who like him didn’t make it back to the “real” world after “Nam, didn’t have a sweet mother Quaker lady like Frank to save them, those guys you see downtown in front of the VA hospitals, and those who refused to, that lingers on behind the scenes even today.
    There were more things, things like the “Pill” (and Frank would always kid Jack who was pretty shy talking about sex despite the fact that he and Chrissie, his high school sweetheart, had had four kids when he asked what pill if you need to know what pill and its purpose where have you been) that opened up a whole can of worms about what everyone was incessantly curious about and hormonally interested in doing something about, sex, sex beyond the missionary position of timeless legends, something very different if the dramatic increase in sales of the Kama Sutra meant anything, a newer sensibility in music with the arrival of the protest folk songs for a new generation which pushed the struggle and the organizing forward.
    Cultural things too like the experimenting with about seven different kinds of dope previously the hidden preserve of “cool cat” blacks and white hipsters (stuff that they only knew negatively about, about staying away from, thru reefer madness propaganda, thru the banning of some drugs that were previously legal like sweet sister cocaine and taunt Nelson Algren hard life down at the base of society in films like The Man With The Golden Arm), the outbreak of name changes with everybody seemingly trying to reinvent themselves in name (Frank’s moniker at one time was Be-Bop Benny draw what you will out of that the idea being like among some hipster blacks, although with less reason, they wanted to get rid of their  slave names)  fashion (the old college plaid look fading in the face of World War II army surplus, feverish colors, and consciously mismatched outfits and affectation (“cool, man, cool” and “right on’ said it all). More social experiments gathering in the “nation” through rock concerts, now acid-etched, new living arrangements with the arrival of the urban and rural communes (including sleeping on more than one floor in more than one church or mission when on the road, or later on the bum). They all, if not all widespread, and not all successful as new lifestyles all got a fair workout during this period as well.     

    Plenty of Frank’s kindred in retrospective would weigh the various combinations of events differently in figuring out how the uprising started just as plenty of them had their specific dates for when the tide began to ebb, when the mean-spirited and authoritarian began their successful counter-offensive that they still lived with for not taking the omens more seriously. (Frank’s ebb tide, as he had  described to Frankie Riley one time, was the events around May Day 1971 when they seriously tried, or thought they were seriously trying, to shut down the government in D.C. if it would no shut down the war and got nothing but billy-clubs, tear gas, beatings and mass arrests for their efforts. After those days Frank, and others, figured out the other side was more serious about preserving the old order than they were about creating the new and that they had better rethink how to slay the monster they were up against and act accordingly.)

    Then Frank passed Jack a photograph that he had taken from a calendar put out by the New England Folk Song Society that his wife, Sarah, who worked to put the item out to raise funds for folk music preservation (see above) that acted as another catalyst for this his short screed, and which pictorially encapsulated a lot of what went then, a lot about “which side were you on” when the deal went down. This photograph Frank pointed out to Jack was almost impossible to imagine without some combination of that hell broth anti-war, anti-establishment, pro-“newer world” mix stirred up in the 1960s.
    Three self-assured women (the “girls” of photograph a telltale sign of what society, even hip, progressive society thought about women in those slightly pre-women’s liberation time but they would learn the difference) comfortable with the loose and individualistic fashion statements of the day from floppy hats to granny dresses to bare legs, bare legs, Jesus, that alone would have shocked their girdled, silk stocking mothers, especially if those bare legs included wearing a mini-skirt (and mother dread thoughts about whether daughter knew about the pill, and heaven forbid if she was sexually active, a subject not for polite society, not for mother-daughter conversation, then she damn better well know, or else).
    They are also uncomfortable about the damn Vietnam war, no, outraged is a better way to put the matter, that was eating up boyfriends, brothers, just friends, guys they knew in college or on the street who were facing heavy decisions about the draft, Canada exile, prison or succumbing to the worst choice, Frank’s choice if you could call his induction a choice what else could he have done gone to Canada, no,  military induction, at a heavy rate and they unlike their mothers who came through World War II waiting patiently and patriotically for their military heroes to come home, come home in one piece, have a very different sense of the heroic. A sense of the heroic going back to ancient times, Greek times anyway, when one group of women like their stay-at-home-waiting-for-the-other-shoe-to-drop World War II mothers demanded that their men come home carried on their shields if they had to rather than speak of defeat. Others, the ones that count here, refusing their potential soldier boys any favors, read sexual favors, okay, if they went off to war, providing a distant echo, a foundation to make their request stand on some authority, for these three women pictured there.
    Frank wondered how many guys would confess to the lure of that enticement if they had refused induction. His own wife, quickly married at the time was if anything more gung-ho about stopping the red menace than his parents. Frank did not refuse induction for a whole bunch of reasons but then he did not have any girlfriends like that sweet mother Quaker woman later, who made that demand, his girl- friends early on, and not just his wife if anyway were as likely to want him to come back carried on a shield as those warrior-proud ancient Greek women. Too bad. But Frank said to Jack as Jack got up ready to head home to Hingham and Chrissie that he liked to think that today they could expect more women to be like the sisters above. Yeah, more, many more of the latter, please as Frank and his comrades in Veterans for Peace continue to struggle against the night-takers in the nightmare world of endless war.