Friday, March 14, 2014

***In Honor Of Women’s History Month -Out In The Be-Bop Be-Bop 1960s Night- Save The Last Dance For Me-With The Drifters’ Song Of The Same Name In Mind.

 

 From The Pen Of Peter Paul Markin

Scene: Brought to mind by one of the songs in a 1950s classic (ouch!) rock and roll  compilation, The Drifters classic end of the night high school dance number, Save The Last Dance For Me. (And the reason for the kudos to Women’s History Month in a little off-beat way as well.)

Recently, when I was reviewing a CD AM Gold: 1962, I mentioned, in detailing some of the events surrounding the North Adamsville Class of 1962-sponsored version of the traditional late September Falling Leaves Dance that one of the perks that year was getting to hear the vocals of local singer and classmate, Diana Nelson, backed up by local rock band favorite, The Rockin’ Ramrods. I also mentioned that her selection had been the result of a singing competition held by the town fathers and that I would relate some of the details of that competition at a later date. That time has come. Additionally, I related that I had had a “crush” on Miss (Ms.) Nelson since I started staring, permanently staring, at her ass when she sat a few seats in front of me in ninth grade. At the time of the above-mentioned dance she was “going steady” with some college joe, and had not given me the time of day, flirting or encouraging-wise, since about tenth grade, although we always talked about stuff, music and political stuff, two of my passions, and hers too. Here’s the “skinny.”

No question that about 1960, maybe into 1961, girl vocalists were the cat’s meow. (Okay, young women, but we didn’t call them that then, no way. Also “no way” as well is what we called them, called them among we corner boys at Salducci’s Pizza Parlor in the harsh summer night, especially when we got “no action.” I don’t have to draw you a diagram on what that meant, right?). You can, if you were around then, reel off the names just as well as I can, Connie Francis, Carla Thomas, Patsy Cline, and the sparkplug Brenda Lee. I won’t even mention wanna-bes like Connie Stevens and Sandra Dee, Christ. See, serious classic rock by guys like Elvis (who was either dead or might as well have been doing foolish films like Blue Hawaii), Bo Diddley, Chuck Berry (and his Mister’s woman habits) and Jerry Lee Lewis (and his kissing cousins habit) was, well, passé, in that musical counter-revolution night when guys like Fabian and Bobby Vee ruled the girl heart throb universe 

But music, like lots of other things abhors a vacuum and while guys were still singing, I guess, the girl singers (read young women, okay, and we will leave it at that) “spoke” to us more. Especially to record- buying girls who wanted to hear about teen romance, teen alienation, lost love, unstoppable hurts, betrayal (usually by the girl’s best friend and her boyfriend, although not always), lonely Friday nights, and other stuff that teenagers, boys and girls equally, have been mulling over, well, since they invented teenagers a long time ago.  

So it was natural for the musically-talented girls around North Adamsville, and maybe around the country for all I know, to test themselves against the big name talents and see what they had. See if they could make teen heaven- a record contract with all that entailed. In North Adamsville that was actually made easier by the town fathers (and they were all men, mostly old men in those days so fathers is right), if you can believe that. Why? Because for a couple of years in the early 1960s, maybe longer, they had been sponsoring a singing contest, a female vocalist, singing- contest. I heard later, and maybe it was true, that what drove them was that, unlike those mid-1950s evil male rockers mentioned above, the women vocalist models had a “calming effect” on the hard-bitten be-bop teen night. And calm was what the town fathers cared about most of all. That, and making sure that everything was in preparedness for any Soviet missile strike, complete with periodic air raid drills, christ again.      

In 1962 this contest, as it was in previous years, was held in the spring in the town hall auditorium. And among the contestants, obviously, was that already "spoken for" Diana Nelson who was by even the casual music listener the odds-on favorite. She had prepped a few of us with her unique rendition of Brenda Lee’s I’m Sorry so I knew she was a shoo-in. And she was. What was interesting about the competition was not her victory as much as the assorted talents, so-called, that entered this thing. If I recall there were perhaps fifteen vocalists in all. The way the thing got resolved was a kind of sing-off. A process of elimination sing-off. 

Half a dozen, naturally, were some variation of off-key and dismissible out of hand. These girls fought the worst when they got the hook. Especially one girl, Elena G., if anyone remembers her who did one of the worst versions  of Connie Francis’ Who’s Sorry Now I had (and have) ever heard. The more talented girls took their lost with more grace, probably realizing as Diana got into high gear that they were doomed. But here is the funny part. One of the final four girls was not a girl at all. Jimmy C. from right down the end of my street dressed himself up as girl (and not badly either although none of us knew much about “drag queen” culture then) and sang a great version of Mary Wells’ Two Lovers. Like I said we knew from nothing about different sexual preferences and thought he just did it as a goof. (I heard a few years later that he had finally settled in Provincetown and that fact alone “hipped” me, after I got hip to the ways of the world a little better, to what he was about, sexually.) 

I probably told you before that one part of winning was a one thousand dollar scholarship. That was important, but Diana, when she talked to me about it a couple of days later just before class, said she really wanted to win so she could be featured at the Falling Leaves Dance. Now, like I said, I had a big crush on her, no question, so I was amazed that she also said that she wanted me to be sure to be at the dance that next late September. Well, if you have been paying attention at all then you know I was there. I went alone, because just then I didn’t have a girlfriend, a girlfriend strong enough for me to want to go to the dance with anyway. But I was having a pretty good time. I even danced with Chrissie McNamara, a genuine fox, who every guy had the “hots” for since she, just the night before, had busted up with Johnny Callahan, the football player. And Diana sang great, especially on Brenda Lee’s I Want To Be Wanted. She reached somewhere deep for that one. 

Toward the end of the evening, while the Rockin’ Ramrods were doing some heavy rock covers, Chuck Berry’s Sweet Little Sixteen I think, and she was taking a break, Diana came over to me and said, I swear she said it exactly like this- “save the last dance for me.” I asked her to repeat herself. She said Bobby (her college joe) was not here that evening for some reason I do not remember and that she wanted to dance the last dance with someone she liked. Well, what’s a guy to do when someone like Diana gives her imperial command? I checked my dance card and said “sure.” Now this last dance thing has been going on ever since they have had dances and ever since they have had teenagers at such events so no big deal, really. Oh, except this, as we were dancing that last dance to the Ramrod’s cover of The Dubs Could This Be Magic Diana, out of the blue, said this. “You know if you had done more than just stared at my ass in class (and in the corridors too, she added) in ninth grade maybe I wouldn’t have latched onto Bobby when he came around me in tenth grade.” No, a thousand times no, no, no, no…   

Note: After reading the above heart-rending story I believe that we can safely put aside those accusations by my Salducci’s corner boys, especially my chieftain, one Frankie Riley, that I was totally skirt-addled. That I would chase anything in a skirt, anytime. Needless to say that also puts to rest that vicious rumor that I “hit” on Chrissie McNamara that night of the dance after she gave Johnny Callahan the big kiss-off.    

And hence this quirky contribution to Women’s History Month.

The Latest From The British Leftist Blog-Histomat: Adventures in Historical Materialism


Click below to link to the Histomat:Adventures in Historical Materialism blog  

http://histomatist.blogspot.com/
Markin comment:

While from the tenor of the articles, leftist authors featured, and other items it is not clear to me that this blog is faithful to any sense of historical materialism that Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin or Leon Trotsky would recognize I am always more than willing to "steal" material from the site. Or investigate leads provided there for material of interest to the radical public-whatever that seemingly dwindling public may be these days.

Additional Markin comment:

I place some material in this space which may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. Off hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these entries. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts.
***********
 





'Historical materialism is the theory of the proletarian revolution.' Georg Lukács

Friday, March 14, 2014

Tony Benn and Bob Crow

Apparently, the Ancient Greeks didn't write obituaries. They simply asked one question of the dead man: 'Did he have passion?' Both Tony Benn and Bob Crow, who both tragically passed away this week, had passion. But they both had much more than this - they had principles.

I didn't know either of these two leading figures of the trade union and socialist movement personally - and so firstly, my condolences to those friends, family and comrades who were close to them. The RMT leader Bob Crow I will not say so much about, I only saw speak a few times at a distance at rallies - his sudden passing at the shockingly young age of 52 is in a sense more shocking than that of Tony Benn. The loss of both, and in the same week is a devastatingly sad blow for the British working class movement. Crow was one of the most militant and political trade union leaders of his time, while Benn had long established his credentials as the best loved, best known and most widely respected socialist in Britain over the last few decades - and one of the twentieth century socialist movement's greatest orators. On that last point, I have to be a bit careful - I didn't hear figures like James Maxton and Aneurin Bevan of course - but I was fortunate enough to first hear Benn speak at Marxism in the late 1990s, when he could still leave one spellbound with his eloquence and the logical way he built up his argument. Inevitably his powers as an orator faded in recent years with age, but I count myself fortunate to have seen him speak when I did (as I am grateful for example to have heard Paul Foot speak, though I think sadly I was a bit too young to see him at his best).

Rather than try and write a formal political obituary myself - which would have to track Benn's long march to the Left, from technocratic spin doctor to the very best kind of parliamentary socialist, his internationalism from the Movement for Colonial Freedom to Stop the War Coalition onwards, his sense of the importance of history and the hidden radical and revolutionary history of Britain in particular, the question mark about whether if he had been ten years younger at the time of Respect's rise in 2004/5 when the anti-war movement was still going strong he might have left the Labour Party and helped form a socialist alternative to it, etc etc - I will link to some political obituaries of Benn and Crow at the end, and instead here just share some personal memories of Tony Benn.*

Coming into political activism as a student in the late 1990s, Tony Benn had almost a kind of 'rock star' legendary status among left-wing students. Before one had even seen him or heard him speak in person, one knew about him. I remember as a teenager for example watching a video of Spitting Image at a house party (quite why it was on in a room upstairs at a houseparty full of teenagers trying to get drunk and get off with each other I don't know), but I still recall a satirical sketch 'News at Benn', where there was a weather report where I think the Tony Benn puppet would be declaring 'the rising sun of socialism...' every morning. I think I first saw him up close after a NUS student demo for free education (Blair's New Labour had just imposed tuition fees) around this time, where after speaking at the student rally he came onto our bus briefly before it set off back to Leeds because one of the students on it was a distant relative or something. Even I as a relatively hardened Marxist and member of the SWP found it hard not to get caught up a little bit in the excitement of it all.

Hearing Benn speak at the end of countless national demonstrations became a regular feature - almost to be taken for granted. He was the person one surged forward among the crowd to hear - almost like it was your favourite band coming on at a festival - and one strained to catch every line. After several demonstrations - and after attending his meeting at Marxism festival every year it was possible to do so - the novelty wore off slightly, but the memorable often repeated and often witty quotes and anecdotes stuck with you long after much else about the demo or meeting had been forgotten. Some examples:

 'In 1930, as a five year old, I met Ramsay MacDonald, when he still was the Labour Prime Minister, and he gave me a chocolate biscuit, so I have been a bit suspicious of all Labour leaders with chocolate biscuits ever since'

 'I met Gandhi in 1931...When Gandhi was in London, somebody asked him, "What do you think of civilisation in Britain?" and Gandhi said: "I think it would be a very good idea!"'

 'The Labour party has never been a socialist party, although there have always been socialists in it - a bit like Christians in the Church of England'.

 'The people set up parliament as a democratic tool to manage capitalism - now capitalism is using parliament as a tool to to manage the people' (or something like this)

 'I, as a three-year-old, met a Labour MP in 1928. I didn't see him again for seven years. He was in a black shirt, in Parliament Square, as leader of the British Union of Fascists. His name was Oswald Mosley. It is always tempting for the hard right to gain power by focusing on a scapegoat and frightening people; of focusing on a supposed threat as Hitler did and building support on the basis that only a strong man can deal with it.'

 'In Mein Kampf Hitler said, "democracy inevitably leads to Marxism." Now you work that one out.'

Living in Leeds, where his son Hilary became a MP, one sadly didn't see Tony Benn very much during the Stop the War movement - as he didn't want to come to to speak at a mass rally in Leeds against the war because it would risk embarrassing his son who was making a political career in New Labour ('I'm a Benn, but not a Bennite' was Hilary's 'catchphrase'). However, on occasion, in recent years he would pop up to Leeds to speak - I remember him a few years ago at Leeds Civic Hall for a Stop the War event, where I got the chance to speak to him very briefly beforehand and one time outside the Grand, where he was speaking at his 'An evening with Tony Benn tour'.

This last occasion sticks in my mind. I got there very early in order to sell Socialist Worker outside, as SWP members tend to do (when we are organised enough, at least). Now, I am aware that selling revolutionary socialist papers is deeply old-fashioned - and the future of socialism is supposed to be on twitter and facebook or something - but there are sometimes moments when being an unreconstructed Trotskyist paper seller has its own reward. Not that many times, it has to be said - but they do happen. This was to be one of them. For who should come up the street but the Grand Old Man of British socialism himself, and then rather than just go into the venue, which might not even have been formally open then, he set up his little fold up chair on the street, sat down next to me, took out his pipe and proceeded to light up. Imagine this - just me and Tony Benn - outside the then deserted venue on a warm and sunny summers evening - waiting for his fans and supporters to arrive.

It must have been a time when the Nazis in Britain were still on the rise so probably late 2000s - I remember I had some Unite Against Fascism stickers and leaflets with me, and so anti-fascism is what I talked to Tony Benn about. I felt a little bit like the young student who in the revolutionary year of 1917 approached Trotsky (I think Trotsky describes this in his autobiography My Life) and offered to become his personal bodyguard. It wasn't quite the same, and I made no such offer to Tony Benn, but I remember thinking - 'shit, should some fascists come around the corner and try to attack Tony Benn - the only thing that would be in their way would be me - and it was my revolutionary duty to defend Benn should the need arise'. But fortunately - especially for Benn, given my poor streetfighting abilities - no gang of fascist thugs came around the corner - but instead just a steady stream of Tony Benn supporters began turning up - and they were as equally delighted as I was to see their hero just sitting outside the venue in the sun, willing to talk to anyone and everyone who came up.

Anyway, that seems to be a nice memory on which to end this - on what has otherwise been a very sad day, and with Crow's passing, a very sad week for the Left. I will add obituaries, etc below as and when I get time. RIP Tony Benn and Bob Crow - two great and inspirational socialists.  

Tony Benn obituaries / tributes
 Charlie Kimber, in Socialist Worker
 John Molyneux - Tony Benn - a giant of peace and socialism
 Ian Birchall
Gary Younge
George Galloway
Alex Callinicos  
Leo Panitch

Bob Crow obituaries / tributes 
Charlie Kimber, for Socialist Worker
Christian Wolmar
George Galloway
Kevin Crane

*Another important and inspiring socialist who passed away recently was Phil Evans - a cartoonist for Socialist Worker in the 1970s - I plan to write something separate about him at some point.

***The Roots Is The Toots- The Music That Got Them Through The Great Depression And World War II…Bing Crosby's I'll Get By
*****

For Prentice John Markin and Delores Maude Markin (nee Riley) who lived through it all, survived it all, and never drew a blessed break…

…some guys, some guys like him, just though they were God’s gift to women. Maybe it was the wavy black hair and fierce brown eyes in a blue-eyed world, maybe it was the swaggering wiry figure behind the walk, maybe it was the soft-edged curlicue wisp of a southern drawl when he spoke, maybe it was the Marine dress blues set off against the Pacific island-hopping tan earned from the blistering sun but he had the girls turning their heads as he entered the USO dance that night. Some of the guys in the barracks, half-kidding, had named him the Sheik out of envy or out of respect for his full-blown prowess with the women, the cold  yankee women who helped people the weekly dances. Dances held each Friday night after the week’s work was done at the Hullsville Naval Depot (and hence the Marine contingent presence).
The idea of the dance, simplicity itself when one thought about it,   was to keep up the morale of those like him, like the Sheik and his comrades stationed at Hullsville and other local military installations, who had returned from hard island-hopping battle, those whose numbers had been called, and those ready to board the troop transports being built just up the road at the Centerville Shipyard. And that morale was kept up best, as it has been since man first started fighting his fellow man for good reasons or bad, by enlisting the aid of all the eligible young women around the Depot and those who worked in the civilian office buildings across the road. And that was how the “Sheik” met her, met his match.
Funny she had noticed him, like every other girl in the room had, when he walked in from her position behind the refreshment table which she had volunteered to cover on the sign-up sheet the week before. Then she had been distracted by the needs of a customer and had dismissed him from her mind as just another “love them and leave them” Marine looking to cash in on his war hero status among the man-starved females on the ballroom floor.  And he gave no indication, not so much as a glance, as he slid across the floor with Agnes, Gladys, Doris, Martha, from work and some other good-looking girl whom she did not know but who was dressed to the nines, that he was interested in her.
But as soon as Jimmy Mack and The Pack, the local cover band performing that night, finished up the first set after playing I’ll Get By to close the set and took an intermission break he appeared right behind her out of the blue. And began without as much as a hello, except to call out her name, to start what turned out to be his courting while she was busy serving donuts and coffee to the gathering crowds in front of her. (It was not until later, much later, that she realized how clever he had been to make his play at that time and in that way  when she could not abandon her duties and where to leave would require her to try to go around him. She thought as well that with that look in his fierce brown eyes she had as much chance of getting by him that night as an enemy soldier did out on some isolated desolate Pacific atoll.)
She secretly thrilled to his soft southern drawl as he told her that one of his dance partners, Agnes, he thought, had told him her name and he had asked whether she was going with a fellow.  No, and so here he was the Sheik at her beck and call. (That sheik thing had nothing to do with being a lady’s man, as least that is what he told her then, but was taken from the name of a group of good old boys that he played music with up and down the Ohio River before the war who named themselves the Kentucky Shieks after the fashion down south in the 1930s for groups playing old time country and mountain music.) So she talked to him, or rather he laid out his case, while she poured coffee and yessed him to death, until she could hear Jimmy and the guys warming up for the final set. He asked her if it was alright for him to wait for her after the dance. She said no. He asked for a date. She said no. No way, as much as she wanted to leave her family house and get married to get away from her tyrant father, was she going to allow herself to fall into the clutches of this good-looking, soft- spoken “love them and leave them” Marine. And that was that …




 


Veterans For Peace
 
 
 
 
For Immediate Release
 
Contact: Pat Scanlon, Office: 978-475-1776, Cell: 978-590-4248, email:Vets4PeaceChapter9@gmail.com 
Attached: Press Release, Parade Flyer, Open Letter to Residents of Boston
 
Mayor Walsh and Representative Steven Lynch
Officially Invited to Walk in the
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
 
Boston, Mass. – March 12, 2014 – Organizers of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade announced today that Mayor Marty Walsh and Representative Steven Lynch have been cordially invited to walk in the only parade on the streets of Boston on March 16 that is open, welcoming and inclusive of all groups whether they are veterans or non-veterans, gay or straight, black or white.
 
Mayor Walsh attempted to negotiate a suitable agreement with the Allied War Veterans Council to allow MassEquality to openly walk in the traditional parade. As has been widely reported those negotiations have fallen apart because of the intransience and continued exclusionary and discriminatory practices of the organizers of the traditional parade. The Mayor has publically stated that he will not walk in the first parade if MassEquality does not walk. MassEquality is not walking.
 
 “Ones sexual orientation simply does not matter” stated Pat Scanlon, Coordinator of Veterans For Peace and the lead organizer for the second parade. “Our parade has eight divisions. One is the LGBT Division”. The other divisions are: Veterans For Peace, Peace, Religious, Environmental Stewardship, Political, Labor, Social and Economic Justice. “We welcome diversity”, stated Scanlon, “and invite all members of the LGBT community to come and join the second parade.  Both Mayor Walsh and Representative Lynch are welcome to join that division and truly show support for the LGBT community. It would be a significant statement for both of these politicians to walk under the rainbow flag”.
 
Since the breakdown of negotiations it appears as if both politicians are attempting to solicit one or more gay veterans to walk with them, crashing the party so to speak. “This appears to be more a desire to be in the first parade rather than actually supporting the LGBT community,” stated Reverend Lara Hoke, a Navy veteran, a lesbian and member of Veterans For Peace. “We understand the desire of both Mayor Walsh and Representative Lynch, who have walked in this parade for many years, to want to walk in the first parade” said Rev. Hoke.. “If MassEquality is not walking in that first parade openly with banners, signs, posters, songs and or clothing proclaiming who they are while celebrating Saint Patrick then Mayor should not walk either. The Mayor instead should join the inclusive and welcoming second parade, the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade”. If Mayor de Blasio can walk in the alternative parade in New York City, Mayor Walsh can do the same in Boston”.
 
Participants in the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade will assemble at 2:00 pm on West Broadway and D streets in South Boston on Sunday, March 16.
 
Web: smedleyvfp.org    Twitter: @smedleyVFP       Facebook: facebook.com/smedleyvfp
####

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Veterans For Peace
 
 
 
 
For Immediate Release
 
Contact: Pat Scanlon, Office: 978-475-1776, Cell: 978-590-4248, email:Vets4PeaceChapter9@gmail.com 
Attached: Press Release, Parade Flyer, Open Letter to Residents of Boston
 
Mayor Walsh and Representative Steven Lynch
Officially Invited to Walk in the
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
 
Boston, Mass. – March 12, 2014 – Organizers of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade announced today that Mayor Marty Walsh and Representative Steven Lynch have been cordially invited to walk in the only parade on the streets of Boston on March 16 that is open, welcoming and inclusive of all groups whether they are veterans or non-veterans, gay or straight, black or white.
 
Mayor Walsh attempted to negotiate a suitable agreement with the Allied War Veterans Council to allow MassEquality to openly walk in the traditional parade. As has been widely reported those negotiations have fallen apart because of the intransience and continued exclusionary and discriminatory practices of the organizers of the traditional parade. The Mayor has publically stated that he will not walk in the first parade if MassEquality does not walk. MassEquality is not walking.
 
 “Ones sexual orientation simply does not matter” stated Pat Scanlon, Coordinator of Veterans For Peace and the lead organizer for the second parade. “Our parade has eight divisions. One is the LGBT Division”. The other divisions are: Veterans For Peace, Peace, Religious, Environmental Stewardship, Political, Labor, Social and Economic Justice. “We welcome diversity”, stated Scanlon, “and invite all members of the LGBT community to come and join the second parade.  Both Mayor Walsh and Representative Lynch are welcome to join that division and truly show support for the LGBT community. It would be a significant statement for both of these politicians to walk under the rainbow flag”.
 
Since the breakdown of negotiations it appears as if both politicians are attempting to solicit one or more gay veterans to walk with them, crashing the party so to speak. “This appears to be more a desire to be in the first parade rather than actually supporting the LGBT community,” stated Reverend Lara Hoke, a Navy veteran, a lesbian and member of Veterans For Peace. “We understand the desire of both Mayor Walsh and Representative Lynch, who have walked in this parade for many years, to want to walk in the first parade” said Rev. Hoke.. “If MassEquality is not walking in that first parade openly with banners, signs, posters, songs and or clothing proclaiming who they are while celebrating Saint Patrick then Mayor should not walk either. The Mayor instead should join the inclusive and welcoming second parade, the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade”. If Mayor de Blasio can walk in the alternative parade in New York City, Mayor Walsh can do the same in Boston”.
 
Participants in the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade will assemble at 2:00 pm on West Broadway and D streets in South Boston on Sunday, March 16.
 
Web: smedleyvfp.org    Twitter: @smedleyVFP       Facebook: facebook.com/smedleyvfp
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Communism and the Family
 

Workers Vanguard No. 1041
 

7 March 2014
TROTSKY
LENIN
Communism and the Family
(Quote of the Week)
International Women’s Day, March 8, originated in 1908 among female needle trades workers who marched in New York City for the eight-hour day, for an end to child labor and for women’s suffrage. To mark this proletarian holiday, we print an excerpt from a work by leading Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai that describes the early Soviet workers state’s perspective to eradicate women’s oppression, which is based on the institution of the family. The revolutionary regime understood that the full emancipation of women was dependent on qualitatively raising the material level of backward Russia, requiring the extension of proletarian power to the wealthy industrialized countries. Never having known genuine freedom, we cannot predict how human relations will unfold in a communist society. But Kollontai’s projection provides a useful point of departure.
There is no escaping the fact: the old type of family has had its day. The family is withering away not because it is being forcibly destroyed by the state, but because the family is ceasing to be a necessity. The state does not need the family, because the domestic economy is no longer profitable: the family distracts the worker from more useful and productive labour. The members of the family do not need the family either, because the task of bringing up the children which was formerly theirs is passing more and more into the hands of the collective. In place of the old relationship between men and women, a new one is developing: a union of affection and comradeship, a union of two equal members of communist society, both of them free, both of them independent and both of them workers. No more domestic bondage for women. No more inequality within the family. No need for women to fear being left without support and with children to bring up. The woman in communist society no longer depends upon her husband but on her work. It is not in her husband but in her capacity for work that she will find support. She need have no anxiety about her children. The workers’ state will assume responsibility for them. Marriage will lose all the elements of material calculation which cripple family life. Marriage will be a union of two persons who love and trust each other. Such a union promises to the working men and women who understand themselves and the world around them the most complete happiness and the maximum satisfaction. Instead of the conjugal slavery of the past, communist society offers women and men a free union which is strong in the comradeship which inspired it.
—Alexandra Kollontai, Communism and the Family (1920)

Alexandra Kollontai 1920

Communism and the Family


First Published: in Komunistka, No. 2, 1920, and in English in The Worker, 1920;
Source: Selected Writings of Alexandra Kollontai, Allison & Busby, 1977;
Translated: by Alix Holt.

Women’s role in production: its effect upon the family

Will the family continue to exist under communism? Will the family remain in the same form? These questions are troubling many women of the working class and worrying their menfolk as well. Life is changing before our very eyes; old habits and customs are dying out, and the whole life of the proletarian family is developing in a way that is new and unfamiliar and, in the eyes of some, “bizarre”. No wonder that working women are beginning to think these questions over. Another fact that invites attention is that divorce has been made easier in Soviet Russia. The decree of the Council of People’s Commissars issued on 18 December 1917 means that divorce is, no longer a luxury that only the rich can afford; henceforth, a working woman will not have to petition for months or even for years to secure the right to live separately from a husband who beats her and makes her life a misery with his drunkenness and uncouth behaviour. Divorce by mutual agreement now takes no more than a week or two to obtain. Women who are unhappy in their married life welcome this easy divorce. But others, particularly those who are used to looking upon their husband as “breadwinners”, are frightened. They have not yet understood that a woman must accustom herself to seek and find support in the collective and in society, and not from the individual man.
There is no point in not facing up to the truth: the old family in which the man was everything and the woman nothing, the typical family where the woman had no will of her own, no time of her own and no money of her own, is changing before our very eyes. But there is no ne d for alarm. It is only our ignorance that leads us to think that the things we are used to can never change. Nothing could be less true than the saying “as it was, so it shall be”. We have only to read how people lived in the past to see that everything is subject to change and that no customs, political organisations or moral principles are fixed and inviolable. In the course of history, the structure of the family has changed many times; it was once quite different from the family of today. There was a time when the kinship family was considered the norm: the mother headed a family consisting of her children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, who lived and worked together. At another period the patriarchal family was the rule. In this case it was the father whose will was law for all the other members of the family: even today such families may be found among the peasantry in the Russian villages. Here the morals and customs of family life are not those of the urban proletariat. In the countryside, they observe norms which the worker has long forgotten. The structure of the family and the customs of family life also vary from nation to nation. Among some peoples such as the Turks. Arabs and Persians, a man is allowed to have several wives. There have been and there still are tribes where the woman may have several husbands. We are used to the fact that a young girl is expected to remain a virgin until marriage; however, there are tribes where it is a matter of pride to have had many lovers and where the women decorate their arms and legs with the corresponding number of bracelets. Many practices which might astonish us and which might even seem immoral are considered by other peoples to be quite normal and they, in their turn, consider our laws and customs “sinful”. There is, therefore, no reason to be frightened of the fact that the family is in the process of change, and that outdated and unnecessary things are being discarded and new relations between men and women developing our job is to decide which aspects of our family system are outdated and to determine what relations, between the men and women of the working and peasant classes and which rights and duties would best harmonise with the conditions of life in the new workers’ Russia. That which is in be With the new life should be maintained, while all that is old and outdated and derives from the cursed epoch of servitude and domination, of landed proprietors and capitalists, should be swept aside together with the exploiting class itself and the other enemies of the proletariat and the poor.
The type of family to which the urban and rural proletariat has grown accustomed is one of these, legacies of the past. There was a time when the isolated, firmly-knit family, based on a church wedding, was equally necessary to all its members. If there had been no family, who would have fed, clothed and brought up the children? Who would have given them advice? In days gone by, to be an orphan was one of the worst fates imaginable. In the family of old, the husband earns and orts his wife and children. The wife for her part is occupied with housekeeping and with bringing up the children as best she can. But over the last hundred years this customary family structure has been falling apart in all the countries where capitalism is dominant and where the number of factories and other enterprises which employ hired labour is increasing. The customs and moral principles of family life are changing as the general conditions of life change. It is the universal spread of female labour that has contributed most of all to the radical change in family life. Formerly only the man was considered a breadwinner. But Russian women have for the past fifty or sixty years (and in other capitalist countries for a somewhat longer period of time) been forced to seek paid work outside the family and outside the home. The wages of the “breadwinner” being insufficient for the needs of the family, the woman found herself obliged to look for a wage and to knock at the factory door. With every year the number of working-class women starting work outside the home as day labourers, saleswomen, clerks, washerwomen and servants increased. Statistics show that in 1914, before the outbreak of the First World War, there were about sixty million women earning their own living in the countries of Europe and America, and during the war this number increased considerably. Almost half of these women are married. What kind of family life they must have can easily be imagined. What kind of “family life” can there be if the wife and mother is out at work for at least eight hours and, counting the travelling, is away from home for ten hours a day? Her home is neglected; the children grow up without any maternal care, spending most of the time out on the streets, exposed to all the dangers of this environment. The woman who is wife, mother and worker has to expend every ounce of energy to fulfil these roles. She has to work the same hours as her husband in some factory, printing-house or commercial establishment and then on top of that she has to find the time to attend to her household and look after her children. Capitalism has placed a crushing burden on woman’s shoulders: it has made her a wage-worker without having reduced her cares as housekeeper or mother. Woman staggers beneath the weight of this triple load. She suffers, her face is always wet with tears. Life has never been easy for woman, but never has her lot been harder and more desperate than that of the millions of working women under the capitalist yoke in this heyday of factory production.
The family breaks down as more and more women go out to work. How can one talk about family life when the man and woman work different shifts, and where the wife does not even have the time to prepare a decent meal for her offspring? How can one talk of parents when the mother and father are out working all day and cannot find the time to spend even a few minutes with their children? It was quite different in the old days. The mother remained at home and occupied herself with her household duties; her children were at her side, under her watchful eye. Nowadays the working woman hastens out of the house early in the morning when the factory whistle blows. When evening comes and the whistle sounds again, she hurries home to scramble through the most pressing of her domestic tasks. Then it’s oil to work again the next morning, and she is tired from lack of sleep. For the married working woman, life is as had as the workhouse. It is not surprising therefore that family ties should loosen and the family begin to fall apart. The circumstances that held the family together no longer exist. The family is ceasing to be necessary either to its members or to the nation as a whole. The old family structure is now merely a hindrance. What used to make the old family so strong? First, because the husband and father was the family’s breadwinner; secondly, because the family economy was necessary to all its members: and thirdly, because children were brought up by their parents. What is left of this former type of family? The husband, as we have just seen, has ceased to he the sole breadwinner. The wife who goes to work earns wages. She has learned to cam her own living, to support her children and not infrequently her husband. The family now only serves as the primary economic unit of society and the supporter and educator of young children. Let us examine the matter in more detail, to see whether or not the family is about to be relieved of these tasks as well.

Housework ceases to be necessary

There was a time when the women of the poorer classes in city and country spent their entire lives within the four walls of the home. A woman knew nothing beyond the threshold of her own home, and in most cases had no wish to know anything. After all, in her own home, there was so much to do, and this work was most necessary and useful not only for the family itself but also for the state as a whole. The woman did everything that the modern working and peasant woman has to do, but besides this cooking, washing, cleaning and mending, she spun wool and linen, wove cloth and garments, knitted stockings, made lace, prepared – as far as her resources permitted – all sorts of pickles, jams and other preserves for winter, and manufactured, her own candles. It is difficult to make a complete list of all her duties. That is how our mothers and grandmothers lived. Even today you may still come across remote villages deep in the country, far from the railroads and the big rivers, where this mode of life has been preserved and where the mistress of the house is overburdened with all kinds of chores over which the working woman of the big cities and of the populous industrial regions has long ceased to worry.
In our grandmother’s day, all this domestic work was necessary and beneficial; it ensured the well-being of the family. The more the mistress of the house applied herself, the better the peasant or craftsman’s family lived. Even the national economy benefited from the housewife’s activity, for the woman did not limit herself to making soup and cooking potatoes (i.e. satisfying the Immediate needs of the family), she also produced such things as cloth, thread, butter, etc. which had a value as commodities that could be sold on the market. And every man, whether peasant or worker, tried to find a wife who had “hands of gold”, for he knew that a family could not get along without this “domestic labour”. The interests of the whole nation were involved, for the more work the woman and the other members of the family put into making cloth, leather and wool (the surplus of which was sold in the neighbouring market), the greater the economic prosperity of the country as a whole.
But capitalism has changed all this. All that was formerly produced in the bosom of the family is now being manufactured on a mass scale m workshops and factories. The machine has superseded the wife. What housekeeper would now bother to make candles, spin wool or weave, cloth? All these products can be bought in the shop next door, formerly every girl would learn to knit stockings. Nowadays, what working woman would think of making her own? In the first place she doesn’t have the time. Time is money, and no one wants to waste time in an unproductive and useless manner. Few working women would start to pickle cucumbers or make other preserves when all these things can be bought in the shop. Even if the products sold in the store are of an inferior quality and not prepared with the care of the home-made equivalent the working woman has neither the time nor the energy needed to 1 perform these domestic operations. First and foremost she is a hired worker. Thus the family economy is gradually being deprived of all the domestic work without which our grandmothers could hardly have imagined a family. What was formerly produced in the family is now produced by the collective labour of working men and women in the factories.
The family no longer produces; it only consumes. The housework that remains consists of cleaning (cleaning the floors, dusting, heating water, care of the lamps etc.), cooking (preparation of dinners and suppers), washing and the care of the linen and clothing of the “family (darning and mending). These are difficult and exhausting tasks and they absorb all the spare time and energy of the working woman who must, in addition, put in her hours at a factory. But this work is different in one important way from the work our grandmothers did: the four tasks enumerated above, which still serve to keep the family together, are of no value to the state and the national economy, for they do not create any new values or make any contribution to the prosperity of the country. The housewife may spend all day, from morning to evening, cleaning her home, she may wash and iron the linen daily, make every effort to keep her clothing in good order and prepare whatever dishes she pleases and her modest resources allow, and she will still end the day without having created any values. Despite her industry she would not have made anything that could be considered a commodity. Even if a working woman were to live a thousand years, she would still have to begin every day from the beginning. There would always be a new layer of dust to be removed from the mantelpiece, her husband would always come in hungry and her children bring in mud on their shoes.
Women’s work is becoming less useful to the community as a whole. It is becoming unproductive. The individual household is dying. It is giving way in our society to collective housekeeping. Instead of the working woman cleaning her flat, the communist society can arrange for men and women whose job it is to go round in the morning cleaning rooms. The wives of the rich have long since been freed from these irritating and tiring domestic duties. Why should working woman continue to be burdened with them? In Soviet Russia the working woman should be surrounded by the same ease and light, hygiene and beauty that previously only the very rich could afford. Instead of the working woman having to struggle with the cooking and spend her last free hours in the kitchen preparing dinner and supper, communist society win organise public restaurants and communal kitchens.
Even under capitalism such establishments have begun to appear. In fact over the last half a century the number of restaurants and cafes in all the great cities of Europe has been growing daily; they are springing up like mushrooms after the autumn rain. But under capitalism only people with well-lined purses can afford to take their meals in restaurants, while under communism everyone will be able to eat in the communal kitchens and dining-rooms. The working woman will not have to slave over the washtub any longer, or ruin her eyes in darning her stockings and mending her linen; she will simply take these things to the central laundries each week and collect the washed and ironed garments later. That will be another job less to do. Special clothes-mending centres will free the working woman from the hours spent on mending and give her the opportunity to devote her evenings to reading, attending meetings and concerts. Thus the four categories of housework are doomed to extinction with the victory of communism. And the working woman will surely have no cause to regret this. Communism liberates worm from her domestic slavery and makes her life richer and happier.

The state is responsible for the upbringing of children

But even if housework disappears, you may argue, there are still the children to look after. But here too, the workers’ state will come to replace the family, society will gradually take upon itself all the tasks that before the revolution fell to the individual parents. Even before the revolution, the instruction of the child had ceased to be the duty of the parents. Once the children had attained school age the parents could breathe more freely, for they were no longer responsible for the intellectual development of their offspring. But there were still plenty of obligations to fulfil. There was still the matter of feeding the children, buying them shoes and clothes and seeing that they developed into skilled and honest workers able, when the time came, to earn their own living and feed and support their parents in old age. Few workers’ families however, were able to fulfil these obligations. Their low wages did not enable them to give the children enough to eat, while lack of free time prevented them from devoting the necessary attention to the education of the rising generation. The family is supposed to bring up the children, but in reality proletarian children grow up on the streets. Our forefathers knew some family life, but the children of the proletariat know none. Furthermore, the parents’ small income and the precarious position in which the family is placed financially often force the child to become an independent worker at scarcely ten years of age. And when children begin, to earn their own money they consider themselves their own masters, and the words and counsels of the parents are no longer law; the authority of the parents weakens, and obedience is at an end.
Just as housework withers away, so the obligations of parents to their children wither away gradually until finally society assumes the full responsibility. Under capitalism children were frequently, too frequently, a heavy and unbearable burden on the proletarian family. Communist society will come to the aid of the parents. In Soviet Russia the Commissariats of Public Education and of Social Welfare are already doing much to assist the family. We already have homes for very small babies, creches, kindergartens, children’s colonies and homes, hospitals and health resorts for sick children. restaurants, free lunches at school and free distribution of text books, warm clothing and shoes to schoolchildren. All this goes to show that the responsibility for the child is passing from the family to the collective.
The parental care of children in the family could be divided into three parts: (a) the care of the very young baby, (b) the bringing up of the child, and (c) the instruction of the child. Even in capitalist society the education of the child in primary schools and later in secondary and higher educational establishments became the responsibility of the state. Even in capitalist society the needs of the workers were to some extent met by the provision of playgrounds, kindergartens, play groups, etc. The more the workers became conscious of their rights and the better they were organised, the more society had to relieve the family of the care of the children. But bourgeois society was afraid of going too far towards meeting the interests of the working class, lest this contribute to the break-up of the family. For the capitalists are well aware that the old type of family, where the woman is a slave and where the husband is responsible for the well-being of his wife and children, constitutes the best weapon in the struggle to stifle the desire of the working class for freedom and to weaken the revolutionary spirit of the working man and working woman. The worker is weighed down by his family cares and is obliged to compromise with capital. The father and mother are ready to agree to any terms when their children are hungry. Capitalist society has not been able to transform education into a truly social and state matter because the property owners, the bourgeoisie, have been against this.
Communist society considers the social education of the rising generation to be one of the fundamental aspects of the new life. The old family, narrow and petty, where the parents quarrel and are only interested in their own offspring, is not capable of educating the “new person”. The playgrounds, gardens, homes and other amenities where the child will spend the greater part of the day under the supervision of qualified educators will, on the other hand, offer an environment in which the child can grow up a conscious communist who recognises the need for solidarity, comradeship, mutual help and loyalty to the collective. What responsibilities are left to the parents, when they no longer have to take charge of upbringing and education? The very small baby, you might answer, while it is still learning to walk and clinging to its mother’s skirt, still needs her attention. Here again the communist state hastens to the aid of the working mother. No longer will there be any women who are alone. The workers’ state aims to support every mother, married or unmarried, while she is suckling her child, and to establish maternity homes, day nurseries and other such facilities in every city and village, in order to give women the opportunity to combine work in society with maternity.
Working mothers have no need to be alarmed; communist not intending to take children away from their parents or to tear the baby from the breast of its mother, and neither is it planning to take, violent measures to destroy the family. No such thing! The aims of communist society are quite different. Communist society sees that the old type of family is breaking up, and that all the old pillars which supported the family as a social unit are being removed: the domestic economy is dying, and working-class parents are unable to take care of their children or provide them with sustenance and education. Parents and children suffer equally from this situation. Communist society has this to say to the working woman and working man: “You are young, you love each other. Everyone has the right to happiness. Therefore live your life. Do not flee happiness. Do not fear marriage, even though under capitalism marriage was truly a chain of sorrow. Do not be afraid of having children. Society needs more workers and rejoices at the birth of every child. You do not have to worry about the future of your child; your child will know neither hunger nor cold.” Communist society takes care of every child and guarantees both him and his mother material and moral support. Society will feed, bring up and educate the child. At the same time, those parents who desire to participate in the education of their children will by no, means be prevented from doing so. Communist society will take upon itself all the duties involved in the education of the child, but the joys of parenthood will not be taken away from those who are capable of appreciating them. Such are the plans of communist society and they can hardly be interpreted as the forcible destruction of the family and the forcible separation of child from mother.
There is no escaping the fact: the old type of family has had its day. The family is withering away not because it is being forcibly destroyed by the state, but because the family is ceasing to be a necessity. The state does not need the family, because the domestic economy is no longer profitable: the family distracts the worker from more useful and productive labour. The members of the family do not need the family either, because the task of bringing up the children which was formerly theirs is passing more and more into the hands of the collective. In place of the old relationship between men and women, a new one is developing: a union of affection and comradeship, a union of two equal members of communist society, both of them free, both of them independent and both of them workers. No more domestic bondage for women. No more inequality within the family. No need for women to fear being left without support and with children to bring up. The woman in communist society no longer depends upon her husband but on her work. It is not in her husband but in her capacity for work that she will find support. She need have no anxiety about her children. The workers’ state will assume responsibility for them. Marriage will lose all the elements of material calculation which cripple family life. Marriage will be a union of two persons who love and trust each other. Such a union promises to the working men and women who understand themselves and the world around them the most complete happiness and the maximum satisfaction. Instead of the conjugal slavery of the past, communist society offers women and men a free union which is strong in the comradeship which inspired it. Once the conditions of labour have been transformed and the material security of the working women has increased, and once marriage such as the church used to perform it – this so-called indissoluble marriage which was at bottom merely a fraud – has given place to the free and honest union of men and women who are lovers and comrades, prostitution will disappear. This evil, which is a stain on humanity and the scourge of hungry working women, has its roots in commodity production and the institution of private property. Once these economic forms are superseded, the trade in women will automatically disappear. The women of the working class, therefore, need not worry over the fact that the family is doomed to disappear. They should, on the contrary, welcome the dawn of a new society which will liberate women from domestic servitude, lighten the burden of motherhood and finally put an end to the terrible curse of prostitution.
The woman who takes up the struggle for the liberation of the working class must learn to understand that there is no more room for the old proprietary attitude which says: “These are my children, I owe them all my maternal solicitude and affection; those are your children, they are no concern of mine and I don’t care if they go hungry and cold – I have no time for other children.” The worker-mother must learn not to differentiate between yours and mine; she must remember that there are only our children, the children of Russia’s communist workers.
The workers’ state needs new relations between the sexes, just as the narrow and exclusive affection of the mother for her own children must expand until it extends to all the children of the great, proletarian family, the indissoluble marriage based on the servitude of women is replaced by a free union of two equal members of the workers’ state who are united by love and mutual respect. In place of the individual and egoistic family, a great universal family of workers will develop, in which all the workers, men and women, will above all be comrades. This is what relations between men and women, in the communist society will be like. These new relations will ensure for humanity all the joys of a love unknown in the commercial society of a love that is free and based on the true social equality of the partners.
Communist society wants bright healthy children and strong, happy young people, free in their feelings and affections. In the name of equality, liberty and the comradely love of the new marriage we call upon the working and peasant men and women, to apply themselves courageously and with faith to the work of rebuilding human society, in order to render it more perfect, more just and more capable of ensuring the individual the happiness which he or she deserves. The red flag of the social revolution which flies above Russia and is now being hoisted aloft in other countries of the world proclaim the approach of the heaven on earth to which humanity has been aspiring for centuries.


From the Archives of Marxism-The Heritage of the Paris Commune

 


Workers Vanguard No. 1041
 





















7 March 2014
 
 

On 18 March 1871, as the bourgeoisie fled Paris for Versailles, the workers established the world’s first proletarian dictatorship in the French capital. The heroic Communards, as Karl Marx put it, “stormed heaven” and seized power, which they held until late May when the Commune was drowned in blood by the resurgent capitalists.
We reprint below an excerpt from 1871: The Paris Commune, a pamphlet written in 1927 by Max Shachtman, at the time a cadre of the American Communist Party. Shachtman explains how lessons drawn from the Commune later helped guide the Bolshevik Party through the three Russian Revolutions referred to in the text below: the defeated revolution of 1905; February 1917, when the tsar was overthrown; and October 1917, when the working class took power. The shortcomings of the Commune laid bare the bankruptcy of the political program of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, an ideological father of anarchism, and of Auguste Blanqui, who envisaged an insurrection led by a conspiratorial group of revolutionaries. Typographical errors in the excerpt have been corrected.
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The Commune is written large in the history of the working class of the world. It was the first great attempt of the proletariat of a nation to establish the rule of the working class thru the dictatorship of the proletariat, accompanied by weak, unclear efforts to adapt to this overthrow of bourgeois domination a new social order.
The weaknesses, shortcomings, hesitance, lack of clarity and insufficiencies of the Commune have been pointed out. The lessons to be learned from its experience must be studied by the struggling working class of the world.
The main source of the weakness of the Commune can be traced to the absence of a determined, conscious revolutionary party which would have given it direction, firmness and decision.
“If in September, 1870, there had been found at the head of the proletariat of France the centralized party of revolutionary action,” writes Trotsky, “the entire history of France and with it the entire history of Humanity would have taken another direction. If on the 18 of March power was found in the hands of the proletariat of Paris it was not because they had consciously seized it, but because their enemies had quit Paris.”
Without a revolutionary proletarian party, without such an instrument the Paris Commune could not, despite the unparalleled heroism and the self-sacrifice of its noble defenders, maintain itself. With a ruling body in which almost every delegate represented a different viewpoint, in which there did not reign a dominating single clear idea, it was natural that the results would prove fatal to the uprising. Even the vague viewpoint which united its two leading groups was shattered by the concrete experiences which they underwent. The Proudhonians found their doctrinaire hatred for association of labor and industry confronted by their own decrees in the Commune which aimed at the organization of great industries and the federation of the workers in every factory into one great association. The Blanquists, the doctrinaires of highly-pitched dictatorial centralism, failed to follow out even their own theories and neglected completely the centralization of the political and military apparatus, as well as the agitation in the provinces for the unity of revolutionary Communes thruout the land.
The Communards made the error of failing to use the power which had fallen into their hands to consolidate the rule of the working class and complete the ruin of the bourgeoisie. The failure to push the attack upon the Versaillese and spread the hegemony of the revolutionary proletariat thruout the country was a fatal blow to the uprising. Their refusal to push forward determinedly the work of expropriating the expropriators, taking over the economic life and substance of the city was another source of weakness.
The feebleness of their attempts to put hands on the Bank of France, which as Engels says was worth ten thousand hostages, was an indication of this grave fault. This point was only a sharp indication of the failure of the Communards to take even a thousandth part of the advantages of power to suppress with an iron hand the enemy, that the Versaillese took.
The history of Bloody Week is a bitter lesson learned by the proletariat, a lesson which means unrelenting struggle against an unscrupulous enemy, the utilization of all the instruments and means of proletarian power for the extermination of the brutal vampire of the ruling class.
The difficulty of an insufficiently developed working class, the lack of a political party of clear principles, tactics and experience, and the absence of highly developed industry, might have been overcome by the Commune had it not been forced to assume the defensive on the military field from the beginning. Its natural anxiety for defense from extermination by the Versaillese made it, to put it mildly, difficult to begin very much economic work. The steps it took despite these difficulties already gave an indication as to the real socialist nature of its economic measures and quite safe predictions can be made as to the development towards a socialist economy that might have resulted thru the military victory of the Communards over Thiers.
The Commune, slandered and calumniated by the bourgeoisie for decades, is the property of the revolutionary working class today, in the Communist movement where its spirit is embodied. The Commune lives in even more heroic form, in broader lines, with more power and greater clarity of purpose in the revolution of the Russian workers and peasants. The existence of the revolutionary movement of the working class today, honoring the great Paris Commune and carefully learning from its experience, the existence of the first working class republic in Russia is the vindication which history and the working class have rendered the heroic efforts of the Parisian working men.
The working class of Russia has long ago learned the lesson of the Paris Commune. Painstakingly they built up their iron regiments into a mighty Bolshevik party, armed with the sharp weapons of Marxism, and dominated by the irresistible will to power which led the first successful proletarian revolution in the world. The revolutionaries of Russia knew that the chief source of success in the uprising for liberty was a conscious group, a party of the vanguard of the working class which would be able to give leadership and direction to the struggle, the lack of which was the evil genius of the Commune.
And the Communist movement of the world today, learning equally the lessons of the Commune and of the three revolutions in Russia; of the revolutions and uprisings in Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, Italy and Finland, is preparing for the revolution by building up more strongly every day the fighting parties of Communism, steeled in every struggle.
“Workingmen’s Paris,” wrote Marx in his brilliant Civil War in France, “with its Commune, will be forever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not avail to redeem them.”
It is the admirable and fitting eulogy to the immemorable action of the Paris workers. The celebration of the Commune is the celebration of the approaching victory of the most oppressed class in history. The lessons of the Commune are being slowly learned by the workers. In its lofty spirit of heroism the revolution of today finds new inspiration and courage and determination.
“The cause of the Commune is the cause of the social revolution,” said the greatest Communard of all times, Lenin, “of the complete political and economic liberation of the working class, the cause of the proletariat of the entire world. And in this sense it is immortal.”