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Workers Vanguard No. 1013
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23 November 2012
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TROTSKY
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LENIN
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Fifty Years of Struggle for Trotskyist Leadership
(Quote of the Week)
In March 1962, the document “In Defense of a Revolutionary
Perspective” was submitted to the National Committee of the Socialist Workers
Party (SWP), leading to the crystallization of the Revolutionary Tendency
(RT)—forerunner of the Spartacist League—as the authentic Trotskyist opposition
within that party. The SWP leadership’s increasing congruence with the
revisionist mutation of Trotskyism known as Pabloism was exemplified by its
uncritical enthusing for the Castro-led Cuban Revolution, which overturned
capitalist rule in spite of the fact that the working class played no role in
that overturn nor in the government that resulted from it.
British Socialist Labour League leader Gerry Healy and his U.S.
flunkey, Tim Wohlforth, engineered an unprincipled split in the RT in November
1962, denying that the SWP had undergone degeneration as a revolutionary party.
A few years later, we definitively parted company with Healy and Wohlforth when
they politically supported such non-proletarian forces as Mao’s Red Guards in
China and the “Arab Revolution.”
The Pabloist current that dominated the Trotskyist movement in
Europe following World War II posited that the revolutionary role of the
proletariat and its vanguard had been replaced by a variety of petty-bourgeois
forces. While initially mainly looking to Stalinist formations that would
supposedly spawn “centuries” of deformed workers states, the Pabloites went on
to tout anticolonial guerrilla struggle as the epicenter of world revolution. By
1963, the SWP majority extended this methodology to the black struggle in the
U.S., abandoning attempts to win communist leadership while cheerleading for
whatever black leaders were popular.
The document from which the paragraphs below are taken was
submitted to the 1963 SWP convention by the RT, whose members were later
bureaucratically expelled from the party. Many things have since changed in the
world, notably the counterrevolutionary destruction of the Soviet Union. But
throughout the half century, our tendency has remained programmatically
steadfast and achieved a modest but real extension of forces outside of the U.S.
The positions outlined in these documents, which are contained in our Marxist
Bulletin series, remain central to the perspectives of the International
Communist League (Fourth Internationalist).
* * *
The essence of the debate within the Trotskyist movement is the
question of the perspective of the proletariat and its revolutionary vanguard
elements toward the existing petit-bourgeois leaderships of the labor movement,
the deformed workers states, and the colonial revolution. The heart of the
revolutionary perspective of Marxism is in the struggle for the
independence of the workers as a class from all non-proletarian forces;
the guiding political issue and theoretical criterion is workers’
democracy, of which the supreme expression is workers’ power. This
applies to all countries where the proletariat has become capable of carrying on
independent politics—only the forms in which the issue is posed vary from
country to country. These forms, of course, determine the practical intervention
of the Marxists....
The task of the international revolutionary-Marxist movement today
is to re-establish its own real existence. To speak of the “conquest of the
masses” as a general guideline internationally is a qualitative overstatement.
The tasks before most Trotskyist sections and groups today flow from the need
for political clarification in the struggle against revisionism, in the context
of a level of work of a generally propagandistic and preparatory nature. An
indispensable part of our preparation is the development and strengthening of
roots within the broader working-class movement without which the Trotskyists
would be condemned to sterile isolation or to political degeneration in the
periods of rising class struggle and in either case unable to go forward in our
historic task of leading the working class to power. Above all what can and must
be done is the building of a world party firmly based on strong national
sections, the assembling of a cadre of working-class militants won and tested in
the process of the class struggle and on the firm basis of the revolutionary
perspective of the Fourth International, the program to realize workers’
democracy—culminating in workers’ power.
— “Toward Rebirth of the Fourth International,” June 1963;
reprinted in Marxist Bulletin No. 9, “Basic Documents of the Spartacist
League”
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