Monday, December 04, 2017

*****The Blues Aint Nothing But Lucille On Your Mind- With The Late B.B. King’s Lucille In Mind

*****The Blues Aint Nothing But Lucille On Your Mind- With The Late B.B. King’s Lucille In Mind 





 



 
From The Pen Of Sam Lowell

Here is the drill. Bart Webber had started out life, started out as a captive nation child listening to singers like Frank Sinatra who blew away all of the swirling, fainting, screaming bobbysoxers who really did wear bobby sox since the war was on and nylons were like gold, of his mother’s generation proving that his own generation, the generation that came of age to Elvis hosannas although to show human progress they threw their undergarments his way, was not some sociological survey aberration before he, Frank,  pitter-pattered the Tin Pan Alley crowd with hip Cole Porter champagne lyrics changed from sweet sister cocaine originally written when that was legal, when you could according to his grandmother who might have known since she faced a lifetime of pain could be purchased over the counter at Doc’s Drugstore although Doc had had no problem passing him his first bottle of hard liquor when he was only sixteen which was definitely underage, to the bubbly reflecting changes of images in the be-bop swinging reed scare Cold War night, Bing Crosby, not the Bing of righteous Brother, Can You Spare A Dime? when he spoke a little to the social concerns of the time and didn’t worry about Yip Harburg some kind of red pinko bastard raising hell among the workers and homeless guy who slogged through World War I  but White Christmas put to sleep stuff dreaming of very white Christmases along with “come on to my house” torchy who seemed to have been to some Doc’s Drugstore to get her own pains satisfied Rosemary Clooney (and to his brother, younger I think, riding his way, Bob and his Bobcats as well), the Inkspots spouting, sorry kit-kating scat ratting If I Didn’t Care and their trademark spoken verse on every song, you know three verses and they touched up the bridge (and not a soul complained at least according to the record sales for a very long time through various incantations of the group), Miss Patti Page getting dreamy about local haunt Cape Cod Bay in the drifty moonlight a place he was very familiar with in those Plymouth drives down Route 3A  and yakking about some doggie in the window, Jesus (although slightly better on Tennessee Waltz maybe because that one spoke to something, spoke to the eternal knot question, a cautionary tale about letting your friend cut in on your gal, or guy and walking away with the dame or guy leaving you in the lurch), Miss Rosemary Clooney, solo this time, telling one and all to jump and come to her house as previously discussed, Miss Peggy Lee trying to get some no account man to do right, do right by his woman (and swinging and swaying on those Tin Pan Alley tunes of Cole Porter, Irving Berlin, the Gershwin brothers and Jerome Kern best with Benny Goodman in wartime 1940s which kept a whole generation of popular singers with a scat of material), the Andrew Sisters yakking about their precious rums and cokes (soft drinks, not cousin, thank you remember what was said above about the switch in time from sweet sister to bathtub gin), the McGuire Sisters getting misty-eyed, the Dooley sisters dried-eyed, and all the big swing bands from the 1940s like Harry James, Tommy Dorsey (and his brother Jimmy who had his own band for some reason, maybe sibling rivalry, look it up if you like) as background music on the family radio in the 1950s.

The radio which his mother, Delores of the many commands, more commandments than even old Moses come down the mountain imposed on his benighted people, of the many sorrows, sorrows maybe that she had picked a husband more wisely in the depths of her mind although don’t tell him, the husband, his hard-pressed father or that she had had to leave her own family house over on Young Street with that damn misbegotten Irish red-nosed father, and the many estrangements, something about the constant breaking of those fucking commandments, best saved for another day, always had on during the day to get her through her “golden age of working class prosperity” and single official worker, dad, workaday daytime household world” and on Saturday night too when that dad, Prescott, joined in.

Joined in so they, mother and father sloggers and not only through the Great Depression and World War II but into the golden age too, could listen to Bill Marley on local radio station WJDA and his Memory Lane show from seven to eleven where they could listen to the music that got them (and their generation) through the “from hunger” times of the 1930s Great Depression (no mean task not necessarily easier than slogging through that war coming on its heels)  and when they slogged through (either in some watery European theater or the Pacific atoll island one take your pick) or anxiously waited at home for the other shoe to drop during World War II. A not unusual occurrence, that shoe dropping, when the lightly trained, rushed to battle green troops faced battle-hardened German and Japanese soldiers until they got the knack of war on bloody mudded fronts and coral-etched islands but still too many Gold Star mothers enough to make even the war savages shed a tear. 
Bart, thinking back on the situation felt long afterward that he would have been wrong if he said that Delores and Prescott should not have had their memory music after all of that Great Depression sacking and war rationing but frankly that stuff then (and now, now that he had figured some things out about them, about how hard they tried and just couldn’t do better given their circumstances but too later to have done anything about the matter, although less so) made him grind his teeth. But he, and his three brothers, were a captive audience then and so to this very day he could sing off Rum and Coca Cola, Don’t Sit Under The Apple Tree (the Glenn Miller version not the Andrew Sister’s) and Vera Lynn’s White Cliffs of Dover from memory. But that was not his music, okay. (Nor mine either since we grew up in the same working class neighborhood in old Carver, the cranberry bog capital of the world, together and many nights in front of Hank’s Variety store we would blow steam before we got our very own transistor radios and record players about the hard fact that we could not turn that radio dial, or shut off that record player, under penalty of exile from Main Street.)     
Then of course since we are speaking about the 1950s came the great musical break-out, the age of classic rock and roll which Bart “dug” (his term since he more than the rest of us who hung around Jimmy Jack’s Clam Shack on Main Street [not the diner on Thornton Street, that would be later when the older guys moved on and we stepped up in their places in high school] was influenced by the remnant of the “beat” generation minute as it got refracted in Carver via his midnight sneak trips to Harvard Square, trips that broke that mother commandment number who knows what number), seriously dug to the point of dreaming his own jailbreak commandment dreams about rock star futures (and girls hanging off every hand, yeah, mostly the girls part as time went on once he figured out his voice had broken around thirteen and that his slightly off-key versions of the then current hits would not get him noticed on the mandatory American Bandstand, would not get him noticed even if he was on key) but that Elvis-etched time too was just a bit soon for him, us, to be able to unlike Bart’s older brother, Payne, call that stuff the music that he, I came of age to.
Although the echoes of that time still run through his, our, minds as we recently proved yet again when we met in Boston at a ‘60s retro jukebox bar and could lip-synch, quote chapter and verse, One Night With You (Elvis version, including the salacious One Night Of Sin original), Sweet Little Sixteen (Chuck Berry, of course, too bad he couldn’t keep his hands off those begging white girls when the deal went down and Mister wanted no interracial sex, none, and so send him to hell and back), Let’s Have A Party ( by the much underrated Wanda Jackson who they could not figure out how to produce, how to publicize -female Elvis with that sultry look and that snarl or sweet country girl with flowers in her hair and “why thank you Mister Whoever for having me on your show I am thrilled” June Carter look ), Be-Bop-a-Lula (Gene Vincent in the great one hit wonder night, well almost one hit, but what a hit when you want to think back to the songs that made you jump, made you a child of rock and roll), Bo Diddley (Bo, of course, who had long ago answered the question of who put the rock in rock and roll and who dispute his claim except maybe Ike Turner when he could flailed away on Rocket 88), Peggy Sue (too soon gone Buddy Holly) and a whole bunch more.   
The music that Bart really called his own though, as did I, although later we were to part company since I could not abide, still can’t abide, that whiny music dealing mainly with mangled murders, death, thwarted love, and death, or did I say that already, accompanied by, Jesus, banjos, mandos and harps, was the stuff from the folk minute of the 1960s which dovetailed with his, our coming of chronological, political and social age, the latter in the sense of recognizing, if not always acting on, the fact that there were others, kindred, out there beside us filled with angst, alienation and good will to seek solidarity with which neither of us tied up with knots with seven seals connected with until later after getting out of our dinky hometown of Carver and off into the big cities and campus towns where just at that moment there were kindred by the thousands with the same maladies and same desire to turn  the world upside down.
By the way if you didn’t imbibe in the folk minute or were too young what I mean is the mountain tunes of the first generation of the Carter Family coming out of Clinch Mountain, Buell Kazell, a guy you probably never heard of and haven’t missed much except some history twaddle that Bart is always on top of (from the Harry Smith Anthology of American Folk Music times), Jimmy Rodgers the Texas yodeler who found fame at the same time as the Carters in old Podunk Bristol, Tennessee, the old country Child ballads (Northwest Europe old country collected by Child in Cambridge in the 1850s and taken up in that town again one hundred years later in some kind of act, conscious or unconscious, of historical affinity), the blue grass music (which grabbed Bart by the throat when Everett Lally, a college friend of his and member of the famed Lally Brothers blue grass band let him in on his treasure trove of music from that genre which he tried to interest me in one night before I cut him short although Everett was a cool guy, very cool for a guy from the hills and hollows of Appalachia). Protest songs too, protest songs against the madnesses of the times, nuclear war, brushfire war in places like Vietnam, against Mister James Crow’s midnight hooded ways, against the barbaric death penalty, against a lot of what songwriter Malvina Reynolds called the “ticky-tack little cookie-cutter box” existences all of us were slated for if nothing else turned up by the likes of Bob Dylan, Joan Baez, Tom Paxton, Dave Von Ronk and Phil Ochs. Bart said that while he was in college (Boston College, the Jesuit school which was letting even heathen Protestants like Bart in as long as the they did not try to start the Reformation, again on their dime, or could play football) the latter songs (With God On Our Side, Blowin’ In The Wind, The Time They Are A-Changing, I Ain’t Marching No More, Universal Soldier and stuff like that) that drove a lot of his interest once he connected their work with the Harvard Square coffeehouse scene (and the adjacent hanging out at the Hayes-Bickford Cafeteria which he has written plenty about elsewhere and need not detain us here where he hung on poverty nights, meaning many nights.
Bart said a lot of the drive toward folk music was to get out from under the anti-rock and rock musical counter-revolution that he, we although I just kept replaying Elvis and the crowd until the new dispensation arrived, kept hearing on his transistor radio during that early 1960s period with pretty boy singers (Fabian, a bunch of guys named Bobby, the Everly Brothers) and vapid young female consumer-driven female singer stuff (oh, you want names, well Sandra Dee, Brenda Lee, Patsy Cline, Leslie Gore say no more). I passed that time, tough time it was in that cold winter night where the slightest bit of free spirit was liable to get you anywhere from hell form commandment mother to the headmaster to some ill-disposed anonymous rabid un-American committee which would take your livelihood away in a snap if you didn’t come across with names and addresses and be quick about it just ask the Hollywood Ten and lesser mortals if you think I am kidding which I agreed was a tough time in the rock genre that drove our desires, feeling crummy for not having a cool girlfriend to at least keep the chill night out playing my by the midnight phone classic rock and roll records almost to death and worn down grooves and began to hear a certain murmur from down South and out in Chicago with a blues beat that I swear sounded like it came out of the backbeat of rock. (And I  was not wrong, found out one night to Bart’s surprise and mine that Smiley Jackson big loving tune that I swear Elvis ripped off and just snarled and swiveled up. Years later I was proven right in my intuition when it turned out that half of rock and roll depended on black guys selling scant records, “race records” to small audiences.)  
Of course both of us, Bart and me, with that something undefinable which set us apart from others like Frankie Riley the leader of the corner boy night who seemed to get along by going along, being nothing but prime examples of those alienated teenagers whom the high-brow sociologists were fretting about, hell, gnawing at their knuckles since the big boys expected them to earn all that research money by spotting trends not letting the youth of the nation go to hell in a handbasket without a fight, worried that we were heading toward nihilism, toward some “chicken run” death wish or worse, much worse like Johnny Wild Boy and his gang marauding hapless towns at will leaving the denizens defenseless against the horde and not sure what to do about it, worried about our going to hell in a handbasket like they gave a fuck, like our hurts and depressions were what ailed the candid world although I would not have characterized that trend that way for it would take a few decades to see what was what. Then though the pretty boy and vapid girl music just gave me a headache, a migraine if anybody was asking, but mostly nobody was.  Bart too although like I said we split ways as he sought to seek out roots music that he kept hearing in the coffeehouses and on the radio once he found a station out of Providence  (accidently) which featured such folk music and got intrigued by the sounds.
Part of that search in the doldrums, my part but I dragged Bart along a little when I played to his folkie roots interests after he found out that some of the country blues music would get some play on that folk music station, a big search over the long haul, was to get deeply immersed in the blues, mainly at first country blues and later the city, you know, Chicago blues. Those country guys though intrigued me once they were “discovered” down south in little towns plying away in the fields or some such work and were brought up to Newport for the famous folk festival there, the one where we would hitchhike to the first time since we had no car when Steve  when balked at going to anything involving, his term “ faggy guys and ice queen girls” (he was wrong, very wrong on the later point, the former too but guys in our circle were sensitive to accusations of “being light on your feet” and let it pass without comment) to enflame a new generation of aficionados. The likes of Son House the mad man preacher-sinner man, Skip James with that falsetto voice singing out about how he would rather be with the devil than to be that woman’s man, a song that got me into trouble with one girl when I mentioned it kiddingly one time to her girlfriend and I got nothing but the big freeze after that and as recently a few years  when I used that as my reason when I was asked if would endorse Hilary Clinton for President, Bukka White (sweating blood and salt on that National Steel on Aberdeen Mississippi Woman and Panama Limited which you can see via YouTube), and, of course Creole Belle candy man Mississippi John Hurt.
But those guys basically stayed in the South went about their local business and vanished from big view until they were “discovered” by folk aficionados who headed south in the late 1950s and early 1960s looking for, well, looking for roots, looking for something to hang onto  and it took a younger generation, guys who came from the Mister James Crow’s South and had learned at their feet or through old copies of their records like Howlin’ Wolf, Muddy Waters, and the guy whose photograph graces this sketch, the late B.B. King, to make the move north, to follow the northern star like in underground railroad days to the big industrial cities (with a stop at Memphis on Beale Street to polish up their acts, to get some street wise-ness in going up river, in going up the Big Muddy closer to its source as if that would give them some extra boost, some wisdom) to put some electric juice in those old guitars and chase my blues away just by playing like they too had, as the legendry Robert Johnson is said to have done one dark out on Highway 61 outside of Clarksville down in the Delta, made their own pacts with the devil. And made a lot of angst and alienation just a shade more bearable.  
B.B. King was by no means my first choice among electrified bluesmen, Muddy Waters and in a big way Howlin’ Wolf, especially after I found out the Stones were covering his stuff (and Muddy’s) got closer to the nut for me, But B.B.  on his good days and when he had Lucille (whichever version he had to hand I understand there were several generations for one reason or another) he got closer to that feeling that the blues could set me free when I was, well, blue, could keep me upright when some woman was two-timing me, or worst was driving me crazy with her “do this and do that” just for the sake of seeing who was in charge, could chase away some bad dreams when the deal went down.
Gave off an almost sanctified, not like some rural minster sinning on Saturday night with the women parishioners in Johnny Shine’s juke joint and then coming up for air Sunday morning to talk about getting right with the Lord but like some old time Jehovah river water cleaned, sense of time and place, after a hard juke joint or Chicago tavern Saturday night and when you following that devil minister showed up kind of scruffy for church early Sunday morning hoping against hope that the service would be short (and that Minnie Callahan would be there a few rows in front of you so you could watch her ass and get through the damn thing. B.B. might not have been my number one but he stretched a big part of that arc. Praise be.

From The 31st Annual Holiday Appeal(2016) Free the Class-War Prisoners! -Same Goes This Year-Same Struggle Same Fight

From The 31st Annual Holiday Appeal(2016)  Free the Class-War Prisoners! -Same Goes This Year-Same Struggle Same Fight
I have not received this year's 32nd Hoilday Appeal so I will use last year's as a stopgap-Same Appeal- Give to those behind the prison walls from those on the outside-these days the difference is a clsoe one. We all could be in the bastinado before this is over.  

18 November 2016
31st Annual Holiday Appeal
Free the Class-War Prisoners!
Featured NYC Speakers: Albert Woodfox and Robert King of the Angola 3
“The path to freedom leads through a prison....
“In one sense of the word the whole of capitalist society is a prison. For the great mass of people who do the hard, useful work there is no such word as freedom. They come and go at the order of a few. Their lives are regulated according to the needs and wishes of a few. A censorship is put upon their words and deeds. The fruits of their labor are taken from them. And if, by chance, they have the instinct and spirit to rebel, if they take their place in the vanguard of the fight for justice, the prisons are waiting.”
— James P. Cannon, “The Cause that Passes Through a Prison,” Labor Defender, September 1926
As the Partisan Defense Committee mobilizes for its 31st annual Holiday Appeal to raise funds for monthly stipends and holiday gifts to class-war prisoners, the capitalists’ jails are being filled with hundreds of young activists who have protested the election of racist demagogue Donald Trump, adding to the many more who have been jailed for protesting racist cop terror over the past couple of years.
At this year’s New York City benefit, featured speakers will be Albert Woodfox and Robert King, who along with Herman Wallace were known as the Angola 3. These intransigent opponents of racial oppression spent decades in prison, victims of a state vendetta for forming a Black Panther Party chapter in Louisiana’s notorious Angola prison. Woodfox and Wallace were falsely convicted of the 1972 killing of prison guard Brent Miller. King, who was framed up for the killing of a fellow inmate in 1973, was released in 2001, and dedicated himself to fighting to prove the innocence of his imprisoned comrades. Wallace was released in October 2013—just three days before dying of liver cancer! Despite seeing his conviction overturned twice, Woodfox spent nearly 44 years in solitary confinement—the longest stint of any prisoner in the U.S.—before being released this past February, on his 69th birthday.
The PDC stipend program is a revival of a tradition of the International Labor Defense (ILD) under its first secretary, James P. Cannon (1925-28), an early leader of the Communist Party who went on to become the founder of American Trotskyism. Like the ILD before us, we stand unconditionally on the side of the working people and the oppressed in struggle against their exploiters and oppressors. We defend, in Cannon’s words, “any member of the workers movement, regardless of his views, who suffered persecution by the capitalist courts because of his activities or his opinion” (First Ten Years of American Communism [1962]). In its early years, the ILD adopted 106 prisoners—socialists, anarchists, union leaders and militants victimized for their struggles to organize the working class and for opposition to imperialist war.
The PDC started our class-war prisoner stipend program in 1986, during the Reagan years, a period of rampant reaction. Those years were marked by vicious racist repression, brutal union-busting, anti-immigrant hysteria, malicious cutbacks in social services for the predominantly black and Latino poor as well as government efforts to equate leftist political activity with “terrorism.” Over the decades since, we have supported dozens of prisoners on three continents, among them militant workers railroaded for defending their unions during pitched class battles—including coal miners in Britain and Kentucky.
The 1980s were a time of waning class and social struggle, but the convulsive battles for black rights in the 1960s and ’70s still haunted America’s capitalist rulers, who thirsted for vengeance. Among the early recipients of PDC stipends were members and supporters of the Black Panther Party, the best of a generation of black radicals who sought a revolutionary solution to black oppression—a bedrock of American capitalism. Other early stipend recipients were members of the largely black Philadelphia MOVE commune. Among those prisoners to whom we continue to provide stipends are Mumia Abu-Jamal, America’s foremost class-war prisoner, and Ed Poindexter, a leader of the Omaha, Nebraska, Committee to Combat Fascism, whose comrade and fellow stipend recipient Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa died in March after 45 years in prison.
There is every reason to believe that the period we are entering will be no less reactionary than the one we faced 30 years ago. Class-struggle legal and social defense, including support for class-war prisoners—those today behind bars and any militants who join them—is of vital importance to labor activists, fighters for black rights and immigrant rights and defenders of civil liberties. In a small but real way, our prisoner stipend program expresses the commonality of interests between black people, immigrants and the working class. The struggle to free the class-war prisoners is critical to educating a new generation of fighters against exploitation and oppression—a schooling centered on the role of the capitalist state, comprising at its core the military, cops, courts and prisons. Join us in generously donating and building our annual Holiday Appeal. An injury to one is an injury to all!
The 12 class-war prisoners receiving stipends from the PDC are listed below.
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Mumia Abu-Jamal is a former Black Panther Party spokesman, a well-known supporter of the MOVE organization and an award-winning journalist known as “the voice of the voiceless.” Framed up for the 1981 killing of a Philadelphia police officer, Mumia was sentenced to death explicitly for his political views. Federal and state courts have repeatedly refused to consider evidence proving Mumia’s innocence, including the sworn confession of Arnold Beverly that he, not Mumia, shot and killed the policeman. In 2011 the Philadelphia district attorney’s office dropped its longstanding effort to legally lynch Mumia. In a significant development in the decades-long battle for his freedom, on August 7, attorneys for Mumia Abu-Jamal filed a new petition under Pennsylvania’s Post Conviction Relief Act (PCRA). Mumia’s application seeks to overturn the denial of his three prior PCRA claims by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. If successful, he would be granted a new hearing before that court to argue for reversal of his frame-up conviction. In the meantime he remains condemned to life in prison with no chance of parole. Mumia also faces a life-threatening health crisis related to active hepatitis C, which brought him close to death in March 2015. On August 31, eight months after oral argument in Mumia’s lawsuit to obtain crucial medication, a federal judge rejected his claim on the pretext that the lawsuit should have been directed against the members of the state’s hepatitis committee—a secretive body which Mumia’s attorneys had no way of knowing even existed at the time the suit was initiated! The Pennsylvania prison authorities have adamantly refused to treat his dangerous but curable condition.
Leonard Peltier is an internationally renowned class-war prisoner. Peltier’s incarceration for his activism in the American Indian Movement has come to symbolize this country’s racist repression of its Native peoples, the survivors of centuries of genocidal oppression. Peltier was framed up for the 1975 deaths of two FBI agents marauding in what had become a war zone on the South Dakota Pine Ridge Reservation. Although the lead government attorney has admitted, “We can’t prove who shot those agents,” and the courts have acknowledged blatant prosecutorial misconduct, the 72-year-old Peltier is not scheduled to be reconsidered for parole for another eight years. Peltier suffers from multiple serious medical conditions and has received a confirmed diagnosis of an abdominal aortic aneurysm—a life-threatening condition which the federal officials have refused to treat. He is incarcerated far from his people and family and is currently seeking executive clemency from Barack Obama.
Seven MOVE members—Chuck AfricaMichael AfricaDebbie AfricaJanet AfricaJanine AfricaDelbert Africa and Eddie Africa—are in their 39th year of imprisonment. After the 8 August 1978 siege of their Philadelphia home by over 600 heavily armed cops, they were sentenced to 30-100 years, having been falsely convicted of killing a police officer who died in the cops’ own cross fire. In 1985, eleven of their MOVE family members, including five children, were massacred by Philly cops when a bomb was dropped on their living quarters. After nearly four decades of unjust incarceration, these innocent prisoners are routinely turned down at parole hearings. This year Eddie, Debbie, Janet and Janine were all denied parole.
Jaan Laaman and Thomas Manning are the two remaining anti-imperialist activists known as the Ohio 7 still in prison, convicted for their roles in a radical group that took credit for bank “expropriations” and bombings of symbols of U.S. imperialism, such as military and corporate offices, in the late 1970s and ’80s. Before their arrests in 1984 and 1985, the Ohio 7 were targets of massive manhunts. The Ohio 7’s politics were once shared by thousands of radicals but, like the Weathermen before them, the Ohio 7 were spurned by the “respectable” left. From a proletarian standpoint, the actions of these leftist activists against imperialism and racist injustice are not crimes. They should not have served a day in prison.
Ed Poindexter is a former Black Panther supporter and leader of the Omaha, Nebraska, National Committee to Combat Fascism. He and his former co-defendant, Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa, were victims of the FBI’s deadly COINTELPRO operation, under which 38 Black Panther Party members were killed and hundreds more imprisoned on frame-up charges. Poindexter was railroaded to prison and sentenced to life for a 1970 explosion that killed a cop, and he has now spent more than 45 years behind bars. Nebraska courts have repeatedly denied Poindexter a new trial despite the fact that a crucial piece of evidence excluded from the original trial, a 911 audio tape long suppressed by the FBI, proved that testimony of the state’s key witness was perjury.
All proceeds from the Holiday Appeal events will go to the Class-War Prisoners Stipend Fund. This is not charity but an elementary act of solidarity with those imprisoned for their opposition to racist capitalism and imperialist depredation. Send your contributions to: PDC, P.O. Box 99, Canal Street Station, New York, NY 10013; (212) 406-4252. For more information about the class-war prisoners, including addresses for correspondence, see: partisandefense.org.
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(reprinted from Workers Vanguard No. 1100, 18 November 2016)
Workers Vanguard is the newspaper of the Spartacist League with which the Partisan Defense Committee is affiliated.

A View From The Left-U.S. Troops, Bases Out of Africa!






Workers Vanguard No. 1122
17 November 2017
 
U.S. Troops, Bases Out of Africa!
The deaths of four U.S. Special Forces troops in Niger in early October put a spotlight on American imperialism’s shadowy wars in Africa. After President Trump responded with insulting treatment toward two black women, the widow of Sgt. La David T. Johnson and her friend, Florida Congresswoman Frederica Wilson, the bourgeois media did its bit for national unity by focusing attention on “Gold Star families.” But most people were wondering what the troops were doing in Niger in the first place.
Leading Senators, Republican Lindsey Graham and Democrat Chuck Schumer, feigned ignorance about the U.S. mission in Niger. Writing in CounterPunch (27 October), Jeffrey St. Clair observed that “both political parties would much rather keep the focus on Trump’s malicious Tweets and far away from the true scope of America’s vicious intrusions in Africa, where if you admit nothing, you can get away with almost anything.” The fact is that the U.S. imperialists, self-appointed cops of the world, have for the past decade steadily extended their military reach in Africa. This includes Niger, one of the 53 African countries where U.S. forces operate under the purview of AFRICOM—the U.S. Africa Command.
Established under George W. Bush, AFRICOM is headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany. Fully operational in 2008, AFRICOM’s programs and missions mushroomed under the Obama administration. A pivotal point was the U.S.-led bombing of Libya in 2011 and the assassination of bourgeois strongman Muammar el-Qaddafi. The imperialists’ destruction of Libya’s state and social fabric set loose an array of tribalist and Islamic fundamentalist forces there and in neighboring countries, while also energizing Boko Haram in Nigeria.
By the time Obama left office, AFRICOM’s lethal tempo had escalated to 3,500 military operations a year. Many of these are meant to train the imperialists’ local henchmen to do the dirty work of repression and slaughter, with Washington handing out tens of millions in military aid to Mali, Niger, Chad and Mauritania, to name a few. For his part, Trump has demanded that Congress grant $5.2 billion in additional funding for military operations in Africa. The U.S. is also the main financial contributor to the deployment of 20,000 UN troops in the mineral-rich Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire)—the largest UN “peacekeeping mission” ever.
Layer upon layer of secrecy and deceit keep the vast majority of U.S. military operations in Africa from the public eye. Officially, the U.S. maintains exactly one base on African soil: Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, a French colony until 1977. (The U.S. fittingly built the base on the site of a former French Foreign Legion outpost.) Located across the Gulf of Aden from the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, Djibouti has strategic importance. The Obama administration expanded drone bases there for operations in Yemen, as it did in Ethiopia in order to launch attacks against al-Shabab in Somalia. But there is much more to the U.S. military presence in Africa.
Breaking through the wall of official silence and disinformation, journalist Nick Turse has documented AFRICOM’s ever-widening reach in his 2015 book, Tomorrow’s Battlefield: US Proxy Wars and Secret Ops in Africa(Dispatch Books), and in articles in The Nation Institute’s TomDispatch.com and elsewhere. Turse describes an entire network of U.S. bases across Africa, which in Pentagon double-talk are dubbed “cooperative security locations,” “contingency locations” and the like. Many U.S. military actions in Africa are conducted under the Special Operations Command, whose deployments are almost always classified. The proportion of global U.S. special forces deployed by AFRICOM soared from just 1 percent in 2006 to more than 17 percent ten years later.
The U.S. admits to having some 6,000 troops in Africa. But as Jeffrey St. Clair noted in his CounterPunch article, “this number is almost certainly low, since it doesn’t include special forces, SEAL teams, defense contractors, mercenaries, CIA operatives or drone operators in their Nevada cubicles.” Meanwhile, dozens of U.S. warships patrol the Indian Ocean off Africa’s east coast. The imperialist purpose behind the whole buildup was made clear by an AFRICOM officer cited by Turse, who described the “new normal” of “a world filled with ‘a lot of rapidly moving crises,’ requiring military interventions and likened it to the Marine Corps deployments in the so-called Banana Wars in Central America and the Caribbean in the early twentieth century.”
One thing is clear about the U.S. military presence: It will only sow further instability, violence and desperation throughout Africa. It is in the interest of the multiracial American proletariat to demand all U.S. troops and bases out of Africa. While we as communists oppose everything that Islamist reactionaries like al-Shabab stand for, we recognize that every military setback to the imperialists aids the cause of the workers and oppressed peoples of the planet. The U.S. rulers’ predatory wars overseas go hand in hand with their attacks on labor, black people and all the oppressed at home. Opposition to all imperialist wars and occupations is a necessary part of the fight to sweep away the capitalist-imperialist order through workers socialist revolution.
U.S. Machinations in Africa
During the Cold War, the central preoccupation of the imperialists in Africa was to curtail the influence of the Soviet Union, a bureaucratically degenerated workers state. To counter Soviet economic and military aid to bourgeois-nationalist regimes like Ahmed Sékou Touré’s Guinea and Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana, the U.S. propped up a host of brutal despots such as Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire and Haile Selassie in Ethiopia and relied heavily on apartheid South Africa as a regional gendarme. CIA agents subverted governments and organized coups throughout Africa in the decades after World War II. Conversely, anti-colonialist leaders like Patrice Lumumba, the first prime minister of the Republic of Congo following independence from Belgium, who was assassinated in 1961 with the help of the CIA, became heroes to militants fighting against black oppression in the U.S.
The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991-92 removed what had been the only real military counterweight to the imperialists. While the U.S. rulers threw around their military might unchallenged in what they proclaimed was a “one-superpower world,” they had little interest in Africa. This was particularly the case after the humiliating defeat of U.S. troops in Somalia in 1993, centrally the incident that became known as “Black Hawk Down.” The launch and development of AFRICOM show that Washington has a new focus on Africa.
What accounts for this change was laid bare in a 2012 Congressional report, “Africa Command: U.S. Strategic Interests and the Role of the U.S. Military in Africa.” The report emphasized the “increasing importance of Africa’s natural resources, particularly energy resources” and expressed “mounting concern over violent extremist activities.” The report cited, in particular, oil production in Nigeria—Africa’s largest oil exporter and a large supplier to the U.S.—and the potential for deep-water drilling in the west African Gulf of Guinea.
Among the imperialists’ main concerns is the influence of the Chinese deformed workers state, which in the last decade has become Africa’s biggest trading partner (see “Hue and Cry over China’s Role in Africa,” WV No. 987, 30 September 2011). The most powerful of the remaining countries where capitalist rule has been overthrown, China is the central target of the imperialists’ global counterrevolutionary machinations. The construction of China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti, near Camp Lemonnier, points to both its growing presence in Africa and the potential for military conflict with the U.S. In any such conflict, we Trotskyists stand for the unconditional defense of China, which, despite Stalinist bureaucratic rule, is a workers state based on collectivized property.
At the same time that it seeks to counter China, Washington is mired in an ever-growing number of “anti-terror” operations in Africa. As in Afghanistan and Iraq, U.S. intervention in Africa in the name of fighting terror has caused a rapid growth of Islamist forces, and of generalized chaos. In “America’s War-Fighting Footprint in Africa” (TomDispatch.com, 27 April), Nick Turse lists several major AFRICOM campaigns, including the “shadow war” against al-Shabab, which has more recently also targeted ISIS, in Somalia; “neutralizing” insurgent forces across northwest Africa; trying to “degrade” Boko Haram in Nigeria and other countries; and combating piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. Each of these, Turse writes, is “a long-term effort with no end in sight.”
Libya, Mali, Niger: Imperialist Mayhem
Key in Turse’s list is the continuing fallout from the 2011 NATO air war against Libya and the overthrow of Qaddafi. At the time, the International Executive Committee of the International Communist League issued a statement titled “Defend Libya Against Imperialist Attack!” (printed in WV No. 977, 1 April 2011). We pointed out that prior to the air war, Libya had been wracked by a low-intensity civil war, heavily overlaid by tribal and regional divisions, between the Qaddafi regime and imperialist-backed opposition forces, in which workers had no side. But with the imperialist attack, the civil war became “subordinated to the fight of a neocolonial country against imperialism.” The statement continued: “Every step taken by the workers of the imperialist countries to halt the depredations and military adventures of their rulers is a step toward their own liberation from capitalist exploitation, impoverishment and oppression.”
Once again, imperialist war created bedlam, with Islamist and tribal factions competing for control of Libya’s oil wealth. Among their first acts as they seized areas formerly held by Qaddafi’s forces was to unleash lynch mob terror against black Africans. The Qaddafi regime had for years controlled the spigot of emigration in league with the imperialists. But now there was a desperate exodus of black people trying to reach Europe. NATO dispatched warships to the coast of Libya, ostensibly to deter “people smugglers.” The real purpose was to prevent refugees from reaching racist “Fortress Europe.”
The devastation didn’t stop there. At the end of his second term as Commander-in-Chief, Barack Obama oversaw a renewed American air war in Libya, “Operation Odyssey Lightning.” The U.S. carried out nearly 500 air strikes against ISIS in the last five months of 2016, supplementing drone and special ops attacks. For their part, Libyan tribal forces claiming adherence to ISIS have carried out such atrocities as the February 2015 beheading of 21 Egyptian Coptic Christian migrant laborers in the city of Surt and a subsequent massacre of Ethiopian Christians.
The destruction of Libya led directly to the 2012 intervention in Mali by some 2,000 French troops. In the “Juniper Micron” operation, which included airstrikes, troops from France and several of its African neocolonies sought to “stabilize” the former French colony following a coup led by a U.S.-trained officer. The coup was intended to smash a rebel movement of the semi-nomadic Tuareg people. Armed with weapons seized from the collapsed Libyan state, the Tuaregs had taken control of much of northern Mali in league with Islamist forces, who subsequently turned on them.
Calling for all French troops out of Africa, our comrades of the Ligue trotskyste de France issued a leaflet that noted the real purpose of the imperialist intervention: “to maintain French imperialist domination in the entire region—and especially to protect the profits of the Areva company, which exploits enormous uranium deposits in neighboring Niger” (see WV No. 1016, 25 January 2013). Still smarting from the attack on the U.S. Mission in Benghazi, Libya, Obama supported the French intervention in Mali but refused to contribute troops. He felt no such compunction the following year, when the U.S. and France sent troops to the Central African Republic (CAR).
Niger, site of the recent killings of the Special Forces troops, is a key strategic location for predatory U.S. interests in the region. Landlocked and dirt-poor, despite its mineral wealth, Niger borders seven countries, from Algeria and Libya in the north to Nigeria in the south. Having operated in Niger for years, the U.S. military currently stations 800 troops in the capital, Niamey. A $100 million drone base is under construction on the outskirts of the city of Agadez.
The expanding American footprint in the region harks back to the “scramble for Africa”—the carving up of the continent by the European powers at the 1884-85 Berlin Conference. Rival European capitalist states shaped the current borders in Africa, while tearing apart tribal structures and agrarian societies. From King Leopold’s killing fields of the Belgian Congo to Britain’s concentration camps in Kenya and France’s bloodbaths in Algeria, the record of the Western imperialists is one of mass murder, slave-like labor and brutal repression of both independence movements and workers’ struggles. The precursor to such barbarism was the kidnapping of millions of Africans who were shipped across the Atlantic to the slave plantations of the U.S. and elsewhere.
Poverty, famine and religious and ethnic bloodletting—in Africa and elsewhere—are hallmarks of the capitalist system in its epoch of imperialist decay. That system is dominated by a handful of advanced capitalist states that wage wars of plunder and compete against each other to control the world’s resources, markets and labor forces. What is needed is revolutionary proletarian opposition to both imperialism and local capitalist rulers. The way forward is shown by the program of permanent revolution, developed by Leon Trotsky and verified by the Russian October Revolution. Trotsky recognized that in backward, semicolonial countries, the achievement of modernization and liberation from the imperialist yoke requires smashing capitalist rule, which would open the way to socialist development.
As underdeveloped as Africa remains under imperialist domination, the continent is home to crucial proletarian concentrations: in Egypt and other North African countries and in South Africa with its combative workers movement; in the oil fields in Nigeria and the Gulf of Guinea, in the ports of Kenya and in mining operations in many countries. The task of Marxists is to forge Trotskyist vanguard workers parties—sections of a reforged Fourth International—that would link the struggle for workers revolutions in Africa to the fight for proletarian revolution in the U.S., France and other imperialist centers. With the proletariat in power on a global scale, technology and industrial development will be tapped to lift the world’s masses out of want and misery on the road to building a classless communist society.

Εισαγωγή στο Κείμενο του Συνεδρίου

Ο Μπολσεβίκος Τεύχος 3
Οκτώβριος 2017
 
Εισαγωγή στο Κείμενο του Συνεδρίου
Η Διεθνής Κομμουνιστική Ένωση (Τεταρτοδιεθνιστική) πραγματοποίησε φέτος το Έβδομο Διεθνές Συνέδριό της, την ανώτατη έκφραση πολιτικής και οργανωτικής βούλησης της ΔΚΕ. Το κύριο κείμενο, τα ψηφίσματα, οι συζητήσεις και η νέα ηγεσία που εκλέχθηκε από αυτό το συνέδριο ήταν το αποκορύφωμα μηνών έντονης εσωτερικής πάλης ενάντια σε μία μακροχρόνια διαστροφή του Λενινισμού στο εθνικό ζήτημα, ιδιαίτερα σε σχέση με τα καταπιεζόμενα έθνη μέσα σε πολυεθνικά κράτη. Αυτή η παραμόρφωση εκπροσωπούσε μια συνθηκολόγηση στις πιέσεις του αγγλόφωνου ιμπεριαλισμού που είναι κυρίαρχες στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, από όπου κατάγεται η τάση μας. Κατά τη διάρκεια της πάλης, έγινε ξεκάθαρο ότι αυτός ο συμβιβασμός με τον σοβινισμό των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων είχε μολύνει τον αγώνα μας για την επανασφυρηλάτηση της Τετάρτης Διεθνούς, όπως αυτό φάνηκε συγκεκριμένα στην αλαζονική υποτίμηση συντρόφων από καταπιεζόμενες χώρες.
Η πάλη ξεκίνησε όταν μια ομάδα από στελέχη στο Κεμπέκ τα οποία είχαμε στρατολογήσει μετά τις μαζικές φοιτητικές πορείες το 2012, αντέδρασαν ενάντια στην άθλια αγγλο-σοβινιστική περιφρόνηση για τα εθνικά και γλωσσικά δικαιώματα του καταπιεζόμενου λαού του Κεμπέκ που εκφράστηκε σε άρθρα στο Spartacist Canada, την εφημερίδα της Trotskyist League of Canada-TLC (Τροτσκιστικής Ένωσης Καναδά). Τα πιο εξωφρενικά παραδείγματα έκαναν την εμφάνισή τους μεταξύ της ίδρυσης της TLC το 1975, και του 1995 όπου το τμήμα υιοθέτησε το κάλεσμα για την ανεξαρτησία του Κεμπέκ. Αλλά αυτή η απαραίτητη αλλαγή της γραμμής είχε έναν κεντριστικό χαρακτήρα, καθώς η δουλειά και η προπαγάνδα του τμήματος παρέμεναν μέσα σε ένα αγγλο-σοβινιστικό πλαίσιο.
Από την αρχή, στη διεξαγωγή αυτής της μάχης ενάντια στον αγγλο-σοβινισμό, συντάχτηκαν με τους συντρόφους από το Κεμπέκ η ηγέτης της Διεθνούς Γραμματείας (ΔΓ) συντρόφισσα Coelho καθώς και ο ιδρυτικός ηγέτης της διεθνούς μας τάσης Jim Robertson, ο οποίος είχε παλέψει με επιτυχία το 1995 για να ανατρέψει την εναντίωσή μας για την ανεξαρτησία του Κεμπέκ. Καθώς η πάλη εκτυλισσόταν διεθνώς, αποκαλύφθηκε ένας αριθμός παραδειγμάτων σοβινισμού που εναντιωνόντουσαν σε δίκαιους εθνικούς αγώνες, όχι λιγότερο στην πάλη για την απελευθέρωση των λαών των Βάσκων και των Καταλανών από την ισπανική φυλακή των λαών και από τη μπότα των μοχθηρών σοβινιστών εξουσιαστών του γαλλικού ιμπεριαλισμού. Μια πολιτική διαφοροποίηση ανάμεσα στα ιστορικά αγγλόφωνα στελέχη της ΔΚΕ έλαβε χώρα: στη μία πλευρά ήταν αυτοί που είχαν νυμφευτεί το παλιό πρόγραμμα στο εθνικό ζήτημα και στους παλιούς τρόπους λειτουργίας του κόμματος∙ στην άλλη πλευρά ήταν αυτοί που πάλεψαν για μία γνήσια ένωση με τους συντρόφους από το Κεμπέκ, η οποία είχε ήδη κατά πολύ καθυστερήσει.
Σε αυτό το τεύχος του Spartacist τυπώνουμε το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του συνεδριακού κειμένου – «Η Πάλη Ενάντια στη Σοβινιστική Ύδρα» – επεξεργασμένο για δημοσίευση. Το κείμενο απευθύνεται στο θεωρητικό πλαίσιο και τις πολιτικές επιπτώσεις των προηγούμενων αντιλενινιστικών μας θέσεων για το εθνικό ζήτημα. Ρίχνοντας άπλετο φως στον συμβιβασμό μας με την ιμπεριαλιστική κυριαρχία, ιδιαίτερα αυτής των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, οι σύντροφοι που ηγήθηκαν αυτού του αγώνα έδρασαν ώστε να διατηρήσουν την επαναστατική μας συνέχεια. Όπως ο επαναστάτης Μαρξιστής ηγέτης Β.Ι. Λένιν έγραψε:
«Η στάση ενός πολιτικού κόμματος απέναντι στα λάθη του είναι ένα από τα σπουδαιότερα και ασφαλέστερα κριτήρια για τη σοβαρότητα του κόμματος και για την εκπλήρωση στην πράξη απομέρους του των υποχρεώσεών του απέναντι στην τάξη του και στις εργαζόμενες μάζες. Να αναγνωρίζει ανοιχτά το λάθος του, να βρίσκει τις αιτίες του λάθους, να αναλύει την κατάσταση που το γέννησε, να εξετάζει προσεκτικά τα μέσα για τη διόρθωση του λάθους – αυτό είναι το γνώρισμα ενός σοβαρού κόμματος, αυτό θα πει εκπλήρωση απομέρους του των υποχρεώσεών του, αυτό θα πει διαπαιδαγώγηση και μόρφωση της τάξης και έπειτα και της μάζας».
Ο «Αριστερισμός», Παιδική Αρρώστια του Κομμουνισμού 1920 (Άπαντα Λένιν, Τόμος 41, Εκδόσεις: Σύγχρονη Εποχή, Αθήνα 1988)
Σε μία προσπάθεια να διασπαστούμε από την αγγλόφωνη επικράτηση στη Διεθνή μας το κείμενο γράφτηκε σε γαλλικά του Κεμπέκ. Ήταν το προϊόν πολύγλωσσης συνεργασίας με στελέχη από ολόκληρη τη ΔΚΕ, ιδιαίτερα από τα τμήματά μας στο Μεξικό, την Ελλάδα και τη Νότια Αφρική, των οποίων η δέσμευση στο κόμμα μας και οι ηγετικές τους ικανότητες βγήκαν στο προσκήνιο. Ο αποδεδειγμένος διεθνισμός των συντρόφων αυτών είχε για καιρό καταχραστεί από μία σειρά καθεστώτων της ΔΓ. Ιδιαίτερα μετά την πτώση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης το 1991-92, αυτά τα καθεστώτα λύγισαν από τις πιέσεις των ιμπεριαλιστικών Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, όπου βρίσκεται το διεθνές μας κέντρο.
Για πρώτη φορά, αυτό το συνέδριο παρείχε ολοκληρωμένες, ταυτόχρονες μεταφράσεις των διαδικασιών σε τρεις γλώσσες. Σύντροφοι από διαφορετικά τμήματα έδωσαν τους χαιρετισμούς τους στο συνέδριο στη μητρική τους γλώσσα. Αυτό σηματοδότησε τη ρήξη από την πρακτική μας τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες όπου οι διαδικασίες στις διεθνείς συναντήσεις πραγματοποιούνταν στα αγγλικά, παρέχοντας ανεπίσημες μεταφράσεις για τους μη αγγλόφωνους. Από μόνη της αυτή η πρακτική αποτελούσε ένα συμβιβασμό με την αγγλο-ιμπεριαλιστική υπαγόρευση ότι τα αγγλικά είναι πάνω απ’ όλα. Η νέα μας πολιτική επιβεβαιώνει τη δέσμευσή μας να μάθουμε και να μιλήσουμε τις γλώσσες των εργατών και των καταπιεζόμενων λαών του κόσμου. Όπως ένας ηγέτης του αυστραλιανού μας τμήματος υποστήριξε: «Οι Κομμουνιστές δεν θέλουν να ζουν σε έναν κόσμο όπου η γλώσσα που ιστορικά κυριαρχεί είναι αυτή των Βρετανών ιμπεριαλιστών καταπιεστών, του παρακλαδιού τους στην Αυστραλία… και του ποτισμένου με αίμα αμερικανικού μεγαθήριου».
Η Πάλη για την Οικοδόμηση μιας Διεθνιστικής Συλλογικής Ηγεσίας
Στην πορεία της εσωτερικής πάλης, υπήρξε αντιπολίτευση για την ένωση με τους συντρόφους από το Κεμπέκ μεταξύ των ιστορικότερων αγγλόφωνων στελεχών μας, αρκετά από τα οποία ήταν οι αρχιτέκτονες της αντιλενινιστικής μας γραμμής. Κανένας δεν ήθελε ανοιχτά να υπερασπίσει τον αγγλο-σοβινισμό. Αντί αυτού, η αντιπολίτευση πήρε τη μορφή ανταρτοπόλεμου ενάντια στους συντρόφους που ηγούνταν αυτής της πάλης, παρά τις υπομονετικές προσπάθειες των τελευταίων να κερδίσουν με το μέρος τους αυτά τα στελέχη. Ενώ το κείμενο του συνεδρίου εγκρίθηκε ομόφωνα, στα μετόπισθεν η αντιπολίτευση συνεχίστηκε τόσο κατά τη διάρκεια όσο και μετά το συνέδριο. Για την αντιμετώπιση αυτής της υπόγειας, κλικίστικης φύσης αυτής της αντιπολίτευσης, η σύντροφος Coelho υπενθύμισε τη δήλωση του Τρότσκι από το «Κεντρισμός και Τέταρτη Διεθνής» (Φεβρουάριος 1934):
«Ένας κεντριστής, πάντα αβέβαιος για τη θέση του και τις μέθοδές του, αντιμετωπίζει πάντα με μίσος την επαναστατική αρχή: λέγε τα πράγματα με το όνομά τους. Έχει την τάση να υποκαθιστά την πολιτική αρχών με προσωπικές μανούβρες και μικροπρεπή διπλωματία». [Δική μας μετάφραση]
Ο χρόνος θα δείξει εάν αυτοί οι σύντροφοι είναι δεσμευμένοι με πράξεις σε αυτή την ένωση. Δεν υποτιμάμε τη μακρόχρονη συνεισφορά τους και συχνά τη σκληρή τους πάλη στην οικοδόμηση της Διεθνούς μας. Αυτό το στρώμα συντρόφων συνεχίζει να εκπροσωπείται στη Διεθνή Εκτελεστική Επιτροπή μας (ΔΕΕ), αν και χωρίς καθοριστική ψήφο. Τα πλήρη μέλη της νέας ΔΕΕ είναι στην πλειοψηφία τους μη αγγλόφωνης καταγωγής και περιλαμβάνει ιστορικά αγγλόφωνα στελέχη που βοήθησαν στην καθοδήγηση αυτής της πάλης.
Η πάλη στον Καναδά παρείχε το πλαίσιο για συντρόφους αλλού ώστε να κατανοήσουν τα προβλήματα στη σχέση μεταξύ της Διεθνούς και της δικής τους δουλειάς. Στην πατερναλιστική και αλαζονική μεταχείριση την οποία υπέστησαν οι σύντροφοι από το Κεμπέκ, οι σύντροφοι της Τροτσκιστικής Ομάδας της Ελλάδας (ΤΟΕ) είδαν ομοιότητες με την γουρουνίσια, σοβινιστική απαξίωση που αντιμετώπισαν, ιδιαίτερα από κάποιους συντρόφους στενά εμπλεκόμενους με τη δουλειά του τμήματος τα τελευταία χρόνια. Το συνέδριο επιτέλους αναγνώρισε την ΤΟΕ ως πλήρες τμήμα της ΔΚΕ. Οι σύντροφοι είχαν γίνει συμπαθών τμήμα το 2004 μέσω της πάλης τους για την υπεράσπιση των δικαιωμάτων των καταπιεζόμενων εθνικών μειονοτήτων στην Ελλάδα και για τη γυναικεία απελευθέρωση, σε αντίθεση με τον κραυγαλέο ελληνικό σοβινισμό του τότε ηγέτη της ομάδας. Το γεγονός ότι η ΤΟΕ παρέμενε ως συμπαθών τμήμα για 13 χρόνια εκθέτει ξεκάθαρα τις πατροναριστικές πολιτικές της ΔΓ.
Παρόμοια με τους συντρόφους από το Κεμπέκ η ΤΟΕ ουσιαστικά αντιμετωπίστηκε σαν ομάδα νεολαίας, με τη μοναδική πολιτική τους εμπειρία και με τις ηγετικές ικανότητες υψηλού διαμετρήματος να αγνοούνται. Πήρε περισσότερο από δέκα χρόνια για να εκδώσουμε εφημερίδα στην Ελλάδα. Η προπαγάνδα είναι καίριας σημασίας για την παρέμβασή μας σ’ αυτή την εκρηκτική κοινωνία, η οποία έχει ένα από τα μοναδικά μαζικά Σταλινικά κόμματα στον καπιταλιστικό κόσμο. Οι Έλληνες σύντροφοί μας αποτελούν μια ζωτική γέφυρα για τις άλλες χώρες των Βαλκανίων και για τη Μέση Ανατολή, και ένα σημαντικό αντίβαρο στις πιέσεις των τμημάτων μας στις ιμπεριαλιστικές χώρες οι οποίες κυριαρχούν στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ).
Η Grupo Espartaquista de México-GEM (Σπαρτακιστική Ομάδα του Μεξικού) από τη δημιουργία της επίσης αντιμετωπίστηκε με συγκαταβατικό τρόπο. Περισσότερο από 20 χρόνια πριν, έγινε μία δριμεία πάλη ενάντια στις οπορτουνιστικές πολιτικές του δικτατορικού jefe (αφεντικού) του τμήματος, Negrete. Αμέσως μετά, ο Negrete και ο μέντοράς του, ο για πολύ καιρό συντάκτης του Workers Vanguard Jan Norden, εξήγαν τα οργανωτικά συμπεράσματα του κεντρισμού τους και λιποτάκτησαν από τη ΔΚΕ για να σχηματίσουν την Internationalist Group-IG (Διεθνιστική Ομάδα). Ο Negrete, ίσως ο ασχημότερος από τους «άσχημους Αμερικανούς», δρούσε σαν λόρδος στο μεξικανικό τμήμα κατά τη διάρκεια των πρώτων έξι χρόνων της ύπαρξής του. Ανεξάρτητα από τον ίδιο, το 1990 το τμήμα είχε ενωθεί με δύο πρώην ηγέτες μιας αντίπαλης οργάνωσης όπου ο καθένας είχε περισσότερο από μια δεκαετία εμπειρίας στο εργατικό κίνημα. Όμως ο πλούτος των εμπειριών τους αγνοήθηκε και αυτά τα στελέχη ποτέ δεν ενσωματώθηκαν πραγματικά μέσα στη διεθνή μας ηγεσία ούτε τους επιτράπηκε να διαδραματίσουν κάποιο ηγετικό ρόλο στο Μεξικό. Ακόμα και η προπαγάνδα της GEM σε μεγάλο βαθμό γράφτηκε από τον Norden ή τον Negrete.
Μετά την απομάκρυνση του Negrete από την GEM, η ΔΓ συνέχιζε να συμπεριφέρεται στο τμήμα ως παράρτημα της Spartacist League/U.S.–SL/U.S. (Σπαρτακιστικής Ένωσης/ΗΠ). Αυτό φάνηκε ξεκάθαρα το 1999 κατά τη διάρκεια της απεργίας στο UNAM (Εθνικό Αυτόνομο Πανεπιστήμιο Μεξικού), όταν η ΔΓ αρχικά τάχθηκε ενάντια σε οποιαδήποτε παρατεταμένη παρέμβαση και έπειτα κατήγγειλε την GEM για «αποχή». Το απόλυτο παράδειγμα της περιφρόνησης, της αλαζονείας και του ολοφάνερου σοβινισμού ήταν η διάλυση της Κεντρικής Επιτροπής της GEM το 2007 με εντολή του καθεστώτος Wolkenstein, τα κύρια μέλη του οποίου παραιτήθηκαν το 2010.
Μέχρι πρόσφατα, παρόμοια προβλήματα σημάδεψαν τις σχέσεις της ΔΓ με το τμήμα Spartacist/South Africa-SSA (Σπαρτακιστής/Νότιας Αφρικής), το οποίο επίσης έγινε πλήρες τμήμα της ΔΚΕ στο συνέδριο. Το κείμενο του συνεδρίου χαιρέτησε την πρόσφατη επιτυχημένη φραξιονιστική πάλη των Νοτιοαφρικανών συντρόφων μας που πραγματοποίησαν ενάντια στους ιστορικούς ηγέτες τους, οι οποίοι προσπάθησαν να εγκαταλείψουν το κεντρικό μας προγραμματικό κάλεσμα για μία εργατική κυβέρνηση με επίκεντρο τους μαύρους (βλέπε «The Fight for a South African Section of the ICL», [«Η Πάλη για ένα Τμήμα της ΔΚΕ στη Νότια Αφρική»] ένθετο της εφημερίδας Spartacist South Africa, Απρίλιος 2016). Οι σύντροφοί μας σχημάτισαν την Φράξια για την Τροτσκιστική Συνέχεια, ενάντια στην λανθασμένα ονομαζόμενη «Λενινιστική Φράξια». Υποδεικνύοντας προβλήματα ενδημικά στον καπιταλισμό στη Νότια Αφρική η διακήρυξη της φράξιας των συντρόφων μας υποστήριξε:
«Μόνο μέσα από τη δικτατορία του προλεταριάτου είναι δυνατόν να μπει ένα τέλος στην εθνική καταπίεση των μαύρων που αποτελούν την πλειοψηφία και να υπερνικηθούν οι εθνικοί και φυλετικοί διαχωρισμοί μεταξύ των μη λευκών λαών».
Σε έναν δραματικό παραλληλισμό με τον αγγλοσοβινισμό της TLC για το Κεμπέκ, η Λενινιστική Φράξια εξίσωσε τον εθνικισμό της καταπιεζόμενης πλειοψηφίας των μαύρων με τον ρατσιστικό σοβινισμό των λευκών καταπιεστών στη Νότια Αφρική, υποστηρίζοντας ότι η διαφοροποίηση μεταξύ των δύο σήμαινε συμφιλίωση με τον μαύρο εθνικισμό!
Η βοήθεια από τη ΔΓ και τη ΔΕΕ κατά τη διάρκεια της φραξιονιστικής πάλης ήταν καίρια. Αλλά αυτή η παρέμβαση ήταν σε έντονη αντίθεση προς την προηγούμενη μεταχείριση των Νοτιοαφρικανών συντρόφων, των οποίων οι γνώμες συχνά υποτιμήθηκαν ή αγνοήθηκαν, ιδιαίτερα από Αμερικανούς συντρόφους. Όπως έγραψε ο σύντροφος Bride, ένας ηγέτης της ΔΓ, σχεδόν 20 χρόνια πριν:
«Σύντροφοι που έχουν μεταφερθεί από τη Δύση μπορεί να αντικατοπτρίζουν το γεγονός ότι τα μέλη μας στη Νότια Αφρική παραέχουν εμπειρία στο να κυριαρχούνται από την άρχουσα τάξη αυτής της χώρας που προέρχεται από την Ευρώπη. Εάν επιτρέψουμε και το παραμικρότερο ίχνος ανισοτιμίας της καπιταλιστικής κοινωνίας να εκδηλωθεί στις σχέσεις μεταξύ των συντρόφων στο κόμμα, τότε θα έχουμε μεγάλο πρόβλημα».
Αργότερα, η αυτοκρατορική υπεροψία αποτελούσε επίσης χαρακτηριστικό του καθεστώτος Wolkenstein, που ανοιχτά χλεύαζε τις δυνατότητες των ηγετών του τμήματός μας στη Νότια Αφρική. Η Wolkenstein επειδή υποστήριζε ότι δεν καταλάβαιναν τον χαρακτήρα της Τρικομματικής Συμμαχίας που κυβερνούσε, έβαλε ένα τέλος στην παραγωγή προπαγάνδας γι’ αυτό το ζήτημα, και αντί αυτού εμπιστεύθηκε αυτό το καθήκον στους αγαπημένους της πράκτορες στη ΔΓ.
Αναφορικά με το αμερικανικό τμήμα μας, το κείμενο του συνεδρίου επαναβεβαίωσε την προοπτική της οικοδόμησης ενός κόμματος του οποίου τα μέλη και η ηγεσία, θα αποτελείται από 70 τοις εκατό μαύρους, Λατίνους και από άλλες μειονότητες. Το κάλεσμα για ένα κόμμα που θα αποτελείται από 70 τοις εκατό μαύρους ήταν αρχικά μία πολεμική στο εσωτερικό του κόμματος ενάντια σε συντρόφους που οπισθοχωρούσαν από την πάλη στο να στρατολογηθούν μαύροι εργάτες και νέοι τη δεκαετία του 1970 και στις αρχές της δεκαετίας του 1980. Ουσιαστικά, δεν πρόκειται για ένα σύνθημα αλλά αποτελεί μια δήλωση της δέσμευσής μας στην στρατολόγηση και στην εδραίωση μιας Τροτσκιστικής ηγεσίας που θα αποτελείται από μαύρους. Το συνέδριο επαναβεβαίωσε το πρόγραμμά μας για την επαναστατική ενσωμάτωση των μαύρων όπως αυτό διατυπώθηκε στο ιδρυτικό κείμενο της SL/U.S., «Black and Red-Class Struggle Road to Negro Freedom» («Μαύρο και Κόκκινο-Ο Δρόμος της Ταξικής Πάλης για την Ελευθερία των Μαύρων», Spartacist τεύχος 10, Μάιος-Ιούνιος 1967) όπου δήλωνε:
«Ο άμεσος στόχος μας είναι να αναπτύξουμε μαύρα Τροτσκιστικά στελέχη. Στοχεύουμε όχι μόνο να στρατολογήσουμε Μαύρους ως μέλη – μια παράκαμψη προς την εργατική τάξη την περίοδο αυτή – αλλά και να εξελίξουμε αυτούς τους μαύρους εργάτες σε Τροτσκιστικά στελέχη που θα αναλάβουν έναν ηγετικό ρόλο στο να οργανώσουν τις μάζες των μαύρων, μέσα στην Ένωση την ίδια, καθώς και αλλού».
Η εξέλιξη μαύρων ηγετικών στελεχών σε μία χώρα που καθορίζεται από έντονο φυλετικό μίσος, το οποίο είναι ριζωμένο στον βίαιο διαχωρισμό της πλειοψηφίας του μαύρου πληθυσμού στον πάτο της κοινωνίας, απαιτεί μία διαρκή και υψηλού επιπέδου συνείδηση. Αυτό σημαίνει το να δίνεις ιδιαίτερη προσοχή στην ανελέητη πίεση και την κακοποίηση που αντιμετωπίζουν οι μαύροι σύντροφοί μας, συμπεριλαμβανομένου και από αυτάρεσκους λευκούς φιλελεύθερους. Αντί αυτού, ο ανεκτίμητος πυρήνας των μαύρων συντρόφων συχνά χρησιμοποιήθηκε ως ανδρείκελο σε οπορτουνιστικές καμπάνιες από προηγούμενες ηγεσίες. Δύο παραδείγματα ήταν το «Μεγάλο Άλμα προς τα Εμπρός» – μία απατηλή καμπάνια για τη στρατολόγηση νέων μαύρων εργατών, μετά από μία δράση ενιαίου μετώπου ενάντια στη φασιστική Κου Κλουξ Κλαν στην πόλη της Νέας Υόρκης το 1999 – και στην ατελείωτη ώθηση για την «αναζωογόνηση» ενός μη υπαρκτού μαζικού κινήματος για την ελευθερία του Μούμια Αμπού-Τζαμάλ, φυλακισμένου του ταξικού πολέμου.
Επανασφυρηλάτηση της Τετάρτης Διεθνούς!
Σε αυτό το τεύχος τυπώνουμε επίσης ένα ψήφισμα που εγκρίθηκε από τους αντιπροσώπους του συνεδρίου διορθώνοντας τα άρθρα μας από τον Ινδο-Πακιστανικό πόλεμο το 1971, τα οποία λανθασμένα υποστήριξαν ότι η πάλη για την ανεξαρτησία του Μπαγκλαντές είχε γίνει δευτερεύον ζήτημα μπροστά στην επέμβαση του ινδικού στρατού (βλέπε σελίδα 35). Επίσης το συνέδριο ενέκρινε ένα ψήφισμα το οποίο πέρασε από την Spartacist League of Australia-SL/A (Σπαρτακιστική Ένωση Αυστραλίας) εγκαθιδρύοντας ξανά το κάλεσμα για την ανεξαρτησία της Δυτικής Παπούα από την εξουσία της Ινδονησίας και επαναφέροντας τα αιτήματα: «Έξω τα ινδονησιακά στρατεύματα! Αυστραλία κάτω τα χέρια!» Χρησιμοποιώντας σαν σημείο αναφοράς μια απεργία ανθρακωρύχων το 2011 που κινητοποίησε την υποστήριξη από μαχητές της ανεξαρτησίας της Δυτικής Παπούα, το ψήφισμα κατέληξε:
«Αυτό απεικονίζει την προοπτική μας, το να συνδεθεί η απελευθέρωση της βαθιά εκμεταλλευόμενης εργατικής τάξης του αρχιπελάγους με τους αγώνες των μειονοτικών λαών, και της αναγκαιότητας να συνδεθεί η πάλη για εργατική επανάσταση στην Ινδονησία με την πάλη για εργατική επανάσταση στις πιο ανεπτυγμένες ιμπεριαλιστικές χώρες».
Τα κύρια στελέχη που εργάστηκαν στο κείμενο του συνεδρίου έκαναν αποτελεσματική χρήση του πλούτου των πηγών της Prometheus Research Library-PRL (Ερευνητικής Βιβλιοθήκης Προμηθέας) (η κύρια παραπομπή αρχείων της Κεντρικής Επιτροπής της SL/U.S.). Η έντονη έρευνα και οι συζητήσεις τους στην PRL επαναβεβαίωσαν τη σημαντικότητα της βιβλιοθήκης ως Μαρξιστικού χώρου εργασίας. Το υλικό της διατηρεί τα σκληρά κερδισμένα μαθήματα του παρελθόντος και υπηρετεί ως εφόδιο για την πάλη των νέων γενεών κομμουνιστών ηγετών. Το ανεκτίμητο περιεχόμενο της βιβλιοθήκης σε διάφορες γλώσσες, όπως στα χίντι και στα μπενγκάλι, θα πρέπει να χρησιμοποιηθεί για την επέκταση της διεθνούς μας.
Το συνέδριο επίσης δεσμεύτηκε να μετατρέψει τις επιτροπές σύνταξης του τετράγλωσσου διεθνούς θεωρητικού μας περιοδικού Spartacist, σε πραγματικά πολιτικά όργανα, με τις δικές τους αξιολογήσεις και αποφάσεις όσον αφορά το περιεχόμενο, ώστε να μην είναι απλά μεταφραστικές υπηρεσίες της αγγλικής έκδοσης. Έτσι, η γαλλική έκδοση αυτού του τεύχους έχει δημοσιευτεί πριν από την αγγλική έκδοση. Η γαλλική έκδοση έχει ιδιαίτερη σημασία για τη ΔΚΕ στο Κεμπέκ, όπου η δημόσια διόρθωση της προηγούμενης αγγλο-σοβινιστικής μας θέσης είναι ζωτικής σημασίας για τη διεξαγωγή της δουλειάς μας, όχι λιγότερο με το ξεκίνημα της εφημερίδας στο Κεμπέκ, της République ouvrière.
Από την αντεπαναστατική καταστροφή της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης, η ΔΚΕ έχει έρθει αντιμέτωπη με επαναλαμβανόμενες μάχες με στόχο να διατηρηθεί η επαναστατική μας συνέχεια ενάντια σε μία σειρά οπορτουνιστικών ηγεσιών. Απαντώντας σε συντρόφους που αποδίδουν την κύρια ευθύνη για τα προβλήματά μας στις πιέσεις της δυσμενούς πραγματικότητας που έχουμε έρθει αντιμέτωποι, ένας από τους ηγετικούς συντρόφους από το Κεμπέκ υποστήριξε:
«Οι αντικειμενικές πιέσεις πάνω μας είναι τρομακτικές, αλλά αυτό δεν αποτελεί δικαιολογία για να εγκαταλείψουμε τον σκοπό μας. Θα ήταν αντικειμενισμός και ντετερμινισμός να σκεφτούμε ότι ο υποκειμενικός παράγοντας δεν μπορεί να αλλάξει την πραγματικότητα και δεν μπορεί να ανταπεξέλθει στις πιέσεις της αστικής κοινωνίας. Ο ρόλος της ηγεσίας και του κόμματος συνολικά είναι να ξεπερνά τις πιέσεις αυτές και να εφαρμόζει το Μαρξιστικό πρόγραμμα στην πραγματικότητα....
«Το πολιτικό περιβάλλον δεν καλυτερεύει για εμάς. Το καθήκον του επερχόμενου συνεδρίου είναι να εκλέξει μία ηγεσία η οποία θα είναι η πιο ικανή στο να αντιμετωπίσει τις προκλήσεις μπροστά μας με ένα Τροτσκιστικό πρόγραμμα. Δεν μπορούμε να εγγυηθούμε ότι θα πετύχουμε, αλλά έχουμε μία ευκαιρία. Ωστόσο, δεν μπορούμε να διορθώσουμε την πορεία μας εάν δεν αντιμετωπίσουμε το παρελθόν μας κατά πρόσωπο. Αυτός είναι και ο μοναδικός τρόπος που μπορούμε να υπερασπίσουμε τη συνέχειά μας».
Αυτή η συνέχεια δεν έχει απλά διατηρηθεί αλλά και ανανεωθεί μέσα από αυτή την πάλη, η οποία ήταν η επαναβεβαίωση της αναγκαιότητας ενός προλεταριακού, επαναστατικού και διεθνιστικού κόμματος. Η «Διεθνής» που τραγουδήθηκε στη λήξη του συνεδρίου παρείχε μία μικρή αλλά σημαντική έκφραση του σκοπού μας. Ξεκινώντας στα γαλλικά από έναν σύντροφο από το Κεμπέκ, η Διεθνής τραγουδήθηκε στα παντζαμπί, στα καταλανικά, στα ισπανικά, στα ελληνικά, στα αραβικά, στα γερμανικά, στα πολωνικά, στα ιταλικά, στα αγγλικά και σε άλλες γλώσσες. Σε έναν μικρόκοσμο, έκανε χειροπιαστό το ηχηρό ρεφρέν: «Τα Διεθνή Σοβιέτ θα γίνουν η ανθρώπινη φυλή!»*

*  Ο συγκεκριμένος στίχος δεν υπάρχει στους στίχους της ελληνικής Διεθνούς.

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside-Its The Same Struggle-Build The Resistance

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside-Its The Same Struggle-Build The Resistance   

This holiday time of year (and Political Prisoner Month each June as well) is when by traditions of solidarity and comradeship those of us who today stand outside the prison walls sent our best wishes from freedom to our class-war sisters and brothers inside the walls and redouble our efforts in that task.  

Don't forget Mumia, Leonard Peltier, Reality Leigh Winner, The Ohio 7's Tom Manning and Jaan Laaman and all those Black Panther and other black militants still be held in this country's prisons for  risking their necks for a better world for their people, for all people.