On
The Parliamentary Front Against The American Middle East Wars
NEW
WARS / OLD WARS – What Could Possibly Go Wrong?
THE
BIPARTISAN WAR CONSENSUS
Why
do elected officials give credence to the myth that U.S. military power is
somehow fettered, when our troop presence looms large, even to the point of
appearing overextended? Why does there seem to be a consensus in Washington that
assumes a broad, expensive and invasive U.S. military presence to be a panacea?
The answer lies in distinguishing the superficial differences in foreign policy
debates from the actual policies favored by both parties. The reality is that
U.S. foreign policy isn’t nearly as democratic as it should be and the elites
forming it tend to pretty much agree on everything. This elite consensus then
gets further constrained by the insatiable budget appetites of defense
bureaucracy. These are the reasons intervention is so often presented by the
defense and foreign policy establishment as entirely obvious and completely
inevitable. It begins with a total disregard for public opinion when defense
strategy is formulated. Exempting extreme situations, what the American people
want just doesn’t matter all that much. More
The
Tragedy of the American Military
Ours
is the best-equipped fighting force in history, and it is incomparably the most
expensive. By all measures, today’s professionalized military is also better
trained, motivated, and disciplined than during the draft-army years. No decent
person who is exposed to today’s troops can be anything but respectful of them
and grateful for what they do. Yet repeatedly this force has been defeated by
less modern, worse-equipped, barely funded foes. Or it has won skirmishes and
battles only to lose or get bogged down in a larger war. Although no one can
agree on an exact figure, our dozen years of war in Iraq, Afghanistan, and
neighboring countries have cost at least $1.5 trillion; Linda J. Bilmes, of the
Harvard Kennedy School, recently estimated that the total cost could be three to
four times that much… “We are vulnerable,” the author William Greider wrote
during the debate last summer on how to fight ISIS, “because our presumption of
unconquerable superiority leads us deeper and deeper into unwinnable military
conflicts.” And the separation of the military from the public disrupts the
process of learning from these defeats. More
Political
Islam and US Policy in 2015
Arab
political Islam generally includes the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan,
Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, al-Nahda in Tunisia, and al-Wefaq in
Bahrain. The term “political Islam” does not include radical and terrorist
groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS, ISIL or IS), al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula, North Africa, Iraq, and Syria, or armed opposition groups in Iraq,
Syria, Yemen, and Libya. Nor does it apply to terrorist groups in Africa such as
Boko Haram, al-Shabab, and others.Unfortunately, in the past three years, many
policy makers in the West, and curiously in several Arab countries, have equated
mainstream political Islam with radical and terrorist groups. This erroneous and
self-serving linkage has provided Washington with a fig leaf to justify its cozy
relations with Arab autocrats and tolerance of their bloody repression of their
citizens… Much as one might disagree with Islamic political ideology, it’s the
height of folly to think that long-term domestic stability and economic security
in Egypt, Bahrain, Palestine, or Lebanon could be achieved without including the
Muslim Brotherhood, al-Wefaq, Hamas, and Hezbollah in governance. Coddling
autocrats is a short-term strategy that will not succeed in the long run. The
longer the cozy relationship lasts, the more Muslims will revert to the earlier
belief that America’s war on terrorism is a war on Islam. More
Doubling Down on
Dictatorship in the Middle East
When the
Egyptian military — led by now-president Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi — deposed the
democratically elected president Mohamed Morsi in July 2013, the Obama
administration wavered about whether it would suspend military aid to Egypt,
which U.S. law requires in the case of a coup. Yet despite some partial and
temporary suspensions, the U.S. government continued to send military hardware. Now that Sisi heads a
nominally civilian government — installed in a sham election by a small minority of voters — all restrictions on U.S. aid have
been lifted, including for military helicopters that are used to intimidate and attack protesters. As Secretary of State John
Kerry promised a month after Sisi's election, "The Apaches will
come, and they will come very, very soon." In the tiny kingdom of Bahrain,
meanwhile, the demonstrations for constitutional reform that began in February
2011 continue, despite the government's attempts to silence the opposition with
everything at its disposal — from bird shot to life imprisonment. Throughout it
all, Washington has treated Bahrain like a respectable ally.
More
The
9/11 Commission Report acknowledged that charities based in Saudi Arabia
provided funds to Al-Qaeda but “found no evidence that the Saudi government” was
directly involved. However, the Bush administration excised 28 pages of findings on the subject of possible Saudi
involvement in the 9/11 attacks, citing national security concerns. Current and
former members of Congress say those 28 pages contain direct evidence of complicity on
the part of certain Saudi officials and entities… Attempts to pressure the Arab
Gulf states to cut off the flow of support to terrorist groups have proven
largely ineffective… The Gulf states receive tangible benefits from their
alliance with the U.S. in the form of advanced military equipment, extensive
training programs, protection of their vital natural resources, and the tacit
guarantee that Washington will come to their defense if they are threatened or
attacked… Washington’s client states in the Persian Gulf engage in behavior that
contradicts U.S. interests. Outdated and misguided ideas about the importance of
our Persian Gulf allies, driven by an imprudent and expansive grand strategy,
continue to incentivize policymakers to overlook the substantial costs
associated with them. More
Also
see this two-part article:
You
Can't Understand ISIS If You Don't Know the History of Wahhabism in Saudi
Arabia
With
the advent of the oil bonanza -- as the French scholar, Giles Kepel writes, Saudi goals were to "reach out and spread Wahhabism
across the Muslim world ... to "Wahhabise" Islam, thereby reducing the
"multitude of voices within the religion" to a "single creed" -- a movement
which would transcend national divisions. Billions of dollars were -- and
continue to be -- invested in this manifestation of soft power. It was this
heady mix of billion dollar soft power projection -- and the Saudi willingness
to manage Sunni Islam both to further America's interests, as it concomitantly
embedded Wahhabism educationally, socially and culturally throughout the lands
of Islam -- that brought into being a western policy dependency on Saudi Arabia
More
Are
There Nazis in Ukraine? A Visit to Lviv
When
Russian President Vladimir Putin spoke about fascists in Ukraine, many greeted
his words with scorn… In fact, Right Sector gangs were integrated into the
National Guard and sent to fight in East Ukraine while the Ukrainian Azov
Battalion, accused of committing war crimes in the East, has attracted many
Nazis. It has become undeniable that neo-Nazi units are operating in Ukraine
with full governmental support… The fact that neo-Nazis now form part of army
units sent to fight in East Ukraine and that Ukraine has been experiencing a
wave of extreme nationalism as marches have recently been held in Kiev marking
the 106th birthday of Bandera, means that it may be difficult to place the
demons unleashed by the US back into the bottle… As the US continues to support
Ukrainian fascists and delivers tanks to the wider region, the demons of the
past have returned. The same fascist slogans of "Death to the Enemies" are being
voiced in Kiev, with Ukrainian soldiers calling for "purification of the
nation." More
No comments:
Post a Comment