Workers Vanguard No. 1013
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23 November 2012
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Outrage Over Death of Woman Denied Abortion-For Free Abortion on Demand!
Ireland
Across Ireland, thousands of people, representing a broad cross
section of society, came out on November 17 to protest the cruel death of Savita
Halappanavar. Seventeen weeks pregnant, she was admitted to University Hospital
in Galway on October 21 with severe back pains and was told she was having a
miscarriage. Despite her repeated requests for a medical termination, doctors
refused to do the procedure on the grounds that the fetal heartbeat was still
detectable. After days of agony, she died of septicemia, a victim of the
anti-woman, clericalist policies of the Irish capitalist state.
The demonstrations are the largest rallies challenging Ireland’s
draconian ban on abortion since the “X case” in 1992, when a court ruling barred
a 14-year-old rape victim from leaving the country to obtain an abortion. The
mass protests at that time forced the Supreme Court to lift the injunction in
this one case, and the teenager was allowed to travel to England for an
abortion. The court said that a woman could obtain an abortion if there was a
“real and substantial risk” to her life, but in general women could still be
legally barred from leaving the country to get the procedure. Abortion remains
criminalized under the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act, buttressed by the
anti-abortion Eighth Amendment to the constitution, and runs directly counter to
the entrenched Catholic “ethos” of the hospitals, many of which are still
controlled by the church.
We reprint below a November 16 Spartacist League/Britain leaflet
distributed by International Communist League comrades at protests in Dublin and
outside the Irish Embassy in London.
* * *
The agonising death of Savita Halappanavar on 28 October, after
being repeatedly denied an abortion, is the latest atrocity against women by the
Irish clericalist state. It shows that, 20 years after Ireland was swept by mass
protests over the “X case,” nothing fundamental has changed: a woman can not get
an abortion to save her life. The barbaric treatment of the young Indian woman
in hospital has caused widespread outrage and there is massive support for an
end to Ireland’s virtual ban on abortion. Halappanavar’s mother bitterly
condemned Ireland’s abortion laws, saying: “In an attempt to save a 4-month-old
foetus they killed my 30-year-old daughter” (The Hindu, 15 November).
The question starkly posed today is how come, in the 21st century,
a woman who was suffering a miscarriage was denied an abortion that could have
prevented her death? Ireland is “a Catholic country,” the dying woman was told.
Make no mistake: any effective fight for abortion rights necessarily means a
hard-fought struggle against the full force of clerical reaction and against the
capitalist state.
The mass protests in 1992 forced the Supreme Court to rule that the
young woman known as “X” could go abroad for an abortion. At the time, the
liberals and leftists who led the campaign lulled the mass movement into
thinking that legislation for abortion rights would follow automatically. Such
illusions in the Irish capitalist state were used to demobilise the struggle. We
warned that:
“The women of Ireland and all those who favour abortion rights
still face a bitter struggle for what is needed: free abortion and
contraception on demand. It can rarely have been clearer that it will take
working-class revolution to break the power of the church in society, and that
the reformist parties of the Irish working class are utterly tied to the
capitalist system of austerity, oppression and bigotry.”
— Workers Hammer No. 129, May/June 1992
The struggle for abortion rights, for the separation of church and
state, as well as for decent healthcare and education provision, means a fight
against the whole reactionary edifice of capitalism. It is in the direct
interest of the working class—men and women—to take up the fight for free
abortion on demand, as part of the struggle to free itself from capitalist
austerity, exploitation and oppression. Irish society is no longer in thrall to
the clergy, as it was for many decades. But the church maintains much control of
education and healthcare—many hospitals abide by Catholic ethical codes. The
right to an abortion should not be subject to the moral views of doctors or
hospital management. For free abortion on demand! For free public
healthcare for all! For separation of church and state!
Under capitalism, democratic rights are the product of social
struggle and must constantly be defended against attack. In the 20 years since
the “X case,” anti-abortion forces have relentlessly tried to reverse any
opening for abortion rights that has been won, such as the right to information
on abortion services and to travel abroad for an abortion. It is delusional to
think that the capitalist parties Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, or for that matter
Labour, a bourgeois workers party, will mount a fundamental challenge to
reactionary Catholic forces over abortion rights. Yet these are the parties that
reformists are capitulating to, restricting their demands to calling for
legislation conforming to the Supreme Court ruling in the “X case.” This boils
down to calling for abortion to be legalised only in cases where
the woman’s life is in danger. The call for “free abortion,” which the Socialist
Workers Party [Irish followers of the late Tony Cliff] tacked on to the end of a
leaflet issued on 14 November, is merely a fig leaf covering their prostration
before the Irish state.
Labour Tánaiste [Deputy Prime Minister] Eamon Gilmore has promised
that the government will introduce guidelines stating when abortion is
permitted. Of course Marxists defend any legal right to abortion, however
limited, that might be achieved. Any legalisation of abortion
would cause a rift within the government, with several Fine Gael TDs [members of
parliament] insisting that no legislation be produced. A dividing line also runs
through Sinn Féin, as [its president] Gerry Adams admitted, saying: “I realise
there are strongly held opposing views, including within Sinn Féin and
throughout society, on the issue of medical termination.” Adams concludes with
the standard call for the government to provide legislation, no doubt assuming
that such legislation will pander to the anti-abortion bigots, including those
within his own party.
Clare Daly (formerly of the Socialist Party) and other TDs elected
on the United Left Alliance ticket, put a motion in the Dáil [Irish parliament]
earlier this year, solely designed “to provide for termination of pregnancy
where a real and substantial risk to the life of the mother exists” (Irish
Times, 22 February). In the Dáil debate following the death of Savita
Halappanavar, seven “left” TDs—Patrick Nulty, Mick Wallace, Clare Daly, Joan
Collins, Richard Boyd Barrett, Joe Higgins and Catherine Murphy—all pleaded with
the Fine Gael-Labour coalition government to legislate “for abortion under the
terms permitted by the Supreme Court ruling in the X case” (thejournal.ie, 15
November).
Labour Party senator Ivana Bacik likewise demands legislation, to
“save the lives of pregnant women” (Irish Times, 16 November). Bacik
cites the European Court of Human Rights, which ruled in 2010 that Ireland must
clarify the legal position on abortion. The government set up an “expert group”
to produce recommendations on how to comply with the European Court ruling, but
would prefer to postpone a decision as long as possible. Many today still look
to the European Union to liberalise Ireland’s laws on abortion, and to permit
gay marriage, etc. Such hopes are likely to be in vain. We oppose the European
Union, an imperialist club that is dictating savage attacks on working people in
Ireland, as well as in Greece, Spain and Portugal.
Limiting the demands for abortion rights to cases where the woman’s
life is in danger is a betrayal of the basic needs of Irish women, thousands of
whom are forced to travel to Britain every year for an abortion. To get an idea
of what government legislation might look like, women in the South need only
look across the border to Northern Ireland, where abortion is only available in
cases where there is “a risk to the life of the woman or a risk of real and
serious adverse effect to her physical and mental health on either a long-term
or permanent basis.” Abortion in the North is regulated by criminal law, and is
“punishable by a maximum sentence of life imprisonment” (Irish Times, 12
October).
The newly opened Marie Stopes private clinic in Belfast, offering
non-surgical abortions up to nine weeks, met with howls of protest from both
Catholic and Protestant reactionaries. An article in the Irish Times (22
October) noted: “Last year only some 43 legal abortions were performed in the
North while the Family Planning Association referred 40 women a week from there
to British clinics for a private abortion. Like their Southern counterparts, the
boat to Britain has been the only real option.” For the overwhelming majority of
working-class and poor women, the “right” to have an abortion without the means
to pay still leaves them without much “choice.” Women in Ireland, North and
South, depend on the availability of abortion services in Britain, where
abortion was legalised in 1967. However today the right to abortion in Britain
has faced repeated threats, including an attempt to reduce the time limit of 24
weeks. Birth control and abortion remain restricted throughout the capitalist
world by the state, by the institution of the family, and by organised religion,
which all serve to enforce women’s oppression.
The fight for abortion rights must be linked to the struggle for
women’s liberation through socialist revolution. As we noted in 1992, in
opposition to liberals and reformists who trimmed their demands to what they
thought was least likely to provoke reactionary forces: “This Gordian knot of
bourgeois ‘constitutional’ legal wrangling can only be cut in a progressive
sense by a tough, principled, iron-hard fight: not for this reform or that
wording but for what is needed by women and the working class”
(“For a Working Class-Centred Fight for Free Abortion on Demand!” Workers
Hammer No. 129, May/June 1992). Socialist revolution will tear down the
clericalist capitalist system in the South and that of the Loyalist masters in
the North. The construction of a planned economy alone can provide quality
healthcare and make abortion and contraception free and safe, on demand. Such a
society would provide jobs for everyone, laying the material basis
for the genuine liberation of women. We seek to build proletarian
internationalist parties dedicated to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism
on both sides of the Irish border and both sides of the Irish Sea.
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