Tuesday, April 02, 2013

Pardon Private Bradley Manning Stand-Out-Central Square, Cambridge, Wednesdays, 5:00 PM -Update –April 2, 2013


Let’s Redouble Our Efforts To Free Private Bradley Manning-President Obama Pardon Bradley Manning -Make Every Town Square In America (And The World) A Bradley Manning Square From Boston To Berkeley to Berlin-Join Us In Central Square, Cambridge, Ma. For A Stand-Out For Bradley- Wednesdays From 5:00-6:00 PM
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Beginning in September 2011, in order to publicize Private Manning’s case locally, there have been weekly stand-outs (as well as other more ad hoc and sporadic events) in various locations in the Greater Boston area starting in Somerville across from the Davis Square Redline MBTA stop on Friday afternoons and later on Wednesdays. Lately this stand-out has been held each week on Wednesdays from 5:00 to 6:00 PM at Central Square, Cambridge, Ma. (small park at the corner of Massachusetts Avenue and Prospect Street just outside the Redline MBTA stop, renamed Manning Square for the duration of the stand-out) in order to continue to broaden our outreach. Join us there in calling for Private Manning’s freedom. President Obama Pardon Private Manning Now!

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Those who have followed the heroic Wikileaks whistle-blower Private Bradley Manning’s case over the past year or so, since about April 2012 when the pre-trial hearings began in earnest, know that last November the defendant offered to plead guilty to a few lesser included charges in his indictment, basically taking legal and political responsibility for the leaks to WikiLeaks that had been the subject of some of the government’s allegations against him. Without getting into the arcane legal maneuvering on this issue the idea was to cut across the government’s pretty solid case against him being the leaker of information and to have the now scheduled for June trial be focused on the substantial question of whether his actions constituted “material aid to terrorism” which could subject Private Manning to life in prison. We noted then that we needed to stay with Bradley on this and make sure people know that what he admitted to was that he disclosed information about American military atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan and other diplomatic high crime and misdemeanors and only that. We also noted that he was, and is, frankly, in trouble, big trouble, and needs our support more than ever. Especially in light of the following:

After enduring nearly three years of detention, at times under torturous conditions, on February 28, 2013 Bradley Manning confessed that he had provided WikiLeaksa trove of military and diplomatic documents that exposed U.S. imperialist schemes and wartime atrocities. Private Manning’s guilty plea on ten of 22 counts against him could land him in prison for 20 years. A day after Bradley confessed, military prosecutors announced plans to try him on the remaining counts, including “aiding the enemy” and violating the Espionage Act. Trial is expected to begin in early June. If convicted on these charges, Bradley Manning faces life in prison.

In lifting a bit of the veil of secrecy and lies with which the capitalist rulers cover their depredations, Bradley Manning performed a great service to workers and oppressed around the world. All who oppose the imperialist barbarity and machinations revealed in the material he provided must join in demanding his immediate freedom. Also crucially important is the defense of Julian Assange against the vendetta by the U.S., Britain and their cohorts, who are attempting to railroad him to prison by one means or another for his role in running WikiLeaks.

In a 35-page statement he read to the military court after entering his plea (written summary available at the Bradley Manning Support Network and an audio transcript as well), Manning told of his journey from nearly being rejected in basic training to becoming an army intelligence analyst. In that capacity he came across mountains of evidence of U.S. duplicity and war crimes. The materials he provided to WikiLeaks included military logs documenting 120,000 civilian deaths in Iraq and Afghanistan and a formal military policy of covering up torture, rape and murder. A quarter-million diplomatic cables address all manner of lethal operations within U.S. client states, from the “drug war” in Mexico to drone strikes in Yemen. He also released files containing assessments of detainees held at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. These documents show that the government continued to hold many who, Manning stated, were believed or known to be innocent, as well as “low level foot soldiers that did not have useful intelligence.”

The Pentagon and the Obama Administration declared war against WikiLeaks following the release of a video, now entitled Collateral Murder and widely available, conveyed by Manning, of a 2007 U.S. Apache helicopter airstrike in Iraq that killed at least 12 people, including two Reuters journalists. American forces are then shown firing on a van that pulled up to help the victims. Manning said he was most alarmed by the “bloodlust they appeared to have.” He described how instead of calling for medical attention for a seriously wounded individual trying to crawl to safety, an aerial crew team member “asks for the wounded person to pick up a weapon so that he can have a reason to engage.”

By January 2010, Manning said, he“began to become depressed with the situation that we found ourselves increasingly mired in year after year” and decided to make public many of the documents he had backed up as part of his work as an analyst. Manning first offered the materials to the Washington Post and the New York Times. Not getting anywhere with these pillars of the bourgeois press establishment, in February 2010 he made his first submission to WikiLeaks. He attached a note advising that “this is possibly one of the more significant documents of our time removing the fog of war and revealing the true nature of twenty-first century asymmetric warfare. Have a good day.”

The charge of “aiding the enemy”—i.e., Al Qaeda—is especially ominous. This used to mean things like military sabotage and handing over information on troop movements to a battlefield enemy. In Manning’s case, the prosecution claims that the very act of publicizing U.S. military and diplomatic activities, some of which took place years before, amounted to “indirect” communication with Al Qaeda. Manning told the court that he believed that public access to the information “could spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in general.” He hoped that this “might cause society to reevaluate the need or even the desire to engage in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations that ignore the complex dynamics of the people living in the affected environment everyday.” But by the lights of the imperialists’ war on terror, any exposure of their depredations can be construed as support to the“terrorist” enemy, whoever that might be.

The Pentagon intends to call no fewer than 141 witnesses in its show trial, including four people to testify anonymously. One of them, designated as “John Doe,” is believed to be a Navy SEAL who participated in the raid that killed Osama bin Laden. “Doe” is alleged to have grabbed three disks from bin Laden’s Abbottabad, Pakistan, compound on which was stored four files’ worth of the WikiLeaksmaterial provided by Manning.

Nor do charges under the Espionage Act have to have anything to do with actual spying. The law was one of an array of measures adopted to criminalize antiwar activity after U.S. imperialism’s entry into the First World War. It mandated imprisonment for any act deemed to interfere with the recruitment of troops. Among its first and most prominent victims was Socialist Party spokesman Eugene V. Debs, who was jailed for a June 1918 speech at a workers’ rally in Canton, Ohio, where he denounced the war as capitalist slaughter and paid tribute to the leaders of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Dozens of Industrial Workers of the World organizers were also thrown into prison.

In the early 1970s, the Nixon government tried, unsuccessfully, to use this law to go after Daniel Ellsberg, whose release of the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times shed light on the history of U.S. imperialism’s losing war against the Vietnamese workers and peasants. Obama has happily picked up Nixon’s mantle. Manning’s prosecution will be the sixth time the Obama administration has used the Espionage Act against the source of an unauthorized leak of classified information—more than the combined total under all prior administrations since the law’s enactment in 1917.

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The Private Bradley Manning case is headed toward an early summer trial now scheduled for June 2013. The news on his case over the past several months has centered on the many pre-trial motion hearings including recent defense motions to dismiss for lack of speedy trial. Private Manning’s pre-trial confinement is now at over 1000 days and will be over well over 1000 days by the time of trial. That dismissal motion has now been ruled on by Military Judge Lind. On February 26, 2013 she denied the defense’s motion for dismissal, the last serious chance for Bradley Manning to go free before the scheduled June trial. She ruled furthermore that the various delays by the government were inherent in the nature of this case and that the military authorities, except in one short instance, had been diligent in their efforts to move the proceedings along. For those of us with military experience this is a classic, if perverse, case of that old army slogan-“Hurry up, and wait.” This is definitely tough news for Private Manning although perhaps a good appeal point in some future civilian court review.

The defense had contended that the charges should be dismissed because the military by its own statutes (to speak nothing of that funny old constitutional right to a speedy trial guarantee that our plebeian forbears fought tooth and nail for against the bloody British and later made damn sure was included in the Amendments when the founding fathers“forgot” to include it in the main document) should have arraigned Private Manning within 120 days after his arrest. They hemmed and hawed for almost 600 days before deciding on the charges and a court martial. Nobody in the convening authority, as required by those same statutes, pushed the prosecution forward in a timely manner. In fact the court-martial convening authority, in the person of one Colonel Coffman, seemed to have seen his role as mere “yes man”to each of the government’s eight requests for delays without explanation (and without informing the defense in order to take their objection). Apparently the Colonel saw his role as a mere clearing agent for whatever excuse the government gave, mainly endless addition time for clearing various classified documents a process that need not have held up the proceedings. The defense made timely objection to each governmental request to no avail.

Testimony from military authorities at pre-trial hearings in November 2012 about the reasons for the lack of action ranged from the lame to the absurd (mainly negative responses to knowledge about why some additional delays were necessary. One “reason” sticks out as a reason for excusable delay -some officer needed to get his son to a swimming meet and was thus “unavailable” for a couple of days. I didn’t make this up. I don’t have that sense of the absurd. Jesus, a man was rotting in Obama’s jails and they let him rot because of some damn swim meet). The prosecution, obviously, argued that the government has moved might and main to move the case along and had merely waited until all leaked materials had been determined before proceeding. The judge saw it the government’s way and ruled according as noted above.

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The defense has also recently pursued a motion for a dismissal of the major charges (espionage/ indirect material aid to terrorists) on the basis of the minimal effect of any leaks on national security issues as against Private Manning’s claim that such knowledge was important to the public square (freedom of information issues important for us as well in order to know about what the hell the government is doing either in front of us, or behind our backs). Last summer witnesses from an alphabet soup list of government agencies (CIA, FBI, NSA, Military Intelligence, etc., etc.) testified that while the information leaked shouldn’t have been leaked that the effect on national security was de minimus. The Secretary of Defense at the time, Leon Panetta, also made a public statement to that effect. The prosecution argued, successfully at the time, that the mere fact of the leak of classified information caused irreparable harm to national security issues and Private Manning’s intent, even if noble, was not at issue.

The recent thrust of the motion to dismiss has centered on the defense’s contention that Private Manning consciously and carefully screened any material in his possession to avoid any conflict with national security and that most of the released material had been over-classified (received higher security level than necessary). Much of the materials leaked, as per those parts published widely in the aftermath of the disclosures by the New York Times and other major outlets, concerned reports of atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan and diplomatic interchanges that reflected poorly on that profession. The Obama government has argued again that the mere fact of leaking was all that mattered. That motion has also not been fully ruled on and is now the subject of prosecution counter-motions and has been a cause for further trial delay.

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A defense motion for dismissal based on serious allegations of torturous behavior by the military authorities extending far up the chain of command (a three-star Army general, not the normal concern of someone so far up the chain in the matter of discipline for enlisted personal) while Private Manning was first detained in Kuwait and later at the Quantico Marine brig for about a year ending in April 2011 has now been ruled on. In late November and early December Private Manning himself, as well as others including senior military mental health workers, took the stand to detail those abuses over several days. Most important to the defense was the testimony by qualified military mental health professionals citing the constant willful failure of those who held Private Manning in close confinement to listen to, or act, on their recommendations during those periods

Judge Lind, the military judge who has heard all the pre-trial arguments in the case thus far, has essentially ruled unfavorably on that motion to dismiss given the potential life sentence Private Manning faces. As she announced at an early January pre-trial hearing the military acted illegally in some of its actions. While every Bradley Manning supporter should be heartened by the fact that the military judge ruled that he was subject to illegal behavior by the military during his pre-trial confinement her remedy, a 112 days reduction in any future sentence, is a mere slap on the wrist to the military authorities. No dismissal or, alternatively, no appropriate reduction (the asked for ten to one ratio for all his first year or so of illegal close confinement which would take years off any potential sentence) given the seriousness of the illegal behavior as the defense tirelessly argued for. And the result is a heavy-handed deterrent to any future military whistleblowers, who already are under enormous pressures to remain silent as a matter of course while in uniform, and others who seek to put the hard facts of future American military atrocities before the public.

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There has been increased media attention by mainstream outlets around the case (including the previously knowingly oblivious New York Times), as well as an important statement in November 2012 by three Nobel Peace Laureates (including Bishop Tutu from South Africa) calling on their fellow laureate, United States President Barack Obama, to free Private Manning from his jails. (Available on the Support Bradley Manning Network website.)

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On February 23, 2013, the 1000th day of Private Bradley Manning’s pre-trial confinement, an international day of solidarity was observed with over seventy stand-outs and other demonstration held in America and internationally. Bradley Manning and his courageous stand have not been forgotten. Go to the Bradley Manning Support Network for more details about the events of that day. Another international day of solidarity is scheduled for June 1, 2013 at Fort Meade, Maryland and elsewhere just before the scheduled start of his trial on June 3rd. Check the support network for updates on that event as well.

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Plan to come to Fort Meade outside of Washington, D.C. on June 1st for an international day of solidarity with Bradley before his scheduled June 3rd trial. If you can’t make it to Fort Meade plan a solidarity event locally in support of this brave whistle-blower.

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5 Ways To Support Heroic Wikileaks Whistle-blower Private Bradley Manning

*Urgent: The government has announced, in the wake of Bradley Manning’s admission of his part in the Wikileaks expose in open court on February 28th, its intention to continue to prosecute him for the major charges of “aiding the enemy” (Espionage Act) and “material aid to terrorism.” Everyone should contact the presiding officer of the court –martial process, General Linnington, at 1-202-685-2807 and tell him to drop those charges. Once Maj. Gen. Linnington’s voicemail box is fullyou can also leave a message at the DOD: (703) 571-3343 – press “5″ to leave a comment.*If this mailbox is also full, leave the Department of Defense a written message. Do it today.

*Come to our stand-out in support of Private Bradley Manning in Central Square, Cambridge, Ma (corner of Massachusetts Avenue and Prospect Street near MBTA Redline station) every Wednesday between 5-6 PM. For other locations in Greater Boston, nationally, and internationally check the Bradley Manning Support Network -http://www.bradleymanning.org/ and for details of the current status of the case and future event updates as well. Also plan to come to Fort Meade outside of Washington, D.C. on June 1st for an international day of solidarity with Bradley before his scheduled June 3rd trial. If you can’t make it to Fort Meade plan a solidarity event locally in support of this brave whistle-blower.

*Contribute to the Bradley Manning Defense Fund- as the trial date approaches funds are urgently needed! The government has unlimited financial and personnel resources to prosecute Bradley. And the Obama government is fully using them. We have a fine defense civilian lawyer, David Coombs, many supporters throughout America and the world working hard for Bradley’s freedom, and the truth on our side. Still the hard reality of the American legal system, civilian or military, is that an adequate defense cost serious money. So help out with whatever you can spare. For link go to http://www.bradleymanning.org/

*Sign the online petition at the Bradley Manning Support Network (for link go to http://www.bradleymanning.org/ )to the Secretary of the Army to free Bradley Manning-1000 plus days is enough! The Secretary of the Army stands in the direct chain of command up to the President and can release Private Manning from pre-trial confinement and drop the charges against him at his discretion. For basically any reason that he wishes to-let us say 1000 plus days is enough. Join the over 25,000 supporters in the United States and throughout the world clamoring for Bradley’s well-deserved freedom.

*Call (Comments”202-456-1111), write The White House, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20500, e-mail-(http://www.whitehouse.gov’contact/submitquestions-and comments) the White House to demand President Obama pardon Bradley Manning- The presidential power to pardon is granted under Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution:

“The President…shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in case of impeachment.”

In federal cases, and military cases are federal cases, the President of the United States can, under authority granted by the U.S. Constitution as stated above, pardon the guilty and the innocent, the convicted and those awaiting trial- former President Nixon and former Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, for example among others, received such pardons for their heinous crimes- Now that Bradley Manning has pleaded guilty to some lesser charges and is subject to further prison time (up to 20 years) this pardon campaign is more necessary than ever. Free Bradley Manning! Free the whistleblower!

***Out In The 1970s Film Night- With Robert Mitchum’s The Friends Of Eddie Coyle In Mind


From The Pen Of Frank Jackman

It was a shame, a crying shame when they knocked off Eddie, Eddie Fingers. Good old Eddie Fingers, Eddie from the old school, the old school of hard knocks, the school of life, life on the mean streets, the mean streets of Boston. Although the guys, the corner boy guys that he grew up with around Millie’s Variety Store over on M Street in Southie, had heard through that seamless grapevine that corner boys and career street lugs have no matter how far removed from the sacred soil, that he had lately placed himself and his family out of the city and into North Adamsville. Away from the corrupting city influences, the n----rs Eddie said, them and every son of a whoremaster who might want at his three lovely virginal and very Irish Catholic daughters being properly novena and rosary bead brought up by his ever-loving wife. So maybe he wasn’t so old school, so committed to the old ways since they all, and their families too, had stayed on the old sod. And maybe those whispered rumors about who Eddie was, or was not, seeing of late, had a little more truth to them that one might have previously dismissed out of hand.

Yah, Eddie, Eddie Fingers had been a stand-up guy no question, a guy who knew the rules, a guy who had your back, a big hefty raw-boned guy who was handy to have around when fists began to fly, a guy nobody figured to wind up like some crushed paper doll in the front seat of some classy late model vehicle with two big slugs running through his brain. And that, the two slugs, and the Eddie didn’t figure to be wearing them, got the guys, some of the guys, some of guys around town, around the old neighborhoods, maybe a little nervous about their own futures, figuring out, trying to figure out as a far as possible, and no more, what transgression did Eddie in, what made him a pin cushion and his children fatherless.

Eddie Fingers was nothing but a soldier, had always been nothing but a soldier despite his handiness in a fight, a guy pretty far down on the totem pole though so it didn’t figure he got hit, hit bad, for trying to get too uppity, trying to move up the food chain, or worse, trying to go independent. He was just a soldier and, frankly, just too old to be acting like some two-bit kid just off the street (and every guy had some funny, now funny, stories about how they were going to be the king hell kings of the Southie, or name your neighborhood, when young before they wised up, or were wised up, that the thing was rigged, fixed, sewed up long before they drew breath and just took their places assigned in the food chain) or just out of reform school to be thinking about making some big splash.
Eddie had done alright, alright for a half-bright guy (eighth grade dropout , or put out, in any case nobody at home or school was pulling for him to stick around, especially after he almost killed the headmaster at the Tobin when that man tried to give him the ruler) who got caught up with Big Jim, Big Jim from the old Southie neighborhoods, when he was making his big moves around the city. Eddie’s brother, Boyo, had been tight with Big Jim and hence Eddie got some leavings, some easy work without working, and no heavy lifting either. Toward the end he was just drawing dough for his old reputation as a knee-breaker, and that was enough in Boston anyway to scare guys straight. Until that one night when he screwed up, showed up drunk, maybe had a little reefer thrown in, and some side honey to share it with, to calm the nerves, and worse late, and Big Jim wound up doing a nickel, a hard nickel , at the state pen. And Eddie earned his nickname, earned it the hard way, but also the forever way every time he looked at his hands so it didn’t figure he screwed up again either.

See though crime, money crime, robberies, heists, big dough stuff, transporting stolen goods, and all, that is for young men, young and agile men, and quick-thinkers too. Eddie, well, Eddie had lost a step or two, maybe more, and so he got clipped, clipped bad one night coming down some road from hell loaded with more booze than you could shake a stick at. And see that lost step or two cost him since he had eased up on the coming around those hell road curves and “uncle”was waiting for him. Waiting all decked out in shotguns and semis so Eddie, thinking of that wife and three kids (and maybe that reefer honey too, everybody knew they had been together for years after the wife decided that she wanted to sleep alone) stopped. Stopped and took the fall. And thus was facing something like a nickel or a dime’s worth all cozy and out of the sunlight.

But see too a guy, a guy too old for the runs, if he has done a stretch or two already gets real shy, almost girlishly shy, about going in again, about taking the big step into that small good night. And so old stand-up Eddie, old school Eddie, sensing his time was short, sensing that that old school was out and gone, reconsidered his options. So he thought, night sweats thought, about seeing“uncle” about seeing things uncle’s way and about getting out from under that rock. As so Eddie slipped down the slippery slope. As the corner boys figured away, and figured out what Eddie (or any guy, especially any family man guy) would, or would not, do it came up “snitch.” It had to be that without getting to close on the question. So every corner boy, every lowly soldier from Southie to Charlestown looking to keep his head unfilled with those nasty pieces of metal put two and two together and decided, decided not to take the Eddie way, no way. But a few guys too thought, hey, if a stand-up guy like Eddie could be turned then they had better watch their corner boy friends too.

Monday, April 01, 2013

Marxists Internet Archive Newsletter JANUARY 1-15, 2013


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———————————————————————————————————
31 March 2013: The ongoing and rapidly growing Left Opposition Digitization Project (LODP) of the Encyclopedia of Trotskyism On-Line has started or continued with a variety of projects germane to Trotskyism in the United States. The LODP is a joint project of the Riazonov Library Project, the Holt Labor Library and the ETOL along with a growing number of volunteers from a variety of organizations and locations:
We have started to digitize a variety of internal publications of the Workers Party/Independent Socialist League. These include internal bulletins and factional newsletters after the creation of the WP in 1940 and up through the demise of this movement in 1959.

Additionally we have started putting up copies of the New Inernational a publication associated with the Workers Party and functioned as it's main theorectical organ. Writers for this journal included Max Shachtman, James Burhnam, James T. Farrell and C.L.R. James, among others. So far the volumes from 1942, 1945 and 1946 are online at the link above. These issues are high resolution PDFs.

The LODP has a long term goal of copying or mirroring the journals of all Trotskyist organizations, those that no longer exist or existing ones. To this end, work has begun with the collaboration of the International Socialist Organization to mirror their archive of Socialist Worker the newspaper of the ISO started in 1977. The first 2 years, 1977 and 1978, is now up and we expect over the next several months to add more and more of these as they become available to the public and ETOL volunteers.

Lastly, work has continued on the indexing and digitization of the next set of internal discussions bulletins of the US Socialist Workers Party. The first set, 1938 through 1945, has been up for a month. The next set, 1946-1959 is now completely indexed awaiting digitization of the documents themselves by the Riazonov Library Project comrades.
[Thanks to Marty Goodman, Einde O’ Callahan, David Walters, the Raizanov Library Project, the Holt Labor Library and the ETOL and MIA volunteers]
30 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Prestes Archive:
29 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Stalin Archive:
27 March 2013: Added to the Encyclopedia of Trotskyism Writers Index:
27 March 2013: Added to the Christopher Caudwell Archive:
Chapter Three of Man and Nature: A Study in Bourgeois History
There has been a slight re-organisation of the Caudwell Archive, as some chapters were misplaced,
plus a link to Ralph Dumain's bibliography
[Thanks to Ted Crawford]
27 March 2013: Added to the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line:
In the section for the United States:

The following documents have been added to the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist): From Triumph to Crisis section:
Building The Call at Chevy Forge [1978]
Appeasement Hastens the Outbreak of War, Part 1 [1978]
Appeasement Hastens the Outbreak of War, Part 2 [1978]
Appeasement Hastens the Outbreak of War, Part 3 [1978]
Letter from League of Revolutionary Struggle [1978]
Daily World Covers It Up: Jonestown massacre: the Soviet connection [1978]
Joint Communique of the Workers Party of Japan and the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) of the U.S. [1978]
CPML of Argentina and CPML of the U.S. Sign Joint Communique [1978]
New Years Editorial: 1979 begins on victory note [1979]
RCP’s racist attack on Harry Haywood (by Sherman Miller) [1979]
Deng’s visit: new era of friendship [1979]
Editorial: RCP’s puny anti-China provocation [1979]
CPML statement to Kampuchean leaders: ’Soviet and Vietnamese aggressors will fail’ [1979]
Behind China’s counter-strike in Vietnam: Questions and Answers on the China-Vietnam Conflict [1979]
Opportunists cheer invasion of Kampuchea [1979]
Communist organizing tactics in the labor movement. Part 1 – Pay attention to concrete conditions [1979]
Communist organizing tactics the labor movement. Part 2 – How to expose the union misleaders [1979]
Fightback meet targets Carter ’anti-inflation’ plan for ’79 [1979]
Editorial: USSR-Vietnam to blame for Asia fighting [1979]
Moscow hatches anti-Maoist crusade [1979]
Step towards single communist party: Red Star Unity Collective Merges with the CPML [1979]
May Day in Europe: two special reports [1979]
Hoxha book reminiscent of Trotsky’s ’leftism’ [1979]
Questions on Our International Line: Class Struggle interview with CPML Chairman Michael Klonsky [1980]

The following document has been added to the Unification Efforts of Pro-China Groups section:
The Struggle for Chicano Liberation (by the League of Revolutionary Struggle (M-L)) [1979]

The following document has been added to the Communist Workers Party, USA section:
The Role of Practice in the Marxist Theory of Knowledge (by Cynthia Lai) [1981]

The following document has been added to the Revolutionary Communist Party section in The New Communist Movement: Collapse and Aftermath:
If There Is To Be Revolution, There Must Be A Revolutionary Party (by Bob Avakian) [1982]

The following documents have been added to the Communist Workers Party section in The New Communist Movement: Collapse and Aftermath:
Donkey Work for the Democrats: CWP Caboose on the Jesse Jackson Train (from Workers Vanguard) [1984]
CWP: From Workers Viewpoint to Jesse’s Viewpoint (from Workers Vanguard) [1984]

The following document has been added to U.S. League of Revolutionary Struggle (Marxist-Leninist) section:
Support the Resistance of the Afghan People! [1980]

In the section for Belgium

The following document has been added to the “Communist Party of Belgium (Marxist-Leninist) ” section:
Belgium communists celebrate (from The Call) [1979]

In the section for the United Kingdom:

The following document has been added to the Workers’ Party of Scotland (Marxist-Leninist) section:
Proletarian Soldier: A personal tribute (by Steve Fullerton)

The following document has been added to the Communist Federation of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) section
Notes on the Labour Aristocracy in Britain (Part II) (by Sam Mauger) [n.d.]

The following documents have been added to the Revolutionary Communist League of Britain section:
RCLB Holds Second Congress [1981]
Report on the Second Congress of the Revolutionary Communist League of Britain [1981]
Introduction to the Second Congress’s Revised Text of Section 7 of the Programmatic Document [1981]
Programmatic Document Section VII (as amended by the 2nd Congress) [1981]
Connollyism and Leninism (by Hugh Stevens) [1981]
Report to the Second Congress by the Chairman of the First CC [1981]
Foreign Communists Greet RCLB Second Congress [1981]
Poland: Military Rule Exposes Sham ’Socialism’ [1981]
Building An Ireland Solidarity Movement [1982]
Irish Independence and Britain’s Communists [1982]
A Task Taken Up For Solution (by Keith Anderson) [1982]
Spirit of Freedom: RCL Statement on Ireland [1982]

In the section for Canada:

The following documents have been added to the Canadian Party of Labour section:
Self-interest in Canadian ’liberation’ [1970]
Gordon to Watkins to You: Straight from the boss’s mouth [1970]FLQ plays bosses’ game: Statement by the Canadian Party of Labour on FLQ terrorism [1970]
Terrorists whip up anti-communism for bosses [1970]
New York: A big “YES” for internationalism [1970]
Proletarian unity can’t lose [1970]

The following document has been added to the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) section:
Constitution of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) [1973]
The commemoration of the first anniversary of the passing away of Chairman Mao Tsetung [1977]
Rally in Montreal: Hold high the bright red banner of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism [1977]
Resolution against the anti-Leninist theory of “Three Worlds” and against the restoration of Teng Hsiao-ping [1977]

The following documents have been added to the The Canadian Communist League (Marxist-Leninist) – Workers Communist Party section:
WCP holds conference on woman question [1981]
Making a workers’ paper better [1981]
Discussion on the family within the WCP [1982]
WCP sets out to improve propaganda work [1982]
The CPC’s chauvinist view of the women’s movement [1982]

The following documents have been added to the The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Canada, In Struggle! section:
El Salvador tour: Excellent Response: many give concrete support [1981]
The Communist Party of Cuba’s 2nd congress: Is Cuba still revolutionary? [1981]
Towards a scientific analysis of the evolution of the class struggle of the proletariat (by Charles Gagnon) [1981]
Our goal remains the same (by Charles Gagnon) [1981]
To achieve this goal, what methods do we need? (by Charles Gagnon) [1981]
Between two world wars: No revolution in the imperialist countries – some reasons why [1981]
[Thanks to Paul, Sam, Malcolm and others of the EROL team]
27 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Kalinin Archive:
22 March 2013: Added to the new Edward Aveling Archive:
Charles Darwin and Karl Marx: A Comparison, 1897
[Thanks to Eric Egerton]
22 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Martens Archive:
Quando o Vampiro dos Cárpatos atacou Timisoara from the book A URSS e a Contra-Revolução de Veludo.
[Thanks to Para a História do Socialismo and Fernando Araújo]
21 March 2013: Added to the Victor Serge Archive:
A Subscription in Support of Victor Serge, Par delà la Mêlée, 1917
[Thanks to Mitchell Abidor]
21 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Marx/Engels Archive:
A Situação Política na Europa, 1857
[Thanks to Edições Avante! and Fernando Araújo]
21 March 2013: Added to the Christopher Caudwell Archive:
Illusion and Reality, 1937
[Thanks to Ted Crawford]
20 March 2013: Added to the Spanish section's Archivo Lin Biao:
20 March 2013:Added to the Encyclopedia of Trotskyism On-Line are the complete fulling indexed Internal Bulletins of the U.S. Socialist Workers Party scanned into high resolution PDFs. This set of complete bulletins starts in 1938 and goes to 1945. At some point we will continue onwards, doing another set, 1946 through 1959. At the moment we are putting together the International Bulletins published by the SWP durng this same period.
[Thanks to Marty Goodman of the Riazanov Library Project and the Holt Labor Library that provided most of the original bulletins for scanning]
20 March 2013: Added to the French Lev Sedov archive :
Le livre rouge du procès de Moscou [1936]
[Thanks to the French language volunteers]
20 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Stalin Archive:
19 March 2013:Added to the Portuguese Marx/Engels Archive:
18 March 2013:Added to the Portuguese Kalinin Archive:
A Fisionomia Moral de Nosso Povo, 1945.
[Thanks to Fernando Araújo]
17 March 2013: We start a Lithuanian-language section, with:
K. Marx & F. Engels, Komunistų partijos manifestas (1848)
V. I. Lenin, Trys marksizmo saltiniai ir trys jo sudedamosios dalys (1913)
Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, Lietuvos Tarybų Socialistinės Respublikos Konstitucija (1978)
[Thanks to Juan Fajardo]
17 March 2013: Added to the Portuguese Mao Zedong Archive:
16 March 2013: Added to the Spanish Archivo Li Xiannian:
16 March 2013: We start the Archivo Yao Wenyuan in the Spanish section, with:
16 March 2013: We start an archive in the Spanish section for the works of Jiang Qing, with:
16 March 2013: Added to the Siraj Sikder Internet Archive:




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For daily updates on the MIA (and mirrors of the MIA itself) see:
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Published by SocialistAlternative.org
Read online at: www.SocialistAlternative.org/news/article14.php?id=2084

New Edition of "Manifesto of the Fastfood Worker" Out Now!
Mar 30, 2013
Jesse Lessinger
For most people in the U.S., the Occupy movement may be a fading memory, but the tremendous gulf between rich and poor that Occupy brought to the surface only continues to grow. No one knows more about the depths of poverty in the U.S. than the sprawling low-wage work force: serving food, stocking shelves, cleaning buildings, washing dishes, ringing up customers, and all the other basic services which keep this country running.
If minimum wage today had the same buying power as the minimum wage in 1968 it would be $10.55 an hour. Yet one in four workers in the U.S. are paid less than $10 an hour and most have no benefits or job security.1 The last three decades have seen a steady erosion of medium-income jobs with basic benefits, and the Great Recession that began in 2008 has destroyed millions more of these jobs.
But the fast food industry weathered the economic storm just fine. Yum! Brands (Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, and KFC) and McDonald's are the second and third largest employers in the country after Walmart. In the last four years, they saw profits increase by 45 percent and 130 percent, respectively.2 But while their shareholders' banks accounts ballooned, their employees didn't see an extra dime of those profits.
These days, fast food work is not done simply by teenagers who are looking for some extra spending cash, as is commonly believed. The median age of fast food workers is 28 years, and 32 years for women, who make up two-thirds of the fast food industry. And it's more than just flipping burgers. Workers in fast food kitchens have to deal with hazards like hot grease, which often burns them, and they have the scars to prove it. Many depend on food stamps and other government assistance, and with so little weekly take-home pay some are even forced to live in shelters. In fact, McDonald’s is reported to have recruited workers at homeless shelters.
Because of the deepening crisis of the capitalist system and the drive of big business to defend their profits at the expense of the working class, low-wage jobs are becoming a bigger portion of the total economy. The vast majority of sectors expected to see job growth are low-wage, so there's little to no hope of escaping poverty by climbing the ladder. For thousands if not millions of workers, this is the only work they can find. They struggle to make ends meet and it's nearly impossible to raise a family on these low wages especially if you only make the federal minimum. Put simply, they “can't survive on $7.25,” which is the main slogan of the new Fast Food Forward campaign.
Fast Food Workers in New York Fight Back
On November 29, 2012, workers at dozens of fast food restaurants in New York City walked off the job, formed pickets outside, and raised demands for higher wages, better hours, and union rights as part of the Fast Food Forward campaign. It was a truly inspiring moment to see workers who suffer silently in the margins come forward to speak up for themselves.
These heroic workers are taking a stand, and we, as socialists, give them our unconditional support. Fast Food Forward, backed by New York Communities for Change (NYCC), UnitedNY.org, the Black Institute, and SEIU, is the biggest attempt ever to organize fast food workers, and this is only the beginning in New York.
One of their demands is for $15 per hour in pay. This is significant, as many low-wage battles have called for much more modest pay increases. By asking for $15 they're going beyond saying they want a little more. The message is: “we deserve a living wage.” In truth, $15 per hour in New York City is not enough to live on for some, especially those with families, but it’s an enormous step in that direction.
Fast food workers are not the only ones taking bold measures to fight for better conditions. On November 23, 2012, Black Friday, there were actions at upwards of 1,000 Walmarts across the country, with workers demanding no retaliation for speaking up, better hours, and $13 per hour in pay. These actions were not just one-off events, but are part of an on-going campaign of Walmart workers.
Taking On Corporate Giants
Fast food companies were expected to bring in $200 billion in revenue in 2012. Walmart's revenues in 2011 totaled $477 billion with $15.7 billion of that being pure profit. The Walton family alone now owns more wealth than the entire bottom 42 percent of families in the U.S. This obscene wealth is not created by smart business people making smart business decisions; it comes off the backs of their highly exploited workers, who are rewarded for their hard work with poverty wages.
In New York there have also been a number of battles recently to organize low-wage workers, predominantly among immigrants. Six grocery stores have been organized in Brooklyn. There are now four recently unionized car washes as well. They are fighting for higher wages and back pay. Also, in September and October, workers at a Hot & Crusty bakery staged an occupation and 55-day picket to win union recognition. These are examples of the new self-organizing of workers into action, backed by the support of the community. Their employers caved because of their bold action.
But fast food companies and Walmart are much bigger employers and enormously powerful corporations that have and will continue to fight tooth and nail to prevent a union from forming. The fast food walkouts in November received media attention all across the country and even forced McDonald’s to issue a statement saying they were committed to dialogue to be an “even better employer”. Do they really expect us to believe that? But it will take more than just bad publicity.
The Fast Food Forward campaign is a step in the right direction. Rather than organizing a single restaurant or chain, the campaign is aiming to organize the entire industry in New York City at once. If New York were organized it would set a major precedent for organizing fast food workers all around the country.
A dynamic strategy is needed to organize highly coordinated actions on a truly massive scale if we're going to bring these corporations to heel. We'll need strikes and walkouts at hundreds of fast food stores, with visible pickets outside every one, backed up by thousands of Occupy and trade union activists and other supporters. This will require preparation and the workers themselves taking ownership of their struggle by forming their own workplace committees and linking them together to develop a strategy and coordinate action.
The struggle at these massive companies should be linked to a broader struggle to mobilize millions for a living wage and rights for all workers. Imagine if there were rolling walkouts at hundreds of restaurants, shops, groceries, and retail outlets all across the country demanding an across-the-board wage increase and union recognition for all!
Organizing Unions
By oneself, no worker, or even small group of workers, has any chance of taking on the bosses and these powerful corporations. But by uniting together in collective mass action, and by being prepared to walk off the job on a massive scale, workers can hit management where it really hurts: in their pocketbook. The strike as a tactic to pressure the bosses and force them to make concessions remains an essential weapon in the arsenal of workers’ struggles.
In order to make this a reality, workers need to form their own organizations which can collectively discuss strategy and carry out actions to defend their interests and take on the bosses. This is the basic idea of a union, and the history of the union movement has shown that when workers have unions they can win higher wages, benefits, job security, and a voice in the workplace.
There’s no question that the union movement today is saddled with problems. In the private sector, only 7 percent of workers have unions, and unions have been ineffective at defending workers against the decades-long onslaught on wages and rights. But this not a problem inherent to unions; it is a failure of the leadership of these unions. Most unions today are led by over-paid bureaucrats with six-figure salaries, who maintain their cushy careers by cutting rotten deals with bosses. This approach also extends to the political plane, where they weaken unions by supporting political parties following a corporate agenda: the Democrats, and at times Republicans.
The union leaders keep the membership largely demobilized instead of relying on the tremendous potential power of bring out their millions of members for bold action. When they do mobilize their members, it’s often only as an auxiliary to their usual strategy of negotiating with the boss, rather than seeing the power of conscious and mobilized members as the main weapon in the struggle to force the boss to concede to the demands of the members.
At times, the union leaders also redirect the energy of the union members in a vain attempt to make the corporate-funded Democrats into “friends of labor.” Fast food workers, while energetically participating in campaigns to fight for higher wages and linking up with unions, should at the same time be somewhat wary of the union leadership using some of these actions as a launching pad for supporting Democrats in the 2013 local elections and 2014 midterm elections.
The key to building strong unions is for the workers to build strong local organizing committees where they discuss issues and make the key decisions – not giving up that power to top-down decision-making by union leadership. Low-wage workers should also reach out to seek assistance from existing unions and union-backed organizations, prioritizing linking up with their rank-and-file members. But at the same time, they should insist on organizing their own workplace committees and having a democratic say in how their fight is waged.
Equally important will be mobilizing wider support from workers in other workplaces and industries, community members, labor activists, and Occupy activists. This can build much-needed solidarity with the broader community and working class in order to build a truly massive movement that is strong enough to take on the powerful fast-food corporations.
The Role of Democrats
Workers can only rely on their own collective strength. Working-class movements should have no faith in Democrats, who like the Republicans are a party of Wall Street and big business. In New York City, for example, the mayoral hopeful and current Democratic city councilor, Christine Quinn, has made gestures of support for fast food workers, seeking to tap the support of workers for her 2013 election bid. But Quinn is deep in the back pockets of rich business owners. She even opposes legislation requiring employers to give all workers sick pay. So how can she be trusted to support a living wage? This method of operations employed by Democratic Party politicians is repeated in city after city.
In 2008, Obama made an election promise to raise the minimum wage to $9.50 by 2011. $9.50 an hour is still not enough to get by, but even that modest promise was broken. The federal minimum is still $7.25 and there's little indication that Obama plans to do anything about it in his second term.
Workers need to rely on their numeric strength and the social power that comes with their role as the true wealth creators, as the economic foundation of the capitalist system. This power should not be delivered to corporate politicians at the ballot box. A far better way to impact government policies would be to run independent candidates who publicly challenge the corporate agenda. Slates of independent working-class candidates need to be run across the county as a step towards building a new working-class party in the U.S.
A Sleeping Giant
Despite the corporate character of the Democratic Party, the defeat of the right wing in the 2012 elections is likely to give workers some confidence. The struggles in Wisconsin and the emergence of Occupy Wall Street in 2011 show a new mood of struggle emerging among the 99%. None of the underlying problems that gave birth to the Occupy movement have been solved, and 2013 is likely to be a year of renewed and potentially explosive struggles in the U.S.
The huge mass of low-wage workers is like a sleeping giant that when roused could strike a mighty blow at the 1% and help radically transform U.S. society. These young, energetic class fighters can also provide essential fresh energy to revitalize the labor movement as organizations of class struggle, not class collaboration. Having been through the experience of what capitalism in the 21st century means – i.e. low wage jobs and miserable working conditions – their growing confidence and class consciousness can also provide increased support for democratic socialism as an alternative to this failing capitalist system.
It may be too early to say that we're on the cusp of a low-wage worker rebellion, but one thing is for certain: this type of resistance is the music of the future, and right now low-wage workers’ struggles should be an important rallying point for Occupy activists looking to fight for the 99%. Trade unionists looking to reinvigorate the labor movement and others looking to fight for the interests of working people and youth should join this struggle to help build a powerful movement among fast food workers.
Lesson of the Past
There is no blueprint for organizing unions and fighting for better conditions, but there is a rich history of workers’ struggles and many lessons learned. This pamphlet is about an experience of workers attempting organize a Pizza Hut store in Tacoma, Washington in 2003. Though this took place over 10 years ago, and while it was eventually defeated by a vicious anti-union campaign by Pizza Hut, Socialist Alternative is republishing this pamphlet because the lessons drawn out from this struggle still hold true and are perhaps even more relevant today.
Manifesto of the Fast Food Worker includes a description of the history of the fast food industry and how major companies get away with paying such low wages while raking in such huge profits. It discusses the need for unions and how to organize them while answering the lies that bosses will inevitably tell their workers to scare them away from organizing.
At the end of this pamphlet, there is also a chapter on how the root cause of low wages and poverty is the whole system of capitalism itself, and thus the need to link a struggle for union rights and higher wages to a struggle for democratic socialism. We've also added a short piece in the beginning written by Ryan Mosgrove, a young worker whose experience in the low-wage service sector led him to become an activist and a socialist in order to fight not only the boss, but also capitalism itself.
No experience is exactly the same, but many of the ABCs of union organizing in fast food and the low-wage service sector in general can be found in the pages of this pamphlet, and we hope that low-wage workers and activists will find this useful in arming them with a strategy to win.
Jesse Lessinger
January 2013



Footnotes:
1 http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2012/07/24/573671/one-in-four-private-sector-workers-earn-less-than-10-an-hour/?mobile=nc
2 http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2012/11/mcjobs-should-pay-too-its-time-for-fast-food-workers-to-get-living-wages/265714/


Read the pamphlet online here.
Published by SocialistAlternative.org
Read online at: www.SocialistAlternative.org/news/article11.php?id=2080

South Africa: Workers & Socialist Party launched in Pretoria
Mar 25, 2013
CWI reporters, South Africa
Launch surpassed all expectations
Over 500 Tshwane workers, mineworkers’ delegates, trade union and community activists packed Lucas Van Den Bergh Community Hall in Pretoria for the launch of the Workers & Socialist Party today. The hall could not accommodate the turnout and attendees over-spilled onto the neighboring field.
The launch surpassed all expectations. It is without a doubt that WASP is striking a chord with working class people. Today’s launch will have worried many in the establishment – the ANC and their partners in government, the Cosatu leadership and big business. A new power is rising. The working class are getting organised and they are preparing a mighty challenge to the status quo. The ideas of socialism are being re-embraced.

The meeting was chaired by Weizmann Hamilton, the general secretary of the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM). Headline speakers included Mametlwe Sebei (WASP spokesman & DSM executive member), Elias Juba (chairman of the national mineworkers committee), Ephraim Mphahlela (president of the National Transport Movement NATAWU), Elmond Magedi (Socialist Youth Movement), Liv Shange (DSM) and Joe Higgins (Socialist Party MP in Ireland).

Speakers from supporting organisations included workers’ delegates from Klerksdorp Uranium, Kumba Iron Ore in Northern Cape, Bokoni Platinum, Gold Fields KDC, Harmony Gold, Mpumalanga coal mines, Anglo Gold Ashanti amongst others.
WASP outlined the following manifesto points and principles:
WASP’s five point manifesto
Kick out the fat-cats. Nationalize the mines, the farms, the banks and big business. Nationalized industry to be under the democratic control of workers and working class communities. Democratic planning of production for social need, not profit.
End unemployment. Create socially-useful jobs for all those seeking work. Fight for a living wage of R12,500 per month.
Stop cut-offs and evictions – for massive investment in housing, electricity, water, sanitation, roads, public transport and social services.
For publicly funded, free education from nursery to university.
For publicly funded free health care accessible to all.
WASP’s principles
We reject outright the corruption of pro-capitalist politicians and political parties.
All WASP candidates for publicly elected positions – whether councilors, MPLs or MPs – are elected subject to the right of immediate recall.
For workers’ representatives on workers’ wages. All officials elected on the basis of the WASP manifesto will only take the wage of an average skilled worker. The remainder will be donated back to WASP.

WASP will now prepare for its next phase of development. WASP will shortly announce a date for convening of a conference to establish democratic structures, a leadership and flesh out its manifesto. There are many other fronts WASP plans to open up: a campaign to re-call corrupt councilors, taking up the issue of labor broking, the collection of one million signatures in support of WASP, and preparing the ground for a general strike should the mine bosses and government dare to enact mass retrenchments in the mining industry.

***Those Oldies But Goodies…Out In The Be-Bop ‘50s Song Night- Warren Smith’s “Rock And Roll Ruby”



From The Pen Of Frank Jackman


WARREN SMITH ROCK´N´ ROLL RUBY LYRICS

Well I took my Ruby jukin'

On the out-skirts of town

She took her high heels off

And rolled her stockings down

She put a quarter in the jukebox

To get a little beat

Everybody started watchin'

All the rhythm in her feet


She's my rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

Rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

When Ruby starts a-rockin'

Boy it satisfies my soul


Now Ruby started rockin' 'bout one o'clock

And when she started rockin'

She just couldn't stop

She rocked on the tables

And rolled on the floor

And Everybody yelled: "Ruby rock some more!"


She's my rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

Rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

When Ruby starts a-rockin'

Boy it satisfies my soul


It was 'round about four

I thought she would stop

She looked at me and then

She looked at the clock

She said: "Wait a minute Daddy

Now don't get sour

All I want to do

Is rock a little bit more"


She's my rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

Rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

When Ruby starts a-rockin'

Boy it satisfies my soul


One night my Ruby left me all alone

I tried to contact her on the telephone

I finally found her about twelve o'clock

She said: "Leave me alone Daddy

'cause your Ruby wants to rock"


She's my rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

Rock'n'roll Ruby, rock'n'roll

When Ruby starts a-rockin'

Boy it satisfies my soul

Rock, rock, rock'n'roll

Rock, rock, rock'n'roll

Rock, rock, rock'n'roll

Rock, rock, rock'n'roll

When Ruby starts a-rockin'

Boy it satisfies my soul
*****
Nobody had seen Billie (William James Bradley for those who are sticklers for detail and, by the way, not Billy, not some billy-goat thing like the boys in first grade called him, called him the last time anybody did so and he made Billie stick, and you will call him that too unless you want more, much more, than you can handle from a wiry, deceptively strong guy) for a while, a few months anyway back then, back in the late 1950s. I had drifted away from his circle, his corner boy circle, when my family moved across town to the other side of Adamsville, North Adamsville a couple of years before. And when Billie got into some stuff, some larceny stuff, mainly “clipping” things (you know five-finger discount at jewelry stores and drugstore mainly to get his girls, that’s plural, not a typo, some pretty “gift to show his Billie love), and stealing cars if you must know, and when I decided, decided almost at the last minute, that I wanted no part of that scene that pretty much ended our best friend friendship. I still kept in touch with him for about a year or so after that and then when he got into his new “jag,” robbing stores, gas stations and the like, through keeping in touch others.

Rumor had it, and it was always rumor with Billie whether he was right in the room or got his fate reported by one of his boys, one of his legend-producing boys which definitely including me at one time (I was the fawning flak par excellence and would have made Tony Curtis’s Sydney Falco in the film Sweet Smell Of Success look like nothing but kid’s stuff with my Billie build-ups), that he was shacked up with some “broad.” I admit I did my fair share to build up the Billie legend but that’s all, he just naturally filled in the empty spaces, empty spaces that he hated, and that characteristic goes a long way in telling why we hadn’t heard from him for a while except through that rumor mill.

The rumor mill also had it, to fill in the particulars, that he had stolen some car, a classic hopped-up 1949 Nash owned by a tough guy, real tough guy, named “Blindside” Buckley (that moniker tells you all you need to know about that august gentleman just keep clear of him, alright. So that’s two hombres to stay clear of in this sketch) or something like that, or maybe it was that he had stolen one car, abandoned it, and had stolen another. Either way sounds about right. Stole the cars and was holed up somewhere with a honey, Lucy (description to follow), that he had met down at the Sea and Surf teen nightclub across from the Paragon Park Amusement Park in Nantasket, a few miles outside of the town limits of Adamsville. Now this honey, this Lucy honey, was a little older than Billie but, and like I say this is rumor, she jumped on him from minute one when he walked in the door, leaving the guy she was with looking kind of stupid. And in the scheme of things he was probably prepared to commit mayhem on Billie (no brother, bad move, bad career, hell, bad life move).

Billie, no question, was a good-looking guy, was a real good dancer and, best of all, he had a great voice, a great rock and roll voice, that fit nicely, very nicely into the music that we were all listening to, listening to like crazy, on our little transistor radios back in the 1950s, mostly late 1950s. So maybe, for all I know, Lucy had heard Billie sing, sing at one of the two billion talents shows that he was always entering in order, as he constantly said, to win his fame and fortune. Like I said he was good, good at covering Top Forty stuff, but just short, just a short, I guess, of making that “projects” jail break-out move that he was always confident would occur once the talent guys heard him, really heard. At some point that dream faded like a lot of projects dreams faded early and hence his alternative career as a stick-up man.

And this honey, this red-headed Lucy, a luscious red-lipped honey was, reportedly, just the exact kind of honey that Billie dreamed of grabbing for his own. Great shape (great shape then meaning all fill-out curves and leggy legs, or something like that), great boffo hair (dark red, an obviously Irish girl), kittenly sexy, and most importantly ready to go all night whether dancing, doing this and that (figure it out, okay ), or helping plan some caper. Just the kind of girl the priests and parents of even the projects neighborhood were always warning us against but which we boys still secretly dreamed of running up against, dreamed of hard. Yah, this Lucy was just Billie’s action, just his catnip. And so when I first heard that rumor, that Billie holed- up and out of sight rumor, I said yah, that seemed about right.

See Billie one night, one twelve- year old summer night, down in back of old Adamsville South Elementary School where we used to hang out because that was the only real hang-out place around, and talk, talk of futures, talk of dreams just like everybody else, every twelve- year old everybody else Billie kind of laid the whole thing out for us. He was going to parlay his singing voice, his rock and roll singing voice, into fame and fortune and when his ship came in he was going to search for his rock and roll soul-mate. He didn’t put it just this way but the idea was to get the hottest, sexiest, dancing-est girl around and sail off into the sunset leaving that dust of the projects behind, way behind.

So it looked like Billie had one part of his dream coming true, although being on the lam, being big time on the lam, from the cops, the owner of that hopped-up classic 1949 Nash, and maybe even that guy Lucy left looking stupid, take your choice, wasn’t part of the description back in those twelve- year old summer nights. But being sixteen, being in some dough, and being with the rock and roll queen of the seaside night still seems like a bargain worth having made with whatever devil Billie needed to consult to pull the caper off. Hell, it makes me think that maybe I made a mistake moving away from Billie’s orbit. But just call that a rumor too in case any cops are around, alright. Anyway, my reaction was now that Billie was holed up, any girls, red-headed or otherwise, who wanted to dance the night away please just call out my name. Hey, I could dream too.

From The Pen Of Leon Trotsky-Literature and Revolution


Trotsky once wrote that of the three great tragedies in life- hunger, sex and death- revolutionary Marxism, which was the driving force behind his life and work, mainly concerned itself with the struggle against hunger. That observation contains an essential truth about the central thrust of the Marxist tradition. However, as Trotsky demonstrates here, Marxist methodology cannot and should not be reduced to an analysis of and prescription for that single struggle. Here Trotsky takes on an aspect of the struggle for mass cultural development.

In a healthy post-capitalist society mass cultural development would be greatly expanded and encouraged. If the task of socialism were merely to vastly expand economic equality, in a sense, it would be a relativity simple task for a healthy socialist society in concert with other like-minded societies to provide general economic equality with a little tweaking after vanquishing the capitalism mode of production. What Marxism aimed for, and Trotsky defends here, is a prospect that with the end of class society and economic and social injustice the capacity of individual human beings to reach new heights of intellectual and creative development would flourish. That is the thought that underpins Trotsky’s work here as he analyzes various trends in Russian literature in the immediate aftermath of the October Revolution of 1917. In short, Marxism is certainly not a method to be followed in order to write great literature but it does allow one to set that literature in its social context and interrelatedness.

You will find no Deconstructionist or other fashionable literary criticism here. Quite the contrary. Here Trotsky uses his finely tuned skill as a Marxist to great effect as he analyzes the various trends of literature as they were affected (or not affected) by the October Revolution and sniffs out what in false in some of the literary trends. Mainly at the time of writing the jury was still out about the prospects of many of these trends. He analyzes many of the trends that became important later in the century in world literature, like futurism and constructivism, and others- some of which have disappeared and some of which still survive.

The most important and lasting polemic which Trotsky raised here, however, was the fight against the proponents of ‘proletarian culture’.The argument put forth by this trend maintained that since the Soviet Union was a workers state those who wrote about working class themes or were workers themselves should in the interest of cultural development be given special status and encouragement (read a monopoly on the literary front). Trotsky makes short shrift of this argument by noting that, in theory at least as its turned out, the proletarian state was only a transitional state and therefore no lasting ‘proletarian culture’ would have time to develop. Although history did not turn out to prove Trotsky correct the polemic is still relevant to any theory of mass cultural development.

One of the results of the publication of this book is that many intellectuals, particularly Western intellectuals, based some of their sympathy for Trotsky the man and fallen hero on his literary analysis and his ability to write. This was particularly true during the 1930’s here in America where those who were anti-Stalinist but were repelled by the vacuity of the Socialist Party were drawn to him. A few, like James T. Farrell (Studs Lonigan trilogy), did this mostly honorably. Most, like Dwight MacDonald and Sidney Hooks, etc. did not and simply used that temporary sympathy as a way station on their way to anti-Communism. Such is the nature of the political struggle.

A note for the politically-inclined who read this book. Trotsky wrote this book in 1923-24 at the time of Lenin’s death and later while the struggle for succession by Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev was in full swing. While Trotsky did not recognize it until later (nor did others, for that matter) this period represented the closing of the rising tide of the revolution. Hereafter, the people who ruled the Soviet Union, the purposes for which they ruled and the manner in which they ruled changed dramatically. In short, Thermidor in the classical French revolutionary expression was victorious. Given his political position why the hell was he writing a book on literary trends in post-revolutionary society at that time.