Thursday, December 12, 2013

***The Life And Times Of Michael Philip Marlin-The Long Gone Daddy 

 

As readers know Tyrone Fallon, the son of the late famous Southern California private operative, Michael Philip Marlin (Tyrone used his mother’s maiden name for obvious reasons), and private eye in his own right told my old friend Peter Paul Markin’s friend Joshua Lawrence Breslin some stories that his illustrious father told him. Here’s one such story.  

 From The Pen Of Frank Jackman-with kudos to Raymond Chandler
 

Michael Philip Marlin was not a generous man. He would always say that the economics of the shaky private investigation business precluded him from generosity unlike public coppers who had a steady paycheck, maybe took a kick-back or two, were on some mobsters payroll or just cadges coffee and crullers, and could look forward to some dough in retirement too. He had given all that up and gladly after three years on the force, The Los Angeles Police Department working out of the D.A.’s office as a special investigator. Jesus the stuff that went on there, but that is for another time but let’s just say for now when anybody from the judicial establishment from the judges and D.A.s on down hold onto your wallets, hold on tight.

Marlin decided for his own health and welfare that if he was going to get shot at, take a punch, or get called on the carpet for anything it would be on his own terms. And so he had survived developing his code of honor, his attitude toward women, and his toughness on the fly. Generosity was not included in that mix. He always expected to be paid, paid in full, for any job that he did if for no other reason than to pay the always pressing rent over in the Lawlor Building where he had his office. Occasionally he might take it out in trade when some frail with a hard luck story didn’t get what she was looking for from his services and had no dough to pay but one way or another he got his pound of flesh. (Tyrone said Marlin no pun intended and blushed a little at the reference to a fourteen year old boy by Tyrone was hip to all that even then.) That is what made the Ellsworth case exceptional. He never made a nickel on that one, never wanted to make a nickel once the case got to him. And the hell of it was that it did not involve a dame, or only on the side a dame.   

What it involved was an old prospector, a guy, Jerimiah Hanks, who had hit the mother lode in about 1890 and had been living off the fat of that discovery ever since over in a mansion in Bayview City. Marlin had heard of him, heard what a wild man he had been in his younger days, wild with his fists, with the booze, and with the dames after he struck it rich. But that had been a long while back and Marlin had been surprised when he was summoned to the Hanks estate for some work. Barney Sims, a copper that he had worked back in the D.A.’s office had put in a good word for him when Hanks’ secretary sought some help on a personal matter and it was outside police purview.        

So one bright sunny afternoon Marlin found himself in the study of
Jerimiah Hanks cooling his heels while the old bird told him of his needs. Told him after offering him cigars and high- shelf brandy. What was on Hanks’ mind was that his daughter’s husband had flown the coop leaving no forwarding address, that was the daughter’s second husband Danny Shea not her first one by whom she had one son. On hearing this Marlin started heading for the door saying that he did not do divorce work (part of that worked out code of honor) and would pass. Hanks’ laughed and said he would not pay good money to bring a guy back just so his sulky daughter could divorce him.   He thought Danny had done the right thing in any case. No what he wanted was to make sure he was okay, did not need anything.  That got to Marlin a little, Hanks, a guy who had seen it all, done it all, reaching out to someone like Danny Shea who from all appearances was cut from the same cloth, an errant son that the old man never had. Hanks’ had been cursed  (his expression) with two wild and wayward daughters, one already in the grave after being killed in an automobile accident along that long lonely stretch of the Pacific Coast Highway just south of Bayview City after ramming her vehicle into an embankment at an estimated ninety miles an hour. (Marlin vaguely remembered the incident and knew that stretch dangerous at 35 MPH.) A subsequent private autopsy, kept hushed so hushed that even Barney Sims was unaware of it, revealed that she had more booze and cocaine in her system than most men could endure. While the old man’s hard luck story finally won him over Marlin still collected a one thousand dollar retainer from Hanks’ secretary before he left the mansion to begin searching for one Danny Shea.  

People, people who know nothing of private detection, or pubic detection for that matter think it is easy, easy like finding money on the ground to find someone who does not want to be found even with all the modern conveniences of scientific techniques. Marlin knew different, knew that if you wanted to go underground you could spent ten years, maybe more, without drawing attention if you were careful. In other words long after anybody was going to pay for the search or long after the coppers put the case in the cold files.   

That seemed to be the way the case was heading after a first run through. First Danny’s punitive wife, Hanks’ daughter Lauren once he interviewed her was clueless about where her long gone daddy husband might be. Moreover it appeared that she was drowning herself in a sea of booze not worrying about his whereabouts. Upon further investigation he found out that she was drowning those sorrows in the company of Lex Lyons, the mobster who owned the exclusive watering hole, the Club Pacifica, and she was making no display of worrying about who or what anybody might think about it.          

 

 

Once Marlin coped to that information the first place he headed was to see his old friend, the ex-mobster Lenny Lawrence (ex because Marlin had been instrumental in closing down his operation and causing him to spend a nickel up in Folsom. Or almost a nickel since he was also instrumental in getting him paroled early as well) who knew everything that was knowable around town when it came to hard guys, and to where to look for disappeared guys. Lenny came up empty, empty as hell on this one because the clamp was set in stone on this one which meant only one thing Lex Lyons was doing his sweet honey Lauren Hanks some kind of turn. What she was doing for him, aside from lapping up his high-shelf liquor supply, you can figure out yourself. She was a looker although Marlin could tell that her dissipation would lead to some early wrinkles and tummy tucks.        

 

Still Marlin every few days would swing by the Hanks mansion to report on his lack of progress. Each time he showed up he would find the old man eager to hear any scrap of news and became sullen and remote upon hearing that no new leads were forthcoming. It tore Marlin to see the old reprobate fall down like that and after a while he spaced out his non-reports to avoid that look.

 

Then one day Lenny called him up and told him he had some news, maybe a lead and to meet him the next day at the CafĂ© Alhambra over on Wiltshire in Los Angeles. The meet never happened because that night Lenny met his maker, met his maker face down out on Mulholland Drive with two slugs from a .38 special through his heart. Nobody saw, hear, or dreamed of seeing anything. Nada. The next day’s mail however brought a short note from Lenny. Apparently he had stumbled onto something about Lex, and Lex’s wife. He thought his time might be short so he sent the note as backup. The note said follow the wife, the wife was the connection between Danny and Lex. Thanks Lenny, RIP.

 

And that information solved the case, well not exactly solved it but brought the mystery of Danny’s disappearance to an end. See this Lex’s wife, Moira, Moira nee Murphy was an old flame of Danny’s from back in the old neighborhood up in Irishtown in Frisco who grabbed onto Lex as the next best thing when Danny flew the coop on her a few years before. She still carried the torch for him, and as it turned out and he for her once his ill-advised marriage to Lauren weighed him down.

What nobody knew, knew except a few confederates was that Moira too had flown the coop from Lex. They had assumed (and Lex too so yes they assumed) that they had fled together maybe north maybe south down to dirt cheap bracero Mexico. If you wanted to get good and lost Mexico if you could stand the gaff, and those hungry eyes that seemed to see right through you Mexico was your best bet.  Marlin tried to run down all the leads, the few leads that he could put together but after about six months came up empty. He couldn’t take any more of the old man’s dough and in fact returned most of it except expenses. That was a first.  

Well Marlin had not exactly come up empty. That was just for public consumption and to signal Danny and Moira wherever they were that the heat was off. He basically bamboozled the old man with the story that Danny was okay, and didn’t need dough. The old man seemed to accept that and a sly smile came to his face (he would die a couple of months later seemingly content with whatever had happened).      

Here’s the real story. Lenny had learned more than he put in that note. He had figured out that Danny and Moira had been pushed together by Lex, and Lauren, after Lex figured that with Danny out of the way he could “retire” into the Hanks estate by making time with Lauren. One night, one foggy night if that matters, Marlin met Lauren outside the Club Alhambra and made a deal with him. Twenty-five thousand and an occasional toss under the silky sheets with her (she had her man figured, like she had with most men, booze-battled or not) to “stop” looking for Danny and the dame (her term). For services rendered she called it. Marlin as much as he needed the dough turned her down, it flew against his code, or something like that.  Danny and Moira in any case were never found.     

[What’s wrong with this picture? Weren’t you paying attention at the beginning? Marlin was not a generous man, couldn’t be in his profession given its ups and downs. It came out later, later after Lex had died in a hail of bullets. Died right in front of the portico of the Hanks mansion, killed by some guys from back East with scores to settle as they tried to take over Lex’ s West Coast operations. What came out was that Marlin did accept Lauren’s deal, accepted it with both hands, accepted the whole thing. In fact he was in her bedroom under those silky sheets with one Lauren Hanks when Lex met his untimely death. Yes Marlin was a piece of work. a real piece of work. Always got his pound of flesh, no pun intended.]  

Obama -Hands Off Edward Snowden!

Snowden Strikes Again - another breaking story


according to The Switch blog at The Washington Post, in a story just emailed as breaking news, NSA uses Google cookies to pinpoint targets for hacking.
The story is co-authored by Barton Gellman, who is on contract with the Post and has previously written stories using the material he was given by Snowden.
The opening two grafs:
The National Security Agency is secretly piggybacking on the tools that enable Internet advertisers to track consumers, using "cookies" and location data to pinpoint targets for government hacking and to bolster surveillance. The agency's internal presentation slides, provided by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, show that when companies follow consumers on the Internet to better serve them advertising, the technique opens the door for similar tracking by the government. The slides also suggest that the agency is using these tracking techniques to help identify targets for offensive hacking operations.
Please keep reading.
According to the documents, the NSA and its British counterpart, GCHQ, are using the small tracking files or "cookies" that advertising networks place on computers to identify people browsing the Internet. The intelligence agencies have found particular use for a part of a Google-specific tracking mechanism known as the “PREF” cookie. These cookies typically don't contain personal information, such as someone's name or e-mail address, but they do contain numeric codes that enable Web sites to uniquely identify a person's browser.
The NSA is then able to use the information to track the person's internet communication.  It can also be used to hack the person's computer, although the slides released by Snowden do not directly indicate that is being done.
he NSA's use of cookies isn't a technique for sifting through vast amounts of information to find suspicious behavior; rather, it lets NSA home in on someone already under suspicion - akin to when soldiers shine laser pointers on a target to identify it for laser-guided bombs.
As regular online denizens know, corporations already use cookies to track what we are doing, and there are some sites that are inaccessible if you do not accept cookies - for example, I cannot pay bills online from my checking account without accepting cookies, although I can and do each time I close down that browser eliminate all cookies by deletion.  IT is not clear it that approach would protect one from this kind of attack. The key is the PREF cookie from Google:
Google assigns a unique PREF cookie anytime someone's browser makes a connection to any of the company's Web properties or services. This can occur when consumers directly use Google services such as Search or Maps, or when they visit Web sites that contain embedded "widgets" for the company's social media platform Google Plus. That cookie contains a code that allows Google to uniquely track users to "personalize ads" and measure how they use other Google products.
Given the widespread use of Google services and widgets, most Web users are likely to have a Google PREF cookie even if they've never visited a Google property directly.I have now already pushed the limits of fair use.
I wanted to get this story out to people quickly.
PErhaps someone more technically adept than am I (my period as a computer guru ended some 19 years ago, and my knowledge is no longer current) might choose to weigh in here.
Free Lynne Stewart Now-Obama Sent Grandma Home!
Sent: Mon, Dec 9, 2013 2:23 pm
Subject: Update about 'Petition to Free Lynne Stewart: Save Her Life - Release Her Now!' on Change.org
“HELP BRING ME HOME FOR THE HOLIDAYS” a life and death appeal from renowned people’s attorney Lynne Stewart.
“I need to ask once again for your assistance in forcing the Bureau of Prisons to grant my Compassionate Release. They have been stonewalling since August and my life expectancy, as per my cancer doctor, is down to 12 months. They know that I am fully qualified and that over 40,000 people have signed on to force them to do the right thing, which is to let me go home to my family and to receive advanced care in New York City.
“Yet they refuse to act. While this is entirely within the range of their politics and their cruelty to hold political prisoners until we have days to live before releasing us – witness Herman Wallace of Angola and Marilyn Buck – we are fighting not to permit this and call for a BIG push.”
Lynne Stewart, FMC Carswell
 
Take Action between now and the New Year. Telephone and send emails or other messages to Federal Bureau of Prisons Director Charles E. Samuels, Jr. and Attorney General Eric Holder.
CHARLES E. SAMUELS, Jr., Director Federal Bureau of Prisons
(202) 307-3250 or 3062; info@bop.gov
ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER, U.S. Department of Justice
(202) 353-1555; AskDOJ@usdoj.gov
Contact U.S. Embassies and Consulates in nations throughout the world
 
LET US CREATE A TIDAL WAVE OF EFFORT INTERNATIONALLY. Together, we can prevent the bureaucratic murder of Lynne Stewart.
 
Notes:
In a new 237-page report entitled “A Living Death,” the American Civil Liberties Union documents unconstitutional practices permeating federal and state prisons in the United States.
Focused on life imprisonment without parole for minor offenses, the ACLU details conditions of 3,278 individual prisoners whose denial of release is deemed “a flagrant violation of the Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishment” occurring on an increasing scale.
The ACLU labels the deliberate stonewalling as “willful,” a touchstone of the Federal Bureau of Prisons and the Department of Justice flagrant violation of the Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishment.
These conclusions corroborate the findings of Human Rights Watch in 2012: “The Answer is ‘No’: Too Little Compassionate Release in U.S. Prisons.”
The Report is definitive in exposing arbitrary and illegal conduct that infuses every facet of the treatment accorded Lynne Stewart.
“…the Bureau has usurped the role of the courts. In fact, it is fair to say the jailers are acting as judges. Congress intended the sentencing judge, not the BOP to determine whether a prisoner should receive a sentence reduction.”
 
Lynne Stewart’s medical findings show less than twelve months to live as stipulated by her oncologist at FMC Carswell.
The Federal Bureau Prisons has failed to file the legally required motion declaring solely that the matter is “with the Department of Justice.”
 
This message was sent by Ralph Poynter using the Change.org system. You received this email because you signed a petition started by Ralph Poynter on Change.org: "Petition to Free Lynne Stewart: Save Her Life - Release Her Now!." Change.org does not endorse contents of this message.
http://email.change.org/wf/open?upn=nqNtpHKllfWOb3qJSRFx1OwRZIHK-2F9u2-2FMPH9vnR9Df88iGSVnHx3LO5CvMcscb-2FNVvxZ7bkGjm2YiZJcgSLczNmiTeZ4A216TWu2Lt-2FpAeveL8jFzVB-2Fn91VXIB-2FRjIEly8nxE4c-2BFo2x7rA8jA5bR45Y-2FKE7yFkg5NZVQWAM9VS4Awb2mynOPWuNGWAkjaG70Fg4yYcXIicpF5zfrUz0z-2F60C0SW742zce5CCPJjRhWFoW-2F6balLSngCYC4YS3
 
 
Excerpt: "The U.S. Constitution's Fifth Amendment requires that murderers, terrorists, pedophiles all get 'to have the assistance of counsel for [their] defense.' It was, apparently, beyond the ken of the Constitution's framers to believe that defense counsel might also need protection."
Imprisoned attorney Lynne Stewart. (photo: Channer TV)
Imprisoned attorney Lynne Stewart. (photo: Channer TV)
 

Cruel and Unusual By Definition

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News
11 December 13
 
American public policy requires cancer patient (Lynne Stewart) to die in prison
hink about it: the U.S. Constitution's Fifth Amendment requires that murderers, terrorists, pedophiles all get "to have the assistance of counsel for [their] defense." It was, apparently, beyond the ken of the Constitution's framers to believe that defense counsel might also need protection.
But that's a question that current American public policy - or perhaps more aptly, American public pathology - raises in the case of Lynne Stewart, the 73-year-old woman whom the Obama administration has chosen to allow to die slowly in prison from metastasizing breast cancer, rather than grant a compassionate release for which she applied months ago.
Stewart is in prison basically because she provided constitutionally-mandated assistance to the blind cleric Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman. Despite her representation, he was convicted of terrorist activities and remains in jail, but no grateful nation gives Stewart thanks for the result. Instead, the Bush administration, in full post-9/11 panic, subjected her to a political prosecution that lasted years and achieved conviction essentially because she had followed pre-9/11 court procedures with regard to client-counsel communication that had secretly become illegal. A clever lawyer or judge could have - and several actually did - make a more complicated case about her behavior, but when an appeals court that included a Bush cousin ordered the lower court to give her a longer sentence based on no new evidence, the punitive abuse of the justice system was apparent to anyone willing to see it.
In effect, the U.S. is now seeking the death penalty for thought crime
Her husband, Ralph Poynter, has sent out an email in support of her petition, "Help Bring Me Home for the Holidays." Her doctors have said she has maybe a year to live now, but the Bureau of Prisons and the rest of the Obama administration remain unmoved. "I need to ask once again for your assistance in forcing the Bureau of Prisons to grant my Compassionate Release. They have been stonewalling since August and my life expectancy, as per my cancer doctor, is down to 12 months. They know that I am fully qualified and that over 40,000 people have signed on to force them to do the right thing, which is to let me go home to my family and to receive advanced care in New York City. Yet they refuse to act," Stewart wrote in early December from her cell at Carswell prison in Fort Worth, Texas.
Americans sentenced to die in prison for capriciously insubstantial "crimes" is an outcome all too common in a country filled with for-profit prisons. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has published "A Living Death," which documents this unconstitutional practice by federal and state justice systems.
The ACLU describes its 157-page study this way: "For 3,278 people, it was nonviolent offenses like stealing a $159 jacket or serving as a middleman in the sale of $10 of marijuana. An estimated 65% of them are Black. Many of them were struggling with mental illness, drug dependency or financial desperation when they committed their crimes. None of them will ever come home to their parents and children. And taxpayers are spending billions to keep them behind bars."
Indefensible government behavior is not new news
In 2012, Human Rights Watch published "The Answer Is No" - a 128-page report that concluded that there is too little compassionate release in U.S. Federal prisons. Human Rights Watch summarized the report's contents:
"Congress authorized compassionate release because it realized that changed circumstances could make continued imprisonment senseless and inhumane, Human Rights Watch and FAMM said. But if the Bureau of Prisons refuses to bring prisoners' cases to the courts, judges cannot rule on whether release is warranted. Since 1992, the Bureau of Prisons has averaged annually only two dozen motions to the courts for early release, out of a prison population that now exceeds 218,000. The Bureau of Prisons does not keep records of the number of prisoners who seek compassionate release."
Ralph Poynter's appeal on behalf of his wife says: "The Report is definitive in exposing arbitrary and illegal conduct that infuses every facet of the treatment accorded Lynne Stewart."
And he quotes from the report: "… the Bureau has usurped the role of the courts. In fact, it is fair to say the jailers are acting as judges. Congress intended the sentencing judge, not the BOP to determine whether a prisoner should receive a sentence reduction."
According to Poynter, "The Federal Bureau Prisons has failed to file the legally required motion declaring solely that the matter is 'with the Department of Justice.'" Poynter and Stewart have asked their supporters to bring her situation to the attention of authorities who have the power to make a callous system respond more humanely, at least in this case:
  • Charles E. Samuels Jr., Director Federal Bureau of Prisons

(202) 307-3250 or 3062; info@bop.gov This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
  • Attorney General Eric Holder, U.S. Department of Justice

(202) 353-1555; AskDOJ@usdoj.gov This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
They also suggest that supporters contact U.S. Embassies and Consulates in nations throughout the world.
 

William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
 
Alfred,

Since 2005, when the World Can't Wait was formed with the intention of driving out the Bush regime, this organization has set out to reverse the direction of endless war, torture and repression and the culture of bigotry, intolerance and greed.

We are people of conscience, committed to building a community of resistance – an independent mass movement of people – acting in the interests of humanity to stop the crimes of this government.

AwardIn line with this mission, we aim to foster broader support and awareness of the actions, small and large, that individuals have taken and are taking to resist injustice at personal risk, whether or not they have received public attention for their acts. Those who have taken creative and bold action for humanity and the planet may be vilified by the government, the press, and reactionary groups, but we honor them for their courage and principles.

In 2014, we aim to award these courageous resisters for their service to humanity. We are soliciting nominations to this end. Who do you think we should put the spotlight on for their courage in the face of the crimes of this government?

Make your nomination online.

Jill McLaughlin nominated Shaker Aamer for a courageous resister award, writing:
“Shaker Aamer for consistently advocating for his fellow prisoners, under the most torturous and repressive tactics of the U.S. government,that the U.S. release those being held at Guantanamo and that Guantanamo be closed.”
Shaker Aamer
This past summer, British musician PJ Harvey released a song on her website pjharvey.net as well as reprieve.org.uk which bears the name of Shaker Aamer, the last British resident to be detained at Guantanamo Bay. The lyrics are based on Shaker's letters:

"No water for three days.
I cannot sleep, or stay awake.

Four months hunger strike.
Am I dead, or am I alive?

With metal tubes we are force fed.
I honestly wish I was dead.

Strapped in the restraining chair.
Shaker Aamer, your friend."

In Camp 5, eleven years.
Never charged. Six years cleared.

"They took away my one note pad,
and then refused to give it back.

I can’t think straight, I write, then stop.
Your friend Shaker Aamer. Lost.

The guards just do what they’re told,
the doctors just do what they’re told.

Like an old car I’m rusting away.
Your friend, Shaker. Guantanamo Bay."

Don’t forget.

Listen/download the song.


Saudi-born Aamer traveled to Afghanistan in 2001 to work for an Islamic charity shortly before the US invaded the country. He was captured by local North Alliance forces and handed over to the Americans who accused him of being “recruiter, financier and facilitator” for Al Qaeda. Aamer was subjected to torture but ultimately no charges were brought against him. He was cleared for release in 2007 — under Bush — and featured in our Close Guantanamo statement published last spring in The New York Times.

Shaker Aamer is on hunger strike again — not currently subjected to tortuous force-feeding (as of last known reports), and so his life is in serious danger, as The Guardian reports:
“Aamer has been on the latest hunger strike for less than a month and his weight has fallen from 188lb on 8 November to around 158lb now. ‘According to their rules, they should start to force-feed me at 154lb. That will mean being strapped into the chair twice a day, then the 110cm tube up my nose, the liquid forced into me, and the tube hauled back out. I've been through it before. It's horrid … If I have to, I will try to endure.

‘But they are ignoring me. If it's anything like before, they might make me go down to 130lb. I won't pretend I am not afraid of what might happen then. I might lose my heart, or my kidney. I don't want to go as a vegetable, or even in a coffin.’”
Protesting for Djamel
Above: Protesting for for Djamel at Algerian Embassy in DC on December 10.
Djamel Ameziane, an innocent man, was held at Guantanamo for almost 12 years - and was just sent to Algeria, where is being held in secret. His life and well-being are in danger. Learn more about Djamel at ccrjustice.org. World Can't Wait, Witness Against Torture & Code Pink organized this action.

Obama Urged to Fire James Clapper by Veteran Intelligence Professionals

Ray McGovern, Ann Wright, Todd Pierce, Daniel Ellsberg and others sent a letter to President Obama.
Last March – before Edward Snowden revealed the NSA’s sweeping collection of phone and other data – Director of National Intelligence James Clapper said no such operation existed. Now, a group of ex-national security officials urge President Obama to fire Clapper.  They noted a series of lies by James Clapper about NSA spying

"In a June 6 2013 [the day after Snowden's revelations became public] telephone interview with Michael Hirsh of the National Journal, Clapper stated:
'What I said [to the Senate Intelligence Committee on March 12] was, the NSA does not voyeuristically pore through U.S. citizens’ e-mails. I stand by that.'”

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Think Globally; Act Now to Put Humanity and the Planet First!
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Additional Dates Added for January 2014 Close Guantanamo Tour with Andy Worthington & Debra Sweet:
** If you can help with the tour, or have your organization co-sponsor dates, please contact Debra Sweet.

NYC Thurs January 9:
Film screening of Doctors of the Darkside with Andy Worthington, Todd Pierce, former U.S. military defense attorney for Guantanamo prisoners.
7:00 pm All Souls Church, 1157 Lexington Avenue, New York NY.  Co-sponsored by All Souls Church, Psychologists for Social Responsibility & Revolution Books.

DC Friday January 10:

Film screening of Doctors of the Darkside, with Andy Worthington and Debra Sweet at Busboys and Poets with Todd PIerce.
6:00 pm at Busboys & Poets 5th & K Streets, Washington DC.

DC Saturday January 11:
12 noon Close Guantanamo Now Protest at the White House with Witness Against Torture, Center for Constitutional Rights, Amnesty International, National Religious Coalition Against Torture.

San Francisco Tuesday January 14:
Hastings College (UC Law School) event from noon to 1:00 pm.

Los Angeles Wednesday January 15: 
11:30 am Los Angeles MLK Luncheon with Interfaith Communities United for Justice & Peace
Soon to be announced events in San Diego & Orange County.

Pomona, CA Friday January 17:
with Dennis Loo at CSU Pomona
Debra Sweet, Director, The World Can't Wait

From The Marxist Archives -The Revolutionary History Journal-With the Molinier group (1930s French Trotskyist Faction)

... no question the dissenting communists who gathered around the figure of Leon Trotsky who had either been expelled from the Communist parties in the early 1930s or came over from some other socialist formations in the heat of those turbulent times were certainly a mixed bag. The Molinier  faction centered on a personality was no exception. However, as Trotsky pointed out, you work with the human material that capitalism had bequeathed you. And try like hell to make them decent cadre. Not always successfully.  
 



Click below to link to the Revolutionary History Journal index.

http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/revhist/backissu.htm

Peter Paul Markin comment on this series:

This is an excellent documentary source for today’s leftist militants to “discover” the work of our forebears, particularly the bewildering myriad of tendencies which have historically flown under the flag of the great Russian revolutionary, Leon Trotsky and his Fourth International, whether one agrees with their programs or not. But also other laborite, semi-anarchist, ant-Stalinist and just plain garden-variety old school social democrat groupings and individual pro-socialist proponents.

Some, maybe most of the material presented here, cast as weak-kneed programs for struggle in many cases tend to be anti-Leninist as screened through the Stalinist monstrosities and/or support groups and individuals who have no intention of making a revolution. Or in the case of examining past revolutionary efforts either declare that no revolutionary possibilities existed (most notably Germany in 1923) or alibi, there is no other word for it, those who failed to make a revolution when it was possible.

The Spanish Civil War can serve as something of litmus test for this latter proposition, most infamously around attitudes toward the Party Of Marxist Unification's (POUM) role in not keeping step with revolutionary developments there, especially the Barcelona days in 1937 and by acting as political lawyers for every non-revolutionary impulse of those forebears. While we all honor the memory of the POUM militants, according to even Trotsky the most honest band of militants in Spain then, and decry the murder of their leader, Andreas Nin, by the bloody Stalinists they were rudderless in the storm of revolution. But those present political disagreements do not negate the value of researching the POUM’s (and others) work, work moreover done under the pressure of revolutionary times. Hopefully we will do better when our time comes.

Finally, I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries from the Revolutionary History journal in which they have post hoc attempted to rehabilitate some pretty hoary politics and politicians, most notably August Thalheimer and Paul Levy of the early post Liebknecht-Luxemburg German Communist Party. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts. So read, learn, and try to figure out the worthwhile from the chaff.
*****************
With the Molinier group

Harry Ratner, born in 1919, joined the Labour League of Youth in 1936 and the Youth Militant Group which was working within it. He moved to the Workers International League and went to France in 1938. On his return to Britain in 1940 he joined the Revolutionary Socialist League. Called up into the army, he carried out revolutionary work in France and Belgium. He followed the RSL with its fusion in 1944 with the WIL into the Revolutionary Communist Party and worked with Gerry Healy until he left the Socialist Labour League in 1960, Here, Harry Ratner recalls his days in France.

I have been asked to write my recollections of the Molinier Group to which I belonged from 1938 to 1940. I apologise in advance for their scrappiness and any unintentional errors of fact – after all this was nearly fifty years ago and I have had to rely on a poor memory, not having kept any documents of that period.

Harry Ratner

Raymond Molinier, together with Pierre Frank and Pierre Naville, were among the earliest supporters of the Left Opposition in the French Communist Party. When Trotsky was exiled from the Soviet Union and found refuge on the Prinkipo Islands in Turkey they had all visited him there and Pierre Frank had joined him as one of his secretaries. Molinier and Naville together with Alfred Rosmer and Maurice and Magdelaine Paz had been supporters of Trotsky since at least 1929.
Naville was more at home in an artistic petit-bourgeois milieu than among workers. While in the Communist Party he had become known as a leading Marxist critic of Surrealism. He had been in Moscow in 1927 and sympathised with the Left Opposition and had subsequently been expelled from the PCF. According to Isaac Deutscher Naville possessed a theoretical education in Marxism but had little political experience and hardly any ties with the working class movement. By contrast Molinier was very much at home in the movement and full of energy and enterprise. However, he had the reputation of being a bit of an adventurer and not choosy about ways and means. He was always full of grandiose plans for mass meetings, large circulation newspapers and so on. The implementation of the schemes required much more money than the movement could raise from its members but he was always putting forward plausible but vague plans for raising money. He was always ready to engage in commercial ventures (as I was to see for myself when with him in 1940).
Deutscher describes the differences:
Rosmer and Naville took a more cautious view of the chances, discounted the possibilities of ‘mass action’ which Molinier held out, and were inclined to content themselves for the beginning with a rnore modest but steady clarification of the Opposition’s ideas and with propaganda among the more mature elements of the left. They were afraid that Molinier’s ventures might bring discredit on the Opposition and they distrusted him. ’Ce n’est pas un militant communiste, c’est un homme d’affaires et c’est un illetrĂ©. (He’s not a communist militant, he's a businessman, and he’s illiterate), Rosmer said. Unpleasant tales about Molinier were being told in Paris: one was that he had deserted from the army and then before a court martial conducted his defence in a manner unworthy of a communist, describing himself as a conscientious objector of the religious type. Allegations and hints were thrown about the shady character of his commercial activities, but it was difficult to pin down the allegations to anything specific. (I. Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, p.51)
Nevertheless Molinier had been extremely helpful to Trotsky in his exile, paying many visits to him on Prinkipo. When Trotsky came to France Raymond Molinier, his brother Henri and his family helped financially, arranged accommodation for him and were of great practical help.
Under Trotsky’s pressure the rival factions agreed to work together and entered the French Socialist Party (SFIO) in 1934/5 when the entrist tactic was adopted. Until then the Trotskyists, expelled from the Communist Party and subjected to a barrage of slander which effectively cut them off from the CP rank and file, were completely isolated and numbered no more than a hundred. The entry into the SFIO – and in other countries into their respective social reformist parties, the British Labour Party, the Belgian and American Socialist parties, etc. – was designed to break out of this isolation and find a way into the mass movement. It was hoped that with the development of the crisis of capitalism and growing class tensions large left-wing currents would develop in these parties which the Trotskyists could influence and eventually help to transform, when the inevitable splits came, into independent revolutionary parties.
In 1934 the suicide of a shady businessman called Stavisky exposed a web of corruption implicating many ministers, deputies and others involved with the government party, the Radicals. Quasi-fascist and right-wing organisations such as Colonel de la Rocque’s Croix de Feu and the Royalist leagues staged a semi-insurrection on 6 February 1934. During violent riots the Chamber of Deputies was besieged by a right-wing mob. This galvanised the French working class into action. On 12 February the workers of Paris staged a general strike and joint mass demonstrations in which socialist and communist workers spontaneously united. The Communist Party was in the process of abandoning its ultra-left policy of attacking the socialist parties as "social fascist". Later in the year the CP and SFIO formally concluded a united front pact against fascist attacks. This was later extended to the right by including Daladier’s Radicals to form the Popular Front.
Thus the Troksyists entered the SFIO at a time when there was an upsurge of activity and confidence in the working class which culminated in 1936 in the election of a Popular Front government, to be followed immediately by a wave of stay-in strikes and factory occupations by millions of workers. The Troskyists made some modest gains inside the SFIO but did best in the Jeunesses Socialistes, its youth movement. For a period they had a majority or at least control of the Seine (Paris) Federation before being expelled.
By 1935, however, the differences between the Naville and Molinier wings had surfaced again. The differences were over whether the Trotskyists should immediately leave the SFIO and proclaim an independent party (this was before they were actually expelled). Molinier set up his own paper La Commune advocating the setting up of the independent party. It may have been the case that Molinier was arguing that expulsion from the SFIO was imminent and inevitable and that he was merely advocating that they prepare the workers for this eventuality. As I have no documents to refer to this is mere speculation on my part. Eventually when the Trotskyists left or were expelled the split resulted in the formation of two rival independent parties, the Parti Ouvrier Internationaliste (POI) of Naville and Jean Rous and the Parti Communiste Internationaliste (PCI) led by Molinier and Frank.
These political differences were unfortunately compounded with other, more personal disputes. Trotsky’s son, Leon Sedov, was living with Molinier’s ex-wife Jeanne Martin and they were looking after Trotsky’s grandson, Seva, whose mother (Trotsky’s daughter) had committed suicide. When Leon Sedov died in mysterious circumstances (presumably at the hands of Stalin’s GPU agents) Trotsky wanted his grandson to come and live with him and Natalya in Mexico. Jeanne Martin refused to send him. There was also an acrimonious dispute over the fate of Trotsky’s archives which had been in Leon Sedov’s keeping. Trotsky and the ‘orthodox’ Trotskyists wanted them in their keeping but Jeanne as Sedov’s widow blocked their attempts. Naville and Trotsky’s supporters accused her of trying to keep them for Molinier’s faction and the matter was fought out in the courts.
There can be no doubt that this split in the Trotskyist ranks limited the progress the movement should have made in the favourable situation of 1936.
By 1938, when I went to live in France, the working class upsurge, which had reached its peak with the strike movement and factory occupations of June 1936, was very much on the ebb. The leadership of the French Communist Party under Thorez and the Stalinist leadership of the French trade union confederation, the CGT, had succeeded in limiting the aims of the strike movement to winning immediate concessions such as the 40-hour week, holidays with pay, trade union recognition which, though important and worthwhile gains in themselves, did not challenge the ownership and control of industry by the bosses. The political energies of the militant workers were channelled into support for the Popular Front government led by Leon Blum, which in its turn, restricted itself to administering the capitalist system with minor reforms. Both the Trotskyist parties agitated for a break with the Radical Party and for a SFIO-CP government based on a united front of the workers’ parties, for the extension of the strike movement of 1936 and the transformation of the strike committees and other workers’ organisations into organs of dual power. They met with limited success. I cannot now remember whether any analysis of this period has been written which examines other possible factors for this failure to break through but I have no doubt that the tragic split between the Naville and Molinier groups did not help, As soon as the strike movement subsided big business and the employers’ organisations set about eroding the gains of June 1936 in the factories while their political allies gradually pushed the Popular Front government to the right. Leon Blum, the Socialist premier, was replaced by Daladier of the Radical Party; the same Daladier who had been prime minister in the 1934 government tainted with the Stavisky scandal. Despite the rank and file’s tremendous support and sympathy for the anti-fascist struggle in Spain, Blum and the Popular Front government supported the Non-Intervention Agreement and restricted the supply of arms to the anti-fascist forces while the CP physically attacked and viciously slandered the Trotskyists and anyone else who opposed the Popular Front policy from the left as "splitters" and fascist agents. Despite some mild criticisms the Communist Party tagged along and continued to support the Popular Front governments even when these swung further to the right. arguing that the need for unity of all democratic forces against Nazi Germany was paramount. Many worker militants were disillusioned and demoralised by this, though the Trotskyists did not succeed in capitalising on this to increase their support.
By November 1938 the employers felt confident enough to begin attacking the most important of the gains of 1936, the 40-hour week. This was after Munich and on the pretext of the need to increase production of armaments they proposed the introduction of compulsory, overtime thus in effect nullifying the 40-hour week. The CP and the CGT put up a token resistance. They were still supporting the line of subordinating the needs of the class struggle to the forging of an alliance of Russia and the democracies of France and England against Nazi Germany. The CGT called a 24-hour general strike which was only patchily supported. No doubt many workers felt in their bones that their organisations did not intend a serious struggle and were therefore reluctant to engage in a futile gesture.
Soon after I had started to live in France in September 1938, I attended a public meeting organised by the POI to commemorate the October Revolution which was addressed by Naville and AndrĂ© Breton, the painter, and came away very unimpressed. The audience of two or three hundred were mainly petit-bourgeois artistic types and students. I saw few people who looked like workers. Although I cannot after fifty years remember the details of the speeches I remember that they did not seem to be addressed to workers or their problems; AndrĂ© Breton spoke mostly about his recent visit to Trotsky in Mexico but in a non-political way. All I can remember is that he spoke of Trotsky’s "rosy cheeks" and health and Diego Rivera’s paintings and murals. On the other hand the PCI was publishing La Commune two or three times weekly with articles orientated towards the workers and the factories. I was unaware of the previous histories of the two factions nor can I remember that they had any serious theoretical differences at this time. I joined the PCI because I saw them as the more serious and active of the two parties.
After Munich and the November 1938 strike the general shift to the right continued. The CP was driven out of the Popular Front it itself had helped to set up, the SFIO breaking off all relations with it. Attacks on left-wing organisations, and papers were stepped up. In April 1939 a series of mutinies occurred in the army in protest at the government’s order calling for additional service for reservists of the class of 1936 who had already served more than the two years normal conscription period. Reservists in Strasbourg, Metz and other points on the Maginot Line went on hunger-strike and refused to drill. The ringleaders were imprisoned and the movement suppressed. No mention of these mutinies appeared in either the bourgeois press or in the Socialist Le Populaire or the CP’s HumanitĂ©. The papers of the left-wing organisations which reported and commented on the mutinies were confiscated and their editors prosecuted. These included the POI’s Lutte Ouvrière, the PSOP’s Juin ’36, the anarchist Libertaire and others. The headquarters of the PSOP (the Socialist Workers and Peasants Party) in Cherbourg and other cities were raided. Pierre Frank and Raymond Molinier were indicted under a law making "threats to the integrity or defence of the French Empire" an offence. LĂ©on Rigaudias, a member of the POI, was arrested on a charge of sedition (punishable by death) for anti-war propaganda among the conscripts and held in solitary confinement in the fortress of Metz. A new law was promulgated making even mention of his arrest punishable by a 30,000 franc fine and/or three years’ imprisonment.
The morale and momentum of the working class movement continued to ebb. This must have also had its effect on the Trotskyist organisations. Late 1938 or 1939 the PCI was disbanded and we entered the PSOP and its youth section the JSOP as a faction. The PSOP (Parti Socialiste Ouvrier et Paysan) had under Marceau Pivert originally been a left-centrist current in the SFIO but with the right-wing drift of this party had eventually split off. It was a relatively small party but a lot bigger than us. It was anti-Stalinist and opposed the Moscow Trials and spoke a semi-revolutionary language.
The agitational paper La Commune had been discontinued but we still published a monthly or two monthly theoretical review La Vérité. I do not remember what our membership was at that time. It must have been mostly in Paris. I remember that during the summer holidays in July 1939 I and another comrade, a student called Jacquot, hitch-hiked throughout Central France visiting contacts. One was a young worker in the big Michelin tyre factory in the industrial town of Clermont-Ferrand and he was our only member there. We also visited a peasant who had a farm in a remote region of the Puy-de-Dôme in the Auvergne. He was either a member or a sympathiser. We expected that with the imminence of war all left-wing and revolutionary parties would be driven underground and we were trying to establish means of communication. Altogether Jacquot and I contacted only about half a dozen people in that region. I do not know whether we had many members in the industrial North or in towns like Marseilles so I doubt if our national membership was much above a hundred.
The declaration of war on 3 September 1939 ushered in what was virtually martial law. The CP, PSOP and other left-wing and anti-war groups were driven underground. Maurice Thorez, the CP leader, found refuge in Moscow. Hundreds of militants were taken into custody. A decree made it an offence to "prepare, furnish or store communist literature". In the factories militant workers were weeded out, particularly those who might normally have been exempted from military service on the grounds of special qualifications (the equivalent of reserved occupations in Britain). The 40-hour week, won by the 1936 strikes, had already been eroded in November 1938; compulsory overtime stretched the working week to 60 hours and more. Forty per cent of all overtime pay was compulsorily deducted and paid into a "National Solidarity Fund" for the war effort. In addition to normal taxes a special tax ranging from 2 per cent to 15 per cent was levied on men of military age in reserved occupations or unfit for military service. The peasants were hit by the mobilisation of three million men from family farms and the requisition of 50 per cent of their horses with meagre compensation.
On the whole these measures met with little resistance. One may ask how long this passivity would have lasted before these attacks began to generate resistance in the form of strikes, demonstrations and further mutinies if the collapse of the French armies in May-June 1940 and German occupation had not intervened. Certainly the resentment building up in the conscript armies was a factor in the collapse as well as the fear of revolution among sections of the ruling establishment and their preference of a Nazi victory as the "lesser evil".
The driving underground of all left-wing organisations, including the PSOP, created, new conditions for our work and we – the Molinier Group – became again de facto an independent organisation. We continued to meet illegally through the winter of 1939-40, the period of the "phoney war". Our branch in the eastern part of Paris consisted of Pierre Lambert, who was then called Pierre Boussell, a girl called Suzanne Simkovitch and myself. We illegally issued some leaflets denouncing the war as an imperialist war. We distributed some in blocks of workers’ flats starting on the top floor and working down so that if any of the tenants were hostile and called the police we would not be trapped. With no phones anyone wanting to call the police would have to pass us on the way down. This proved a wise move as on one occasion we were well away and in the street when we were stopped and searched by a police patrol who found nothing incriminating on us. We would also leave copies on the seats on the metro and buses and also shove them through the Central Post Office letter boxes hoping the postal sorters would pick them up and read them. I also threw bundles over the walls of the barracks in Vincennes, near where I lived. Organisations like the Youth Hostels movement and rambling clubs like Les Amis de la Nature which were formally non-political but had a left-wing ethos were still allowed to meet and those of us that belonged would still attend their meetings and try to make sympathetic contacts.
Early in 1940 a meeting of comrades in the North of Paris was raided by the police and everyone arrested. Shortly afterwards Pierre Boussell (Lambert) and Suzanne were arrested. I was fortunate to arrive at their flat only minutes after the police had left and ransacked the place.
I went again to Clermont-Ferrand in March or April 1940 only to find that our peasant contact had been conscripted and our comrade in the Michelin factory had been arrested. His mother told me that he had been subjected to electric shocks while being interrogated. Obviously the French police did not need a lot of tuition from the Gestapo with whom they would soon be working.
There has been some discussion about whether there was any contact between the WIL in Britain and the Molinier Group. Both were then outside the ranks of the Fourth International. The WIL had refused to join in the united organisation set up in 1938 at the Unity Conference chaired by J.P. Cannon and Molinier’s group had been condemned by Trotsky and the International following his split with Naville. It would therefore seem natural that the two organisations should get together. I was in the WIL when I left England to live in France and kept in touch, sending a couple of articles on the November 1938 strike and the situation in France which were printed in Workers International News. I was not advised to join the PCI and did so on my own bat.
In the winter or spring of 1940 Millie Lee contacted me while on a visit to Paris. I think this was just after the arrests which had decimated our organisation. At the time my contact with the group was through a woman called Gabie (Gabby?) and Jeanne Martin, Molinier’s ex-wife who had left him to live with Trotsky’s son Leon Sedov. It seems likely I would have tried to put Millie in contact with them if she had wanted this but I cannot now remember whether I did so. I am now reminded she had some family connections in Paris and it is possible she went to see them and only contacted me because she had known me in the WIL. When Molinier, Frank and I later came to London the WIL was hostile and Betty Hamilton was expelled from the WIL for being in contact with us.
Molinier and Frank were wanted by the French police in connection with the charges already mentioned and had escaped to Belgium and then to England which they had entered illegally with false papers. In April 1940 the group asked me to return to England. They felt that as a British subject I would be useful there providing safe accommodation to them since I could legally rent a flat in my name and with ration books and so on. It took some time to organise my journey because though I held a British passport wartime travel restrictions necessitated getting official papers and travel permits from the Paris Prefecture giving the reasons for my journey and so on. By enlisting by subterfuge the unwitting help of a French businessman whose books I was auditing and by forging various signatures and official stamps I eventually had all the necessary papers. All these preparations had taken time and it was now June and the German armies were at the gates of Paris. I managed to catch one of the last boats that left Le Havre before it was occupied. On the eve of my departure Jeanne Martin sewed into the lining of my jacket a list of addresses of contacts and comrades all over Europe.
Having arrived in London I rented a flat in my name and Pierre Frank moved in with me. Molinier and Frank produced a cyclostyled bulletin called, I think, International Correspondence Bulletin. We were now completely cut off from the comrades in France and Nazi-occupied Europe and many of the addresses on the list I had smuggled in were now useless but the Bulletin was sent to the various addresses we had in North and South America and elsewhere. Copies and a covering letter were sent to Trotsky in Coyoacan seeking to re-establish relations with him and a friendly letter signed by his pen-name "Crux" was received back. Relations with the WIL were cool. Frank and Molinier were critical of their general attitude and particularly of their attitude to the Labour Party. Betty Hamilton, as I have mentioned, was in close contact with us, in fact she had helped harbour and protect Frank and Molinier before I came over. She was expelled from the WIL. I cannot remember on what exact pretext but it was basically because of her relationship to our group.
In July or August 1940 Molinier sailed to South America, I think originally to Bolivia, as I remember I borrowed £25 to bribe a Bolivian Consulate employee in order to obtain an entry visa.
Before he left England he engaged in one of those commercial ventures that have already been mentioned. Pierre Frank was a qualified chemist and had developed a fatless substitute for shaving soap which we anticipated would soon be in short supply. It was a sort of pumice stone which you had to wet and rub on your face. This softened the outer sheath of the hair before applying the razor. We tried to interest the big wholesale and retail chemists. I particularly remember an occasion when I accompanied Molinier to see the head buyer at Timothy White’s. His office was a glass-walled one in the centre of a big office and Raymond had arrived with one side of his face clean-shaven and the other side with two days’ growth of beard to demonstrate the effectiveness of Frank’s invention. He sat down, took a large white towel out of his briefcase and draped it over his shoulders and after asking for a bowl of water to wet his face, took out his razor and proceeded to shave himself before the astonished gaze of an office full of typists. We got no order from Timothy White’s but we did persuade several stallholders in Petticoat Lane to display our Fatless Shaving Stick which we had set in some prettily turned and coloured wooden holders.
We had set up a bench in my flat with chemical equipment, flasks and test tubes, etc., to manufacture the stuff and when the Special Branch detectives raided our flat to arrest Pierre Frank they must have thought they had uncovered a bomb-making workshop! They eventually took all the chemicals away for analysis.
Pierre Frank was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment for entering the country illegally. He was not set free at the end of his sentence but was interned under Regulation 18B till the end of the war. I was sentenced to one month’s imprisonment and a fine for harbouring him.
After Molinier’s departure for Bolivia I heard no more of him.
In August 1944 I was in the British army, in Normandy and managed to attach myself to a unit of Resistance fighters who were making their way into Paris. We arrived just after the city had been liberated by the armed uprising of the Resistance. As well as seeing my mother and grandmother who had lived in Paris during the whole occupation I was able to contact Jacques Privas, a member of the Molinier faction I had known from 1939, I learnt from him that the movement in France had lost many comrades to the repression, one of the latest casualties being Henri Molinier, Raymond’s brother, who had been killed during the insurrection.
Unfortunately I cannot remember much of Privas’ account of the politics and activities of the movement during the Nazi occupation but I gained the impression that they did not participate to any great extent or have much impact in the various resistance movements, in particular the CP-controlled FTP. There seems to be a great lack of information about the Trotskyist movement in occupied Europe, a gap which I hope will one day be filled.
Harry Ratner