Saturday, March 01, 2014

***Songs To While Away The Class Struggle By-Neil Young's I Believe In You  

 

Peter Paul Markin comment December 2013:

A while back, maybe a few years ago, I started a series presented under the headline Songs To While Away The Class Struggle By where I posted some songs that I thought would get us through the “dog days” of the struggle for our socialist future. Posted at a time, 2009, when it was touch and go whether there would be some kind of uprising against the economic royalists (chastised under the popular sobriquet “the one-percent”) who had just dealt the world a blow to the head through their economic machinations. Subsequently, while there were momentary uprisings, the response from the American and world working classes has if anything entrenched those interests. So as the dog days continue I have resumed the series. I do not vouch for the political thrust of the songs selected; for the most part they are done by pacifists, social democrats, hell, even just plain old ordinary democrats. And, occasionally, a communist, although hard communist musicians have historically been scarce on the ground. Thus, here we have a regular "popular front" on the music scene. While this kind of formation would mean political death for any serious revolutionary upheaval and would not be acceptable for our political prospects, it will suffice for our purposes here. Markin.

**********

WE WANT THE WORLD AND WE WANT IT NOW!

From The Pen Of Joshua Lawrence Breslin

My old friend from the summer of love 1967 days, Peter Paul Markin, always used to make a point of answering, or rather arguing with anybody who tried to tell him back in the day that “music was the revolution.”  Meaning, of course that contrary to the proponents (including many mutual friends who acted out on that idea and got burned by the flame) that eight or ten Give Peace A Chance, Kumbaya, Woodstock songs would not do the trick, would not change this nasty, brutish, old short-life world into the garden, into some pre-lapsian Eden. Meaning that the gathering of youth nation unto itself out in places like Woodstock, Golden Gate Park, Monterrey, hell, the Boston Common, or even once word trickled down, Olde Saco Park, would not feed on itself and grow to such a critical mass that the enemies of good, kindness, and leave us alone would sulk off somewhere, defeated or at least defanged.

Many a night, many a dope-blistered night before some seawall ocean front Pacific Coast campfire I would listen to Markin blast forth against that stuff, against that silliness. As for me, I was too into the moment, too into finding weed, hemp, mary jane and some fetching women to share it with to get caught up in some nebulous ideological struggle. It was only later, after the music died, after rock and roll turned in on itself, turned into some exotic fad of the exiles on Main Street that I began to think through the implications of what Markin, and the guys on the other side, were arguing about.

Now it makes perfect sense that music or any mere cultural expression would be unable to carry enough weight to turn us back to the garden. Although I guess that I would err on the side of the angels and at least wish they could have carried the day against the monsters of the American imperium we confronted back in the day.                 

Thinking about what a big deal was made of such arguments recently (arguments carried deep into the night, deep in smoke dream nights, and sometimes as the blue–pink dawn came rising to smite our dreams) I thought back to my own musical appreciations. In my jaded youth I developed an ear for roots music, whether I was conscious of that fact or not. Perhaps it initially started as a reaction to my parents’ music, the music that got them through the Great Depression of the 1930s and later waiting for other shoe to drop (either in Normandy or at home waiting in Olde Saco), and that became a habit, a wafting through the radio of my childhood home habit. You know who I mean Frank (Sinatra for the heathens), Harry James, the Andrews Sisters, Peggy Lee, Doris Day and the like. Or, maybe, and this is something that I have come closer to believing was the catalyst, my father’s very real roots in the Saturday night mountain barn dance, fiddles blazing, music of his growing up poor down in Appalachia.   

The origin of my emergence into roots music first centered on the blues, country and city with the likes of Son House , Skip James, Mississippi John Hurt, Muddy Waters, Howlin’ Wolf and Elmore James, then early rock and roll, you know the rockabillies and R&B crowd, Elvis, Jerry Lee, Chuck, Roy, Big Joe and Ike, and later, with the folk revival of the early 1960’s, folk music, especially the protest to high heaven sort, Bob Dylan, Dave Von Ronk, Joan Baez, etc. As I said I have often wondered about the source of this interest.

I am, and have always been a city boy, and an Eastern city boy at that. Meaning rootless or not meaningfully or consciously rooted in any of the niches mentioned above. Nevertheless, over time I have come to appreciate many more forms of roots music than in my youth. Cajun, Tex-Mex, old time dust bowl ballads a la Woody Guthrie, cowboy stuff with the likes of Bob Wills and Milton Brown, Carter Family-etched mountain music (paying final conscious tribute to the mountain DNA in my bone) and so on.

And all those genres are easily classified as roots music but I recall one time driving Markin crazy, driving him to closet me with the “music is the revolution” heads when I mentioned in passing that The Doors, then in their high holy mantra shamanic phase epitomized roots music. That hurt, a momentary hurt then, but thinking about it more recently Markin was totally off base in his remarks.

The Doors are roots music? Well, yes, in the sense that one of the branches of rock and roll derived from early rhythm and blues and in the special case of Jim Morrison, leader of The Doors, the attempt to musically explore the shamanic elements in the Western American Native- American culture that drove the beat of many of his trance-like songs like The End. More than one rock critic, professional rock critic, has argued that on their good nights when the dope and booze were flowing, Morrison was in high trance, and they were fired up The Doors were the best rock and roll band ever created. Those critics will get no argument here, and it is not a far stretch to classify their efforts as in the great American roots tradition.  I argued then and will argue here almost fifty years later when that original statement of mine was more prophetic the Doors put together all the stuff rock critics in one hundred years will be dusting off when they want to examine what it was like when men (and women, think Bonnie Raitt, Wanda Jackson, et. al) played rock and roll for keeps.

So where does Jim Morrison fit in an icon of the 1960s if he was not some new age latter day cultural Lenin/Trotsky. Jim was part of the trinity – Morrison, Janis Joplin, and Jimi Hendrix who lived fast, lived way too fast, and died young. The slogan of the day (or hour) - Drugs, sex, and rock and roll. And we liked that idea however you wanted to mix it up. Then.

Their deaths were part of the price we felt we had to pay if we were going to be free. And be creative. Even the most political among us, including Markin in his higher moments, felt those cultural winds blowing across the continent and counted those who espoused this alternative vision as part of the chosen. The righteous headed to the “promise land.” Unfortunately those who believed that we could have a far-reaching positive cultural change via music or “dropping out” without a huge societal political change proved to be wrong long ago. But, these were still our people.

Know this as well if you are keeping score. Whatever excesses were committed by the generation of ’68, and there were many, were mainly made out of ignorance and foolishness. Our opponents, exemplified by one Richard Milhous Nixon, President of the United States and common criminal, spent every day of their lives as a matter of conscious, deliberate policy raining hell down on the peoples of the world, the minorities in this country, and anyone else who got in their way. Forty plus years of “cultural wars” in revenge by his protégés, hangers-on and their descendants has been a heavy price to pay for our youthful errors. And Markin would surely endorse this sentiment. Enough.
The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******

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Bob Feldman :
A People’s History of Egypt, Part 16, 1953-1954

Nasser forces resignation of General Naguib; no mass Jewish emigration during this period.

nasser and naguib
Prime Minister Gamal Abdel Nasser with Egypt’s first president, Gen. Mohammed Naguib, 1954.  Image from Wikimedia Commons.
By Bob Feldman | The Rag Blog | February 10, 2014
[With all the dramatic activity in Egypt, Bob Feldman's Rag Blog "people's history" series, "The Movement to Democratize Egypt," could not be more timely. Also see Feldman's "Hidden History of Texas" series on The Rag Blog.]
In response to the new Egyptian military regime’s political repression, the Democratic Movement for National Liberation [DMNL] and other left groups of Egyptian civilians formed in Alexandria the United Revolutionary Front in February 1953; and in April 1953, a branch of the United Revolutionary Front was formed in Cairo, prior to the United Revolutionary Front renaming itself as Egypt’s National Democratic Front [NDF].
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The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******

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Harry Targ :
Progressives need to remember that history is complicated

In the words of Pete Seeger, “Though it’s darkest before the dawn, These thoughts keep us moving on…”

seeger and a guthrie
Arlo Guthrie and Pete Seeger. Image from Last.fm.
By Harry Targ | The Rag Blog | January 28, 2014
[This essay by Harry Targ first appeared at The Rag Blog on October 20, 2010. Moved by the passing of Pete Seeger, Harry reflects, "As we mourn the loss of our movement treasure, we each recall what Pete Seeger has meant to us." Also see Rag Blog remembrances of Pete Seeger by Steve Russell, Lamar Hankins, and Harvey Wasserman.]
I became a radical in the 1960s. I kept putting off being active until the late ’60s but I slowly involved myself in the anti-war movement. When I started teaching around this time I noticed that many students became instant radicals; 19 year-old- kids going from lack of political awareness to militancy in a matter of weeks.
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The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******
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Steve Russell :
Fallujah on fire again

Had the Iraqis been willing to sign the Status of Forces Agreement, our troops would as we speak be lined up to bleed over Fallujah for a third time.

Battle of Fallujah
The Marines were told to take Fallujah. Twice. “OO-RAH” was their response.  Image from TheSleuthJournal.
By Steve Russell | The Rag Blog | January 29, 2014
The  New York Times reported that Al Qaeda has taken control of the Iraqi city of Fallujah, for the first time since the U.S. Marines hauled down the Stars and Stripes over the memory of the Second Battle of Fallujah at the end of 2004, having first spilled their blood earlier in the year in the indecisive First Battle of Fallujah in April.
It was a nasty bit of business, taking Fallujah, and it inspired a famous song written by Billy Joel and performed by Cass Dillon.
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The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******


, | 1 Comment

Steve Russell :
Fallujah on fire again

Had the Iraqis been willing to sign the Status of Forces Agreement, our troops would as we speak be lined up to bleed over Fallujah for a third time.

Battle of Fallujah
The Marines were told to take Fallujah. Twice. “OO-RAH” was their response.  Image from TheSleuthJournal.
By Steve Russell | The Rag Blog | January 29, 2014
The  New York Times reported that Al Qaeda has taken control of the Iraqi city of Fallujah, for the first time since the U.S. Marines hauled down the Stars and Stripes over the memory of the Second Battle of Fallujah at the end of 2004, having first spilled their blood earlier in the year in the indecisive First Battle of Fallujah in April.
It was a nasty bit of business, taking Fallujah, and it inspired a famous song written by Billy Joel and performed by Cass Dillon.
Continue reading
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The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******

Bob Feldman :
A People’s History of Egypt, Part 15, 1952-1953


After Nasser’s Free Officers coup, the Revolutionary Command Council consolidates power.

Egyptian Free Officers Council
The Egyptian Free Officers after the coup, 1953. Image from Wikimedia Commons.
By Bob Feldman | The Rag Blog | February 3, 2014
[With all the dramatic activity in Egypt, Bob Feldman's Rag Blog "people's history" series, "The Movement to Democratize Egypt," could not be more timely. Also see Feldman's "Hidden History of Texas" series on The Rag Blog.]
While not encouraging Nasser’s Free Officers military coup of July 23, 1952 — which set up the Revolutionary Command Council [RCC] — prior to the coup the anti-imperialist Democratic Movement for National Liberation [DMNL] secular left Egyptian activists had been supportive of the nationalist Free Officers military group that opposed British imperialism.
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The Latest From The Rag Blog




Click below to link to The Rag Blog  

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:
I find this The Rag Blog website very useful to monitor for the latest in what is happening with past tense radical activists and activities. Anybody, with some kind of name, and who is still around from the 1960s has found a home here. So the remembrances and recollections are helpful for today’s activists. Strangely the politics are almost non-existent, as least any that  would help today, except to kind of retroactively “bless” those old-time left politics that did nothing (well, almost nothing) but get us on the losing end of the class (and cultural) wars of the  last forty plus years. Still this is a must read blog for today’s left militants.

Additional Markin comment:
I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
*******

, | Leave a comment

Harvey Wasserman :
Remembering Pete and Toshi Seeger

So long, Pete & Toshi. It’s been amazingly great to know you.

pete seeger rivertown kids
Pete Seeger recording with the Rivertown Kids, June 2011. Image from RivertownKids.org.
By Harvey Wasserman | The Rag Blog | January 28, 2014
[Also see Rag Blog remembrances of Pete Seeger by Steve Russell, Lamar Hankins, and Harry Targ.]
Toshi and Pete Seeger defy description except through the sheer joy and honor it was to know them, however briefly.
Their list of accomplishments will fill many printed pages, which all pale next to the simple core beauty of the lives they led.
They showed us it’s possible to live lives that somehow balance political commitment with joy, humor, family, courage, and grace. All of which seemed to come as second nature to them, even as it was wrapped in an astonishing shared talent that will never cease to inspire and entertain.
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From The Marxist Archives -The Revolutionary History Journal-The Left Opposition in Greece (1930)
 
PRESENT AT THE CREATION

I have read several books on subjects related to the Russian Revolution by Victor Serge and find that he is a well-informed insider on this subject although the novel rather than history writing is his stronger form of expressing his views. See his The Case of Comrade Tulayev. This book can be profitably read in conjunction with other better written left-wing interpretations of this period. Sukhanov's Notes on the Russian Revolution (for the February period), Leon Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution and John Reed's Ten Days that Shook the World come to mind.

The task Serge sets himself here is to look at the dramatic and eventually fateful events of first year of the Russian Revolution. Those included the Bolshevik seizure of power, the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly and the struggle by the Bolsheviks against other left-wing tendencies in defining Soviet state policy, the fight to end Russian participation in World War I culminating in the humiliating Brest-Litovsk treaty with Germany and, most importantly, the beginnings of Civil War against the Whites. In short, he investigates all the issues that will ultimately undermine and cause the degeneration of what was the first successful socialist seizure of state power in history.

Serge's history is partisan history in the best sense of the word. It is rather silly at this late date to argue that historians must be detached from the subject of their investigations. All one asks is that a historian gets the facts for his or her analysis straight. And then stay out of the way. Serge passes this test. Serge worked under the assumption that the strategic theory of the Bolshevik leaders Lenin and Trotsky was valid. That premise stated that Russia as the weakest link in the international capitalist system could act as the catalyst for revolution in the West and therefore shorten its own road to socialism. The failure of that Western revolution, the subsequent hostile encirclement by the Western powers and the inevitable degeneration implicit in a revolution in an economically undeveloped country left to its own resources underlies the structure of his argument.

The Russian revolution of October 1917 was the defining event for the international labor movement during most of the 20th century. Serious militants and left -wing organizations took their stand based on their position on the so-called Russian Question. At that time the level of political class-consciousness in the international labor movement was quite high. Such consciousness does not exist today where the socialist program is seen as, at best, utopian. However, notwithstanding the demise of the Soviet state in 1991-92 and the essential elimination of the Russian Question as a factor in world politics on a day to day basis anyone who wants learn some lessons from the heroic period of the Russian Revolution will find this book an informative place to start.
 


Click below to link to the Revolutionary History Journal index.

http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/revhist/backissu.htm


Peter Paul Markin comment on this series:

This is an excellent documentary source for today’s leftist militants to “discover” the work of our forebears, particularly the bewildering myriad of tendencies which have historically flown under the flag of the great Russian revolutionary, Leon Trotsky and his Fourth International, whether one agrees with their programs or not. But also other laborite, semi-anarchist, ant-Stalinist and just plain garden-variety old school social democrat groupings and individual pro-socialist proponents.

Some, maybe most of the material presented here, cast as weak-kneed programs for struggle in many cases tend to be anti-Leninist as screened through the Stalinist monstrosities and/or support groups and individuals who have no intention of making a revolution. Or in the case of examining past revolutionary efforts either declare that no revolutionary possibilities existed (most notably Germany in 1923) or alibi, there is no other word for it, those who failed to make a revolution when it was possible.

The Spanish Civil War can serve as something of litmus test for this latter proposition, most infamously around attitudes toward the Party Of Marxist Unification's (POUM) role in not keeping step with revolutionary developments there, especially the Barcelona days in 1937 and by acting as political lawyers for every non-revolutionary impulse of those forebears. While we all honor the memory of the POUM militants, according to even Trotsky the most honest band of militants in Spain then, and decry the murder of their leader, Andreas Nin, by the bloody Stalinists they were rudderless in the storm of revolution. But those present political disagreements do not negate the value of researching the POUM’s (and others) work, work moreover done under the pressure of revolutionary times. Hopefully we will do better when our time comes.

Finally, I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries from the Revolutionary History journal in which they have post hoc attempted to rehabilitate some pretty hoary politics and politicians, most notably August Thalheimer and Paul Levy of the early post Liebknecht-Luxemburg German Communist Party. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts. So read, learn, and try to figure out the
wheat from the chaff. 

******** 

The Left Opposition in Greece (1930)

Towards a Genuine Communist Party

Raymond Molinier and Pavel Okun from International Bulletin of the Left Opposition No.2, 1930
The development of the Communist movement and the Left Opposition in Greece followed a special course. The pre-war working class of Greece did not have any Social Democratic traditions. It could be said that until 1917 the Greek masses were not approached by any school with a revolutionary spirit. Only after the October Revolution did the ground become fertile for propaganda among the workers and poor peasants. The Socialist Workers’ Party (SEKE) was founded, which become the leadership of the masses, who, inspired by the great Russian Revolution, were looking for a way out of the destruction and misery.
But the SEKE could not express with precision the wishes of the working class: it did not have at its disposal the indispensable ideological weapon – Marxism – or the cadres to use it. The revolutionary impulse of the masses made this party take a turn towards Communism, and allowed it to come under the influence of a small nucleus led by Ligdopoulos and Tzoulatis, around a periodical called Kommunismos (Communism), and to enter the Communist International.
The change of name to the KKE and its entry into the Communist International did not change at all the confused character of the workers’ party. The absence of Communist traditions and the lack of experienced cadres allowed Stalinists of every shade to use the young Communist Party for their own interests, and to make this party experience the most opportunist adventures, on many occasions in the immediate interests of the bourgeoisie.
This party, without either a strong working class base or a determined political line, submitted obediently to the Stalinist faction of the Communist International, and trustingly transferred its slogans onto Greek soil. In 1927 an opposition manifested itself against the leadership of the KKE. Slowly but surely this opposition in its criticisms started to touch upon the criticism of the Left Opposition in other countries. It was concentrated around the journal Spartacus, and it tried to influence the leadership and save the party from bankruptcy. Expelled by the party machine – which was constantly degenerating – the Spartacus group today only survives with arguments, to some extent correct, borrowed from the Russian and International Left Opposition. It failed to form a strong nucleus inside the party, which was able to attract the working class organisations.
But apart from the reactionary leaders, no organisation, whether reformist or of a Socialist character, was able to attract the Greek working class, which was militant and growing continuously. The KKE sank completely into disrepute after the infamous ‘Third Period’, and its energetic activity only involved a few hundred members, of which a large part were servants of the Stalinist machine.
Who will undertake to organise the Greek proletariat, which in a few years has grown from 80,000 workers to 600,000? Under present conditions, it cannot but be that party which, with the teachings of Marx and Lenin, will be able to create class-conscious militant working class cadres. It is the organisation of Archeio-marxists which will undertake this task.
In Greece a Communist tendency was created parallel to the official Communist Party, and it set as its aim to fill the vacuum which was created by the deficiencies and mistakes of the official party. Already in 1921 the comrades who entered the party from the group Kommunismos fought with conviction for the Marxist education of their cadres. Attacked by the leadership, these comrades published the periodical Archives of Marxism (Archeio tou Marxismou) through which they made known for the first time in Greece the basic works of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky and the general classics of Socialism. The political leaders of the KKE – a party which is half-democratic and half-anarchistic – decided to expel these comrades, the founders of Archives of Marxism, and from then on a struggle emerged between the small nucleus of revolutionary Marxists and the official party.
The Archeio-marxists set itself as a first aim the distribution of Marx’s ideas and those of the Russian revolutionaries. They viewed the question of education as a primary precondition for revolutionary action. This position excessively academic made them turn to narrow study groups of Marxism, and to leave the workers’ movement for a period in the hands of the politicians of the KKE.
Until 1925, the Archeio-marxists were able to concentrate around themselves the advanced workers of the industrial centres. From 1925 to 1927 their illegal activity had a significant impact on the downfall of Pangalos’ dictatorship. But the revolutionary education of the previous years was not in vain. Exploiting a few freedoms of the new system, the old circles of the Archeio-marxists reorganised themselves. They started to republish their periodical, and they undertook a broad work of entry into the working class. After two years of fierce activity, they won a significant influence inside the trade unions, among the unemployed, the poor students, the refugees, etc. Their organisation grew parallel with their influence, despite their inflexible form and the strict internal discipline which was imposed by the conditions of illegality.
What was the political development of the Archeio-marxists? Cut off from all international connections, the young and inexperienced movement could, under conditions favourable to reformism and the various forms of trade unionism, fall prey to the confusion of one or another of these tendencies. But neither the history of the Greek workers’ movement nor the objective conditions created by greedy capitalism, left any space for other forms of workers’ struggle apart from Communism or the open betrayal of reactionary leaders.
The Archeio-marxists, despite the fact that they remained outside the Communist International’s control, were inspired in all its activity by the ideas of the Russian Revolution. The fact that they maintained their independence from 1923 favourably influenced their development, since they were thus protected against the poison of Lenin’s falsifiers, the leaders of the Stalinist faction. From 1923, the Archeio-marxists began to be interested in the struggle of the Left Opposition in the USSR.
Consequently, they studied in their ranks and accepted without preconditions the Russian Opposition’s criticisms concerning the German Revolution of 1923, the defeat of the Chinese Revolution, the Anglo-Russian Committee, and all the questions which dealt with Soviet Russia. They translated into Greek the works of comrade Trotsky, and they made them known to broad layers of revolutionary workers. This work of assimilating the ideas of the International Left Opposition went alongside their penetration into the trade union organisations and the economic struggles of the working class.
As it reached a significant stage of development inside the country, the Archeio-marxists understood the danger of their national isolation, and in June 1930 announced their decision to enter the International Bureau of the Left Opposition.
This particular development of an isolated oppositionist tendency, which came to enter the International Left Opposition, provoked the interest of the International Bureau, and recently two representatives went to Greece to make a detailed study of the condition and the perspectives of the Greek Left Opposition. The results of this study show that we are, in Greece, confronting a totally new phenomenon within the opposition movement. Next to an official Communist party, which has left only a few weak traces of its existence in the political life of the Greek proletariat, an opposition movement is being built, organised in all the industrial cities of the country and in the countryside, and wielding a significant influence inside the trade union movement.
The organisation of the Archeio-marxists was built in the same fashion as the old Russian Socialist parties which functioned under the illegality. Through broader circles where elementary Marxism is studied, during a period of a few months of experience, the most determined comrades are selected. In passing to more narrow circles and the study of the more serious problems of Marxism, these comrades are obliged to undertake responsible tasks, and after a trial period of around 18 months, become accepted inside the branches, which constitute the base of the organisation. It is impossible for security reasons to give all the details about their organisation, but to have an idea of their strength it is sufficient to say that even after such a detailed process of selection, the branches of Archeio-marxists contain more than 1,500 comrades. They have an influence inside the trade unions, which number more than 20,000 members. The unions of building workers, cobblers, tobacco workers, bakery workers, woodworkers, steelworkers and other sectors of industry and public services are led by comrades from the Archeio-marxists. The trade union papers which are published by the comrades are read by more than 7,000 workers. The leadership of the organisation of the disabled, widowed and orphans of war is also under the direct influence of our comrades. Here, as well, a paper with a large circulation is published by our comrades.
The activity of the Archeio-marxists amongst the unemployed recently provoked the hatred of all the bourgeois press, and a fierce reaction by the police. The demonstration of the unemployed in Thessalonica, and a similar demonstration in Athens, was led by the Archeio-marxists, and the bourgeoisie in its press recognises all too well the danger which this revolutionary organisation represents to it. The demonstration of the students in 1929, which was followed by bloody battles with the police, aimed not only against the university authorities, but also against the bourgeois state (all the Communist press of the West spoke about it at that time) was led by the student fraction of Archeio-marxists, with the close cooperation of the workers of this organisation. Our comrades work intensively among the poor refugees.
We have just learned that our comrades distributed proclamations of the Left Opposition written in Russian to sailors of the Red Fleet of the Black Sea, which had visited the Greek ports.
In all these arenas the influence of the official Communist Party is insignificant and on many occasions non-existent. Showing their envy, the representatives of Moscow’s bureaucrats attempted in Athens to create a unified GSEE [Greek TUC] but the skeleton organisations which they brought together in this federation showed it to be a transparent organisation existing only on paper.
As in other countries, but with more venom, as the KKE is weaker, Stalinist methods of ‘ideological’ struggle (that is to say violence) have been used against the Opposition. A leaflet published by the Kavalas (Greek Macedonia) organisation of the official party stated the following:
Comrades, the Archeio-marxists are the worst kind, men of the police. No toleration towards them is necessary. Kick them out of the factories. Hit them wherever you see them. Hit them in the tobacco factories if you find them, etc.
These frenzied appeals to violence were followed by action. Two of our comrades were murdered by the organised gangs of the party.
The reply of the Archeio-marxists did not take long. The oppositionist workers would not tolerate Stalinist terrorism which was carried out under the eyes of the Greek police. They defended themselves throughout the whole country, and after serious struggles were able to impose silence on the small Stalinist sect.
The struggle of the Archeio-marxists against the official party and all those who were sympathetic towards it has become more difficult because – mistakenly – our comrades did not have their own political newspaper, through which they could defend publicly their political positions and reply to the sycophancies of their political opponents. (The newspapers referred to previously were more narrowly trade union papers). We must take into account that the comrades of the Archeio-marxists considered for a while (and in our opinion quite mistakenly) that their political activity with a newspaper and all the forms of struggle used by a political party was premature. Only when they obtained a true influence inside the country and inside the working class did they decide to publish a weekly paper, Palik ton Taxeon (Class Struggle), and a monthly theoretical journal Davlos (Torch).
This decision posed for them the question which in Greece more than in any other country takes on an added significance – should they work as a faction of the official party or instead enter onto the path for a new party?
The congress of the Archeio-marxists which took place in Athens last month in the presence of two representatives of the International Bureau, broadly discussed these issues. This congress constitutes a decisive stage in the development of the Archeio-marxist movement, which, according to the decision of the congress, will from now on be called the Organisation of Bolshevik-Leninists of Greece (Oppositionists).
The most important decisions of this congress were expressed in the resolutions of principles unanimously adopted.
As stated above, the congress, with its resolution, marks a decisive stage in the development of the Archeio-marxists. The period of theoretical preparation and concentration of revolutionary cadres has finished. A period of broad political work is beginning. Along with it, a large tendency, the Organisation of Bolshevik-Leninists of Greece (Oppositionists) is taking the place of the Archeio-marxists in Greece.
Will it assume the character of a new Communist party which will replace the KKE, which has lost what little prestige it had? It is the branches of this organisation which will decide in the coming months. But the Greek Opposition, as their resolution states, “will carefully observe the development of the KKE, and support all the moves which could attract the working masses towards a revolutionary movement.”
The experience of many years of struggle by the Greek Left Opposition, and the important successes which have been achieved, show that they are on a correct path. A clear and concrete political line together with the aid of the International Opposition will allow them to create a healthy Communist movement able to attract the best elements of the party and the new opposition which has emerged from the party (the Spartacus group). For as long as this group does not unify with the Archeio-marxists, an honest and serious discussion must govern the relations between the Archeio-marxists and Spartacus.
Confronting all the militants of the Greek Left Opposition, a task of great importance is ahead of them – the creation of a true Communist party worthy of the teachings of Marx and Lenin.
This party will be independent of the Stalinist machine and the bureaucrats of the official Greek party. That will not at all prevent it from being viewed as a section of the Third International and from working decisively for its reconstruction. The example of the Archeio-marxists proves that the less a revolutionary organisation depends on the Stalinist machine, the more militant and committed they are to the work of the International of Lenin and Trotsky.