Wednesday, August 26, 2015

No Justice, No Peace- Black Lives Matter- You Have Got That Right Brothers and Sisters-Speaking Truth To Power-The Struggle Continues

No Justice, No Peace- Black Lives Matter- You Have Got That Right Brothers and Sisters-Speaking Truth To Power-The Struggle Continues 
 
 
 
Late one night in 2014 Ralph Morris and Sam Eaton had been sitting at a bar in Boston, Jack Higgin’s Grille, down a few streets from the financial district toward Quincy Market talking about various experiences, political experiences in their lives as they were wont to do these days since they were both mostly retired. Ralph having turned over the day to day operation of his specialty electronics shop in Troy, New York to his youngest son as he in his turn had taken over from his father Ralph, Sr. when he had retired in 1991 (the eldest son, Ralph III, had opted for a career as a software engineer for General Electric still a force in the local economy although not nearly as powerful as when Ralph was young and it had been the largest private employer in the Tri-City area) and Sam had sold off his small print shop business in Carver down about thirty miles south of Boston to a large copying company when he had finally seen a few years before the writing on the wall that the day of the small specialty print shop specializing in silk-screening and other odd job methods of reproduction was done for in the computerized color world.

So they had time for remembrances back to the days in the early 1970s when they had first met and had caught the tail-end of the big splash 1960s political and social explosion that stirred significant elements of their generation, “the generation of ’68” so-called by Sam’s friend from New York City Fritz Jasper although neither of them had been involved in any of the cataclysmic events that had occurred in America (and the world) that year. Sam had that year fitfully been trying to start his own small printing business after working for a few years for Mr. Snyder the premier printer in town and he was knee-deep in trying to mop up on the silk-screen craze for posters and tee shirts and had even hired his old friend from high school Jack Callahan who had gone to the Massachusetts School of Art as his chief silk-screen designer, and later when he moved off the dime politically his acting manager as well. Ralph’s excuse was simpler, simplicity itself for he was knee-deep in the big muddy in the Central Highlands of Vietnam trying to keep body and soul together against that damn Charlie who wouldn’t take no for an answer.

Occasionally over the years Ralph would come to Boston on trips at Sam’s invitation and they almost always would go have a few at Jack Higgin’s during his stay talking mainly family matters before Ralph would head back to Troy and his family but more frequently of late they would go back over the ground of their youth, would go over more that ground more than one time to see if something they could have done, or something they did not do, would have made a difference when the “counter-revolution,” when the conservative push-back reared its head, when the cultural wars began in earnest with the ebbing of that big good night 1960s explosion. Sam would return the favor by going out to Albany, or more frequently to Saratoga Springs where he, they could see who from the old days, Utah Phillips before he passed away, Rosalie Sorrels before she left the road, Ronnie Gilbert and Pete Seeger before they passed but you get the picture, the old folk minute of the early 1960s that Sam had been very interested in when he started to hang around Cambridge later in that decade, were still alive enough to be playing at the famous coffeehouse still going from the 1960s, the Café Lena, although minus founder Lena for quite a while now. Sam had never lost the bug, never lost that longing for the lost folk minute that in his mind connected in with him hanging around the Hayes-Bickford in Harvard Square on lonesome weekends nights seeing what was to be seen. Sam had dragged Ralph, who despite living on about less than an hour away had never heard of the Café Lena since he had been tuned to the AM stations playing the awful stuff that got air time after the classic period of rock went into decline and before rock became acid-tinged, along with him and he had developed a pretty fair appreciation for the music as well.         

The conversation that night in 2014 got going after the usual few whiskey and sodas used to fortify them for the night talkfest had begun to take effect had been pushed in the direction of what ever happened to that socialist vision that had driven some of their early radical political work together (in the old days both of them in these midnight gabfest would have fortified themselves with in succession grass, cocaine, speed and watch the sun come up and still be talking. These days about midnight would be the end point, maybe earlier.). The specific reason for that question coming up that night had been that Sam had asked Ralph a few weeks before to write up a little remembrance of when he had first heard the socialist-anarchist-communist-radical labor militant   international working class anthem, the Internationale, for Fritz Jasper’s blog, American Protest Music.

Sam had noted that Ralph had with a certain sorrow stated that he no longer had occasion to sing the song. Moreover one of the reasons for that absence was that  despite his and Sam’s continued “good old cause” left-wing political activism socialism as a solution to humankind’s impasses was deeply out of favor (that activism as Ralph mentioned to Sam on more than one occasion these days considerably shortened from the old frenzied 24/7 desperate struggles around trying unsuccessfully end the Vietnam War from the American side by getting the government to stop the damn thing although the Vietnamese liberation forces in the end and at great cost had had no trouble doing so).

People, intellectuals and working stiffs alike, no longer for the most part had that socialist vision goal that had driven several generations, or the best parts of those generations, since the mid-19th century to put their efforts into, did not have that goal on their radar, didn’t see a way out of the malaise through that route. Had moreover backed off considerably from that prospective since the demise of the Soviet Union and its satellites in the early 1990s if not before despite the obvious failure of capitalism to any longer put a dent in the vast inequalities and injustices, their suffered inequalities and injustices, in the world. Sam had had to agree to that sad statement, had had to agree that they, in effect, too had abandoned that goal in their own lives for all practical purposes even though they had been driven by that vision for a while once they got “religion” in the old days in the early 1970s, once they saw that the anti-war struggle that animated their first efforts was not going to get the war-makers to stop making war.

Maybe it was the booze, maybe it was growing older and more reflective, maybe it was that Ralph’s comments had stirred up some sense of guilt for losing the hard edge of their youthful dreams but that night Sam wanted to press the issue of what that socialist prospective meant, what they thought it was all about (both agreed in passing, almost as an afterthought that what had happened, what passed for socialism in the Soviet Union and elsewhere was NOT what they were dreaming of although they gave third world liberation struggles against imperialism like in Vietnam dependent on Soviet aid plenty of wiggle room to make mistakes and still retain their support).       

Both men during the course of their conversation commented on the fact that no way, no way in hell, if it had not been for the explosive events of the 1960s, of the war and later a bunch of social issue questions, mainly third world liberation struggles internationally and the black liberation question at home they would not even be having the conversation they were having (both also chuckling a little at using the old time terms, especially the use of “struggle” and “question,” for example the  black, gay, woman question since lately they had noticed that younger activists no longer spoke in such terms but used more ephemeral “white privilege,” “patriarchy,”  “gender” terms reflecting the identity politics that have been in fashion for a long time, since the ebb flow of the 1960s). 

No, nothing in the sweet young lives of Samuel Eaton to the Carver cranberry bog capital of world in Carver (then) working-class born (his father a “bogger” himself when they needed extra help) and Ralph Morris, Junior to the Troy General Electric plants-dominated working- class born would have in say 1967, maybe later, projected that almost fifty years later they would be fitfully and regretfully speaking about the their visions of socialism and it demise as a world driving force for social change. 

Ralph and Sam had imbibed all the standard identifiable working-class prejudices against reds, some of those prejudices more widespread among the general population of the times, you know, like the big red scare Cold War “your mommy is a commie, turn her in,” “the Russians are coming get under the desk and hold onto your head,” anybody to the left of Grandpa Ike, maybe even him, communist dupes of Joe Stalin and his progeny who pulled the strings from Moscow and made everybody jumpy; against blacks (Ralph had stood there right next to his father, Ralph, Sr., when he led the physical opposition to blacks moving into the Tappan Street section of town and had nothing, along with his corner boys at Van Patten’s Drugstore, but the “n” word to call black people, sometimes to their faces and Sam’s father was not much better, a southerner from hillbilly country down in Appalachia who had been stationed in Hingham at the end of World War II and stayed, who never could until his dying breathe call blacks anything but the “n” word); against gays and lesbians (Ralph and his boys mercilessly fag and dyke baiting them whenever the guys and he went to Saratoga Springs where those creeps spent their summers doing whatever nasty things they did to each other and Sam likewise down in Provincetown with his boys, he helping, beating up some poor guy in a back alley after one of them had made a fake pass at the guy, Jesus; against uppity woman, servile, domestic child-producing women like their good old mothers and sisters and wanna-bes were okay as were “easy” girls ready to toot their whistles, attitudes which they had only gotten beaten out of them when they ran into their respective future wives who had both been influenced by the women’s liberation movement although truth to tell they were not especially political, but rather artistic.  Native Americans didn’t even rate a nod since they were not on the radar, were written off in any case as fodder for cowboys and soldiers in blue. But mainly they had been red, white and blue American patriotic guys who really did have ice picks in their eyes for anybody who thought they would like to tread on old Uncle Sam (who had been “invented” around Ralph’s hometown way).      

See Ralph, Sam too for that matter, had joined the anti-war movement for personal reasons at first which had to do a lot with ending the war in Vietnam and not a lot about “changing the whole freaking world” (Ralph’s term). Certainly not creeping around the fringes of socialism before the 1960s ebbed and they had to look to the long haul to pursue their political dreams. Ralph’s story was a little bit amazing that way, see, he had served in the military, served in the Army, in Vietnam, had been drafted in early 1967 while he was working in his father’s electrical shop and to avoid being “cannon fodder” as anybody could see what was happening to every “drafted as infantry guy” he had enlisted (three years against the draft’s two) with the expectation of getting something in the electrical field as a job, something useful. But in 1967, 1968 what Uncle needed, desperately needed as General Westmoreland called for more troops, was more “grunts” to flush out Charlie and so Ralph wound up with a unit in the Central Highlands, up in the bush trying to kill every commie he could get his hands on just like the General wanted. He had extended his tour to eighteen months to get out a little early from his enlistment not so much that he was gung-ho but because he had become fed up with what the war had done to him, what he had had to do to survive, what his buddies had had to do to survive and what the American government had turned them all into, nothing but animals, nothing more, as he told everybody who would listen. When he was discharged in late 1969 he wound up joining the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), the main anti-war veterans group at the time. Such a move by Ralph and thousands of other soldiers who had served in ‘Nam a real indication even today of how unpopular that war was when the guys who had fought the damn thing arms in hand, mostly guys then, rose up against the slaughter, taking part in a lot of their actions around Albany and New York City mainly.

Here is the way Ralph told Sam in 1971 about how he came in contact with VVAW while they had plenty of time to talk when they were being detained in RFK Stadium after being arrested in a May Day demonstration. One day in 1970 Ralph was taking a high compression motor to Albany to a customer and had parked the shop truck on Van Dyke Street near Russell Sage College. Coming down the line, silent, silent as the grave he thought later, were a ragtag bunch of guys in mismatched (on purpose he found out later) military uniforms carrying individual signs but with a big banner in front calling for immediate withdrawal from Vietnam and signing the banner with the name of the organization-Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW). That was all, and all that was needed. Nobody on those still patriotic, mostly government worker, streets called them commies or anything like that but you could tell some guys in white collars who never came close to a gun, except maybe to kill animals or something defenseless really wanted to. One veteran as they came nearer to Ralph shouted out for any veterans to join them, to tell the world what they knew first-hand about what was going on in Vietnam. Yeah, that shout-out was all Ralph needed he said, all he needed to join his “band of brothers.”                               

Sam as he recalled how he and Ralph had met in Washington had remembered that Ralph had first noticed that he was wearing a VVAW supporter button and Ralph had asked if he had been in ‘Nam. Sam, a little sheepishly, explained that he had been exempted from military duty since he was the sole support for his mother and four younger sisters after his father had passed away of a massive heart attack in 1965. (He had gone to work in Mister Snyder’s print shop where he had learned enough about the printing business to later open his own shop which he kept afloat somehow during the late 1960s with Jack Callahan’s help and which became his career after he settled down when the 1960s ebbed and people started heading back to “normal.”) He then told Ralph the reason that he had joined the anti-war movement after years of relative indifference since he was not involved in the war effort had been that his closest high school friend, Jeff Mullins, had been blown away in the Central Highlands and that had made him question what was going on. Jeff, like them had been as red, white and blue as any guy, had written him when he was in Vietnam that he thought that the place, the situation that he found himself in was more than he bargained for, and that if he didn’t make it back for Sam to tell people, everybody he could what was really going on. Then with just a few months to go Jeff was blown away near some village that Sam could not spell or pronounce correctly even all these many years later. Jeff had not only been Sam’s best friend but was as straight a guy as you could meet, and had gotten Sam out of more than a few scrapes, a few illegal scrapes that could have got him before some judge. So that was how Sam got “religion,” not through some intellectual or rational argument about the theories of war, just wars or “your country right or wrong wars,” but because his friend had been blown away, blown away for no good reason as far as that went.  

At first Sam had worked with Quakers and other pacifist types because he knew they were in Cambridge where he found himself hanging out more and more trying to connect with the happenings that were splitting his generation to hell and back. They got him doing acts of civil disobedience at draft boards, including the Carver Draft Board on Allan Road the place where Jeff had been drafted from (and which created no little turmoil and threats among the Eaton’s neighbors who were still plenty patriotic at that point, his mother and sisters took some of the fire as well), military bases and recruiting stations to try to get the word out to kids who might get hoodwinked in joining up in the slaughter. As the war dragged on though he started going to Cambridge meetings where more radical elements were trying to figure out actions that might stop the damn war cold and that appealed to him more than the “assuming the government was rational and would listen to reason” protest actions of those “gentile little old ladies in tennis sneakers.”

1971 though, May Day 1971 to be exact is, where these two stories, two very different stories with the same theme joined together. Sam at that point in 1971 was like Ralph just trying to get the war ended, maybe help out the Panthers a little but before May Day had no grandiose ideas about changing the “whole freaking world.” Sam had gone down to Washington with a group of Cambridge radicals and “reds” to do what he could to shut down the war under the slogan-“if the government does not shut down the war, we will shut down the government.” Ralph had come down with a contingent of ex-veterans and supporters from Albany for that same purpose. Sam and Ralph had as a result met on the bizarre football field at RFK Stadium which was the main holding area for the thousands of people arrested that day (and throughout the week)

So May Day was a watershed for both men, both men having before May Day sensed that more drastic action was necessary to “tame the American imperial monster” (Sam’s term picked up from The Real Paper, an alternative newspaper he had picked up at a street newsstand in Cambridge) and had come away from that experience, that disaster, with the understanding that even to end the war would take much more, and many more people, than they had previously expected. Ralph, in particular, had been carried away with the notion that what he and his fellow veterans who were going to try to symbolically close down the Pentagon were doing as veterans would cause the government pause, would make them think twice about any retaliation to guys who had served and seen it all. Ralph got “smart” on that one fast when the National Guard which was defending the Pentagon, or part of it that day, treated them like any Chicago cops at the Democratic Party Convention in 1968, treated them like cops did to any SDS-ers anywhere, and like anybody else who raised their voices against governmental policy in the streets.

Ralph told Sam while in captivity that he still worked in his father’s shop for a while but their relationship was icy (and would be for a long time after that although in 1991 when Ralph, Senior retired Ralph took over the business). He would take part in whatever actions he could around the area (and down in New York City a couple of times when they called for re-enforcements to make a big splash).

Ralph has like he said joined with a group of VVAW-ers and supporters for an action down in Washington, D.C. The idea, which would sound kind of strange today in a different time when there is very little overt anti-war activity against the current crop of endless wars but also shows how desperate they were to end that damn war, was to on May Day shut down the government if it did not shut down the war. Their task, as part of the bigger scheme, since they were to form up as a total veterans and supporters contingent was to symbolically shut down the Pentagon. Wild right, but see the figuring was that they, the government, would not dare to arrest vets and they figured (“they” meaning all those who planned the events and went along with the plan) the government would treat it somewhat like the big civilian action at the Pentagon in 1967 which Norman Mailer won a literary prize writing a book about, Armies of the Night. Silly them. 

They after the fall-out from that event were thus searching for a better way to handle things, a better way to make an impact because those few days of detention in D.C. that they had jointly suffered not only started what would be a lifelong personal friendship but an on-going conversation between them over the next several years about how to bring about the greater social change they sensed was needed before one could even think about stopping wars and stuff like that. (The story in short of how they got out of RFK after a few days was pretty straight forward. Since law enforcement was so strapped that week somebody had noticed and passed the word along that some of the side exits in the stadium were not guarded and so they had just walked out and got out of town fast, very fast, hitchhiking back north to Carver, and Ralph later to Troy). Hence the push by Sam toward the study groups led by “red collectives” that were sprouting up then peopled by others who had the same kind of questions which they would join, unjoin and work with, or not work with over the next few years before both men sensed the tide of the rolling 1960s had ebbed. 

Old time high school thoughts even with the cross-fire hells of burned down Vietnam villages melted into the back of his brain crossed his mind when Ralph thought of Marx, Lenin (he, they, were not familiar with Trotsky except he had “bought it” down in Mexico with an icepick from some assassin), Joe Stalin, Red Square, Moscow and commie dupes. Sam had not been far behind in his own youthful prejudices as he told Ralph one night after a class and they were tossing down a few at Jack’s in Cambridge before heading home to the commune where Sam was staying.

Ralph had gone out of his way to note in that blog entry for Fritz that before he got “religion” on the anti-war and later social justice issues he held as many anti-communist prejudices as anybody else in Troy, New York where he hailed from, not excluding his rabidly right-wing father who never really believed until his dying days in 2005 that the United States had lost the war in Vietnam. Ralph had realized that all the propaganda he had been fed was like the wind and his realization of that had made him  a very angry young man when he got out of the Army in late 1969. He tried to talk to his father about it but Ralph, Senior was hung up in a combination “good war, World War II, his war where America saved international civilization from the Nazis and Nips (his father’s term since he fought in the Pacific with the Marines) and “my country, right or wrong.” All Ralph, Senior really wanted Ralph to do was get back to the shop and help him fill those goddam GE defense contract orders. And he did it, for a while.

Ralph had also expressed his feelings of trepidation when after a lot of things went south on the social justice front with damn little to show for all the arrests, deaths, and social cataclysm he and Sam had gotten into a study group in Cambridge run by a “Red October Collective” which focused on studying “Che” Guevara and the Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky after an introduction to the Marxist classics. Sam who was living in that commune in Cambridge at the time, the summer of 1972, had invited Ralph to come over from Troy to spent the summer in the study group trying to find out what had gone wrong (and what they had gotten right too, as Sam told him not to forget), why they were spinning their wheels trying to change the world for the better just then and to think about new strategies and tactics for the next big break-out of social activism. At the end of each meeting they would sing the Internationale before the group broke up. At first Ralph had a hard time with the idea of singing a “commie” song (he didn’t put it that way but he might as well have according to Sam) unlike something like John Lennon’s Give Peace A Chance, songs like that. As he, they got immersed in the group Ralph lightened up and would sing along if not with gusto then without a snicker.

That same apprehensive attitude had prevailed when after about three meetings they began to study what the group leader, Jeremy, called classic Marxism, the line from Marx and Engels to Lenin and the Bolsheviks. A couple of the early classes dealt with the American Civil War and its relationship to the class struggle in America, and Marx’s views on what was happening, why it was necessary for all progressives to side with the North and the end of slavery, and why despite his personal flaws and attitudes toward blacks Abraham Lincoln was a figure to admire all of which both men knew little about except the battles and military leaders in American History classes. What caused the most fears and consternation was the need for revolution worked out in practice during the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. They could see that it was necessary in Russia during those times but America in the 1970s was a different question, not to speak of the beating that they had taken for being “uppity” in the streets in Washington, D.C. in 1971 when they didn’t think about revolution (maybe others had such ideas but if so they kept them to themselves) and the state came crashing down on them.    

The biggest problem though was trying to decipher all the various tendencies in the socialist movement. Ralph, maybe Sam more so, though if everybody wanted the same thing, wanted a better and more peaceful system to live under then they should all get together in one organization, or some such form. The split between the Social Democrats and the Communists, later the split between Stalinists and Trotskyists, and still later the split between Stalinists and Maoists had their heads spinning, had then thankful that they did not have to fight those fights out.

All in all though they had the greatest respect for Trotsky, Trotsky the serious smart intellectual with a revolver in his hand. Had maybe a little sympathy for the doomed revolutionary tilling against the windmills and not bitching about it. Maybe feeling a little like that was the rolling the rock up the hill that they would be facing. That admiration of Trotsky did not extend to the twelve million sects, maybe that number is too low, who have endlessly split from a stillborn organization he started when he felt the Communist International had stopped being a revolutionary force, the Fourth International. Sam brought up a Catholic would make Ralph laugh when he compared those disputes to the old time religious disputes back in the Middle Ages about how many angels would fit on the tip of a needle. They, after spending the summer in study decided that for a while they would work with whoever still needed help but that as far as committing to joining an ongoing organization forget it. 

At the beginning in any case, and that might have affected his ultimate decision, some of Ralph’s old habits kind of held him back, you know the anti-red stuff, Cold War enemy stuff, just like at first he had had trouble despite all he knew about calling for victory to the Viet Cong (who in-country they called “Charlie” in derision although after Tet 1968 with much more respect when Charlie came at them and kept coming despite high losses). But Ralph got over it, got in the swing. 

The Marxism did not come easy, the theory part, maybe for Ralph a little more than Sam who had taken junior college night classes to bolster the small print shop he had built from nothing after Mister Snyder moved his operation to Quincy to be nearer his main client, State Street Bank and Trust (although for long periods his old Carver friend, Jack Callahan, managed the place when Sam was off on his campaigns). They got that the working-class, their class, should rule and be done with inequalities of all kinds but the idea of a revolution, or more importantly, a working class party which was on everybody’s mind in those days to lead that revolution seemed, well, utopian. The economic theory behind Marxism, that impossible to read Das Capital and historical materialism as a philosophy were books sealed with seven seals for them both. Nevertheless for a few years, say until 1975, 1976 when the tide really had ebbed for anybody who wanted to see they hung around with the local “reds,” mostly those interested in third world liberation struggles and political prisoner defense work. Those were really the earnest “socialist years” although if you had asked them for a model of what their socialism looked like they probably would have pointed to Cuba which seemed fresher than the stodgy old Soviet Union with their Brezhnev bureaucrats.

After that time while they would periodically read the left press and participate any time somebody, some group needed bodies for a rally, demonstration, some street action they would be there in their respective hometowns that they both eventually filtered back to. Then 2002 came and the endless wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and seemingly a million other places drove them to drop their “armed truce” (Sam’s term picked up by Ralph) with society and return to the streets , return with an almost youthful vengeance. They would see young people at the rallies hocking their little Marxist papers, maybe buy one to read a home but that flame that had caused them to join study groups, to work with Marxist-oriented “red collectives,” to read books that were hard to fathom had passed, had passed just as socialism as a way to end humankind’s impasses had fallen out of favor once the Soviet Union and its satellites had gone up in a puff of smoke.

Then the endless wars came Iraq I (old man Bush’s claim to fame) although too short to get Ralph and Sam off their couches, Serbia, the big flare-ups in the Middle East name your country of the day or week where the bombs, United States bombs no matter the disguise of some voluntary coalition of the “willing.” The thing that galled Ralph though was the attempts to do war “on the cheap” with killer-drones in place of humans and war materials. The gall part coming from the fact that despite the new high-tech battlefield each succeeding President kept asking for “boots on the ground” to put paid to the notion that all the technology in the world would not secure, as he knew from painful experience in the Central Highlands of Vietnam, the ground which needed to be controlled. So the grunts would have to be rolled out and the drones, well, the drones would just keep like all bombs, manned or unmanned, would keep creating that damn collateral damage.    

So the wars drove them back to the streets as “elders” but then things like the Great Recession (really depression except for the rich who did not fallout of high office buildings this time like in 1929) and the quicksilver minute response of the Occupy movement where they spent much time for the short time the movement raised its head publically.

More troubling recently had been the spate of police brutality cases and murders of young black men for being black and alive it seemed. Ralph and Sam had cut their teeth in the movement facing the police and while they were not harassed as a matter of course except when they courted the confrontations they did know that the cops like a lot of people think, a lot of people in the movement too, were nobody’s friends, should be treated like rattlesnakes. Every fiber of their bones told them that from about high school corner boy days. Still how were a couple of old white guys with good hearts going to intersect a movement driven by young mostly black kids who were worried about surviving and who for the most part were not political. They both longed for the days when the Black Panthers could get a hearing from that crowd about self-defense but also about the dirty role of the cops in keeping the ghetto army of occupation in full force.  

Everywhere they went, to each demonstration, rally, vigil, speak-out they would see a new cohort of the young earnest Marxist-types hocking their newspapers and leaflets. Sam thought one time, maybe more than one time, that maybe those earnest kids with their wafer-thin newspapers will study the classics and make more sense out of them than Sam and Ralph could.

 

 

As for Sam and Ralph they would now just keep showing up to support the “good old cause.”              

Here is what Sam wrote about the recent rise of the Black Lives Matter movement that might just smite the dragon:

Listen up. No, I am not black but here is what I know. Know because my grandfather, son of old Irish immigrants before the turn of the 20th century, the ethnic immigrant group which provided a hard core of police officers in the City of Boston and surrounding towns back then, and now too for that matter, told me some stuff (and you can get a good sense of although fictionalized in Dennis Lehane’s novel, The Given Day. The “surrounding towns” part as they left the Irish ghettoes in South Boston and Dorchester, the latter now very heavily filled with all kinds of people of color, and moved first to Quincy and Weymouth then for some to the Irish Rivera further south in Marshfield and places like that). Those Irish also provided their fair share of “militants” in the “so-called” Boston Police Strike of 1919.

Here is what he said when I was a kid and has been etched in my brain since my youth. Cops are not workers, cops are around to protect property, not yours but that of the rich, cops are not your friends because when the deal goes down they will pull the hammer down on you no matter how “nice” they are, no matter how many old ladies and old gentlemen they have escorted across the street (and no matter how friendly they seem when they are cadging donuts and… at so coffee shop on their beat).  And every time I forget that wisdom they, the police remind me, for example, when they raided the Occupy Boston encampment late one night in October 2011 arresting many, including a phalanx of Veterans   for Peace defenders, for no other reason that the “authorities” did not want the campsite extended beyond the original grounds and then unceremoniously razed the place in December 2011 when the restraining order was lifted without batting an eye.

Now this is pretty damn familiar to the audience I am trying to address, those who are raising holy hell in places like Ferguson, Missouri and Staten Island, New York (and as I write about North Charleston down in South Carolina) about police brutality, let’s get this right,  about police murder under the color of law. And those who support the, well, let’s call a thing by its right name, rebellion.

Here is what my grandfather, or my father for that matter, did not have to tell me. They, and I ask that you refer to the graphic above, DID NOT need when I came of age for such discussions that I had to be careful of the cops as I walked down the street minding my own business(unless of course I was in a demonstration rasing holy hell about some war or other social injustice but I had that figured already). Did not need to tell me that I was very likely to be pulled over while “walking while Irish.” Did not suggest, as the graphic wisely points out, that I would need to have more identification than an NSA agent to walk down my neighborhood streets. Did not need to tell me that I would suffer all kinds of indignities for breathing.                        

He, they, did not have to tell me a lot of things that every black adult has to tell every black child about the ways on the world in the United States. But remember what that old man, my grandfather, did tell me, cops are not workers, cops are not friends, cops are working the  other side of the street. That old man would also get a chuckle out of the slogan-“Fuck The Cops.” If more people, if more white people especially, would think that way maybe we could curb the bastards in a little.  


Hey, Who Made Caitlyn Jenner The Trans-Poster Person Flavor Of The Month Anyway-Free Chelsea Manning Now!


Hey, Who Made Caitlyn Jenner The Trans-Poster Person Flavor Of The Month Anyway-Free Chelsea Manning Now!

 

From The Pen of Ralph Morris

 

Hey, I don’t normally write anything on my own although I have plenty of ideas to give to my old-time political associate, Sam Eaton. Sam and I met on the of floor of RFK Stadium in Washington on May Day 1971 when I along with a contingent of Vietnam Veterans Against The War (VVAW) and he along with a motley crew of Cambridge radicals and revolutionaries (his description) were being held for trying to as the slogan went “shut down the government if it did not shut down the Vietnam War” and got the bastinado for our efforts. That meeting started for a whole bunch of reasons mainly around our common working class backgrounds from Troy, New York and Carver, Massachusetts respectively a now life-long attempt to stop the endless wars that the American imperium has saddled us with. Particularly to support the efforts of military resisters and other anti-war political dissenters.

 

Lately those efforts have centered on the struggle to free Chelsea Manning, the heroic Army soldier who is currently serving a stiff thirty-five year sentence for basically telling us, the American people and the world, about the military atrocities committed by its soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan, most infamously the “Collateral Murder” video which anybody now, if you have the stomach for it, can access on YouTube. In addition she revealed plenty of other nefarious doings of the American government maybe not as directly shocking as the revelations made by the heroic NSA whistle-blower-in-exile Edward Snowden but bad enough to make even the plentiful hardened “my country, right or wrong” devotees winch.

 

And that is why I am pissed off enough to write this little piece. See before Caitlyn Jenner (formerly Bruce for the three people in the world who don’t know each and every detail of her transition) this year became the “official” media darling transgender poster person for the current politically correct flavor of the month oppressed identity grouping now that same-sex marriage has become passe, become just another bourgeois yesterday’s story Chelsea Manning (formerly Bradley for the many who don’t know before she identified herself to the world as Chelsea immediately after her brutal 35 year sentence by a military judge down at Fort Meade in August 2013) had some traction as a worthy poster person for the cause of transgender transition and birth misidentification. But as usual once the rich, famous, and in this case Republican put themselves out front for any reason the air get sucked out of the political atmosphere for everybody else, for all those others who are struggling less publically to “be what they are.”       

 

I will get to the specific reason that I am pissed off at Ms. Jenner in a minute although even with the rich, famous and Republican I (and Sam) obviously can appreciate the troubles any person  who is struggling with race, sex, ethnic, religious, and gender discrimination has to go through to survive in this wicked old world with a little dignity. Not that such sympathy was always true in my growing up days in Troy where I was as capable as the next guy in my corner boy world around Nick’s Variety Store in the Tappan section where we would mercilessly fag/dyke/transvestite bait anybody who seemed slightly “light on their feet” (an actual expression we used). Sam and I have had more than a few laughs lately when we meet in Cambridge when I go to that city to see him and we toss a few drinks at Jack’s while we cut up old touches and we think back to those days when if you weren’t Irish Catholic and straight you would be at our respective vicious baiting mercies. What gives us the biggest laugh, given our backgrounds, is how improbably it is that two 60-something guys would be desperately busting their asses to get freedom for a transgender soldier, heroic whistle-blower or not in the year 2015 (and have been since 2010 when we first heard about then-Bradley’s plight through Veterans for Peace , VFP an organization we both support and Courage to Resist out in Oakland who support military resisters including the legal and fund-raising efforts for Chelsea Manning).

 

But even old codgers can learn something in this wicked old world as well. See I served in the Central Highlands in Vietnam for eighteen months between 1968 and 1970 (the last six months by extending my tour to get out of my enlistment a little earlier for no other reason than to get out earlier). That extension really brought the craziness of the war home to me about the American government forcing me and my buddies to become nothing but animals toward people who we had no personal quarrel with. I do not do thing number one about my anti-war feelings though until I got out of the Army. I got along because I went along to my eternal sorrow. That is why over forty years later I support a person who stepped forward despite all the hell she has gone through to do some “penance” for my sin of omission. Sam, deferred from military service because he was the sole support of his mother and four younger sisters after his drunken ass father had a massive heart attack in 1965 did not get anti-war “religion” until his closest corner boy friend Jeff Mullins was killed in Vietnam in 1968 and in letters back home had made Sam promise to let everybody know what a hell-hole place Vietnam was if he did not make it back to do so himself. H has supported Chelsea as an extension of that promise to Jeff. That is the background to why we would almost inevitably meet in D.C. in 1971.

 

But enough of cutting up old touches because this is about Chelsea and about a recent event that has not gotten nearly enough attention since the world must breathlessly await the latest news from Caitlyn whether it about some proposed date she is deciding to go on, or not, or slightly more seriously whether she will have to go to court over a misdemeanor manslaughter charge from an accident in early 2015. Strangely the latest Chelsea Manning legal problem can partially be laid at Caitlyn’s door. When I was in the Army one of the things that kept us in line was the refrain from the First Sergeant or some such figure that we had better not do wrong thing number one or we would wind up in Leavenworth, the toughest Army prison then, and while reconstructed in recent years still a place you don’t want to find yourself in (and I won’t even speak to the problem of being a woman in an all-male facility).

 

Chelsea recently as will occur from time to time had her quarters inspected for “contraband” (a long list of things that a prisoner cannot have whether the reason for not having the items is reasonable or not). Among the improper items found in her quarters was a copy of Vanity Fair, the issue which had Annie Leibowitz’s photograph of Caitlyn as she transitioned on the cover. Obviously a subject of interest to Chelsea for lots of reasons. Here is where as I told Sam the Army really got “chicken shit” since they wanted to put Chelsea up on charges for these infractions and put her in the “hole” (solitary confinement). They actually brought such charges this week which an Army board “convicted” her on. Fortunately an Internet petition campaign which gathered over 100,000 on-line signatures probably helped to let Chelsea avoid the bastinado. Chicken shit, pure chicken shit but still those convictions have meaning going forward since they affect good time, clemency, and other possible reductions of sentence.

 

So you wonder why I am pissed. And you wonder why I question why the media has anointed Caitlyn the trans poster person flavor of the month and left our sister Chelsea behind. Hell Sam and I are wise to the ways of the world so we know the deal is done, the air is sucked out of the rest of the transgender universe for now. But couldn’t Caitlyn at least wear a Free Chelsea button or sign the Amnesty International on-line petition asking for a pardon for her from President Obama. Free Chelsea Manning –we will not leave our sister behind.

In Defense Of Curmudgeons-Bill Murray’s St. Vincent

In Defense Of Curmudgeons-Bill Murray’s St. Vincent

 



 
 

DVD Review

 

From The Pen Of Frank Jackman

 

St. Vincent, starring Bill Murray, 2014

 

Not everybody from what some sociologist I read one time has called the “generation of ’68, those who came of political age in the 1960s and who went off to war, or didn’t, smoked dope, or didn’t, had a good professional career, or didn’t, raised a family, or didn’t, and so on, is of the “generation of ‘68” (those who tried to “storm heaven” to create the “newer world” that one way or another was driving them forward until the ebbtide came and washed a lot of it away). A few, no, a lot of people, guys and gals alike, went about their lives in the 1960s very much like they had expected to (and their parents expected them to except “do a little better”) as if the whole SDS/anti-war/merry prankster/on the road/yellow brick road school bus/drug/acid rock/commune and whatever you wish to add slashes to was from another planet. And that place, more or less, is where the titular head of the movie under review, Saint Vincent, played by the curmudgeony (if there is such a word) Bill Murray who has made a career out of playing the holy goof curmudgeon to a tee (and still wears that mantle well) landed when the ebb tide of the 1960s hit.       

 

Yeah old Vincent is a curmudgeon, no question, of unknown resources, a gambler, drinker, doper, crank crackpot but see this plotline is strictly under the “feel good” cinematic experience category so something has to give. And of course it does. See the big built-up of the cranky old guy who hates and/or complains about everything (although in a “shrug your shoulders” kind of way also a Murray trade-mark) gradually gets broken down by, well, a kid, a kid who moves in next door, the son of a single mom who has to work like seven dervishes to make enough dough to keep them afloat. And so Vincent transforms from that old curmudgeon to the saint baby-sitter of the title-kind of-while the kid learns a few things about life. But mainly about how to break down an old guy and make him a good guy. Not an easy task in this wicked old world. If you are looking for a big message story forget it but if you are happy with an hour and half or so of Bill Murray doing his Bill Murray thing then-take the ticket, take the ride.

A View From The British Left- The Spectre of Corbynism

Tuesday, August 04, 2015


The Spectre of Corbynism



Is #JeremyCorbynforLabourLeader the way forward for the Left?

 A spectre is haunting British politics – the spectre of Corbynism.  Not the spectre of Communism as such – but merely of social democracy – which was supposed to have been killed off and left for dead amidst the triumph of Thatcherism ('There is no alternative') and then Thatcher's greatest achievement -  Blairism – now its suddenly back from the dead thanks to the campaign for Labour leader of Jeremy Corbyn MP.

 No wonder Blair and the Blairites are so angry and taking this so personally – his whole project and that of his supporters looks as if it is heading towards the 'dustbin of history'. Ironically it was Ed Miliband’s changes to way of electing the Labour leadership – which was supposed to have been about reducing trade union influence in the party – the same influence which saw Ed Miliband triumph unexpectedly against the odds over his brother – that is making the Corbyn victory seem possible.  Ed Miliband's idea here was essentially a Blairite one – be more like US Democratic Party – sign up lots of supporters – the thinking is these supporters will be ‘ordinary people’ who are not left wing troublemakers but believe the everyday common sense views of the bourgeois Daily Mail – and so Labour will ensure it gets a more ‘electable’ leader –one more acceptable to the right wing owners of the corporate media.

 This strategy almost worked out fine for the Blairites, as in the immediate aftermath of the election the discourse of the corporate media was highly depressing – hammering Miliband's Labour for somehow being too 'left wing' – and there was a narrative and consensus in play about the need for Labour and British politics in general to move further to the right.  Andy Burnham made his first major tactical mistake here in the run for Labour leader - he could have tacked a little Left at this point (instead he tacked right appointing the Blairite Rachel Reeves to a key position in his team), so opening the door for the unexpected triumph that was Jeremy Corbyn getting onto the ballot paper representing a clear voice against austerity, racism and war.  As Corbyn put it in a recent interview:

 'And my strong view is that we lost in 2015 particularly, but also in 2010, because essentially we were offering people slightly less hardship than the other side was offering people. It wasn’t very attractive to a lot of Labour voters. Compounded by the vote on the welfare bill, this has put Labour on the wrong side of the feelings not just of the people on benefits or who might be on benefits but a lot of other people who think, ‘Actually, there’s a lot of poverty in our society, which the Labour Party should be concerned about.’”

 So many bourgeois commentators (and those supposedly on the pseudo left - the Guardian / New Statesman types) have written off the material experience of the working class – the poverty and inequality and insecurity affecting the vast majority of British society - the working class  – they just can’t explain the popularity of the Corbyn phenomenon at all – its all a bit like the Bob Dylan song – Ballad of a Thin Man - ‘Something is happening here/ But you don't know what it is/ Do you, Mr. Jones?’

 Instead they just give repeated patronising lectures like Labour members and supporters are little children - get sober, get realistic, get a heart transplant etc etc - but for those on the receiving end of the austerity and billion pound cuts of the Tories – and with working class struggle so low and so people not feeling confident about fighting back themselves through strike action etc - it is not surprising that Corbyn's campaign is seen as source of hope. Hence the incredible and exciting level of support for Corbyn among trade unionists (and even more  reluctant trade union leaders)- winning the backing of UNITE – UNISON – CWU – and most constituency Labour parties etc.  The huge swell of support for Corbyn - seen at the mass rallies he is currently speaking at around the country - is potentially the most exciting thing to happen to the Left in Britain for about 30 years –and opens up all sorts of fascinating questions about possible realignments on the Left – will everyone on the Left flood back to the Labour party now if he wins (as George Galloway predicts) – even in Scotland, does a Corbyn win mean Labour will have the chance to rebuild?

 Remember - according to some on the Left, for example Richard Seymour - Labour is supposed to be dead, 'Pasokified' etc - and we are all supposed to be at our most miserable and pessimistic about things right now - yet everyone you meet on the Left is at the moment more optimistic and excited about the prospects of a Corbyn victory than they have been for ages.  This is partly of course because of the personal Corbyn factor – without the charisma and oratorical powers of a Galloway or a Benn, but with consistency, courage and a lack of egotism which is very refreshing - and his tireless activism together with the fact he is one of the most principled socialist Labour MPs means everyone on the Left should hope for his win, which would be inspiration and symbol of hope and resistance for many millions of people.

 At a time when David Cameron's racist scapegoating of the ‘swarm’ of refugees at Calais is sickening anti-racists everywhere - see Frankie Boyle's brilliant recent column about this in the Guardian - , you know that Corbyn's record of not only anti-imperialism but also anti-racism means that he will always stand out against such filthy rhetoric and defend the rights of refugees. Electing Corbyn - the current president of the Stop the War Coalition - leader would be just about the only thing Labour could do to wash off all the blood stains left because of Blair’s warmongering – at one fell swoop they could win back millions of voters who could never stomach voting Labour again because of their war crimes.  And indeed what we are seeing primarily with the Corbyn campaign is the five million Labour voters and 200,000 odd Labour members which Blair and Brown lost from 1997 to 2010 with their privatisations and warmongering coming back around Labour. Andy Burnham, a former Blairite who described Blair as ‘my mate’ in 2006 is trying to pretend he is some sort of Left wing figure now, but as Tony Benn once said of Jack Straw, 'he is like a little weather-cock – he blows with every wind’.   Burnham’s possibly fatal error for someone who was supposedly somehow left recently was to follow Harriet Harman’s call for abstention in the fact of the Tories attack on welfare – redistricuting wealth from very poorest in society to their rich friends – followed by the other two Yvette Cooper and Liz Kendall and four fifths of Labour MPs.

 So the battle is now on as it were for the ‘soul’ of the Labour party – and the possibility of civil war inside of Labour if Corbyn does win.  Labour has 232 MPs, and only nine are members of the Socialist Campaign Group to which Corbyn belongs.  Corbyn only got onto the ballot paper with help of right-wingers, many of whom now regret giving their support to him.  The weakness of Labour Left - compared to what it was in the late 1970s and early 1980s around Bennism is palpable.  Only 9 Labour MPs in Ed Miliband's Labour Party opposed his Libya war – even less than the 12 under Brown who called for an inquiry into the Iraq war.  Only 7 Labour MPs I think voted for Diane Abbott for Labour leader last time around. So should socialists - like myself, a member of the SWP - who are currently outside the Labour party now join or rejoin to play their part in the struggle to 'reclaim Labour'?

I think there are some basic points to make:

 1) Only a sectarian idiot would not welcome the mass Corbyn campaign as a sign of support for left ideas and the potential for resistance – and the revival of the Labour Left as an organised force again -  even if this means things are in a sense more difficult for those of us on the revolutionary left trying to build a socialist alternative to Labour in things like TUSC and Left Unity.

 2)  But we have to say some other things as well, which hopefully explain why SWP members like myself are not going to join the Labour party now to vote for Corbyn ourselves. Without wanting to 'pre-write' history (which is what I may will be accused of doing anyway), as Marxists - who aim to theorise and generalise from the historic experience of the working class - we can it seems safely make some points of warning here, given the Labour Party has been around for over 100 years. There are incidentally some clear parallels here - when thinking about reform or revolution - with the situation in Greece around Syriza - we in the SWP were denounced for stressing the importance of maintaining organisational independence from Syriza in things like Antarsya (I was personally denounced for writing 'stark morality fables' by Seymour for not cheerleading the Syriza leadership's every twist and turn), only to be vindicated somewhat when the reformist strategy of trying to work within the neoliberal capitalist prison of the EU failed and Syriza's leadership ended up implementing austerity and cuts despite being officially 'anti-austerity'.  Given this - the main problem it seems to me around Corbynism is the question:

3) How would Corbyn actually implement his moderate programme of social reform and end austerity? Already just by his being ahead in the leadership polls, he has increasingly come under pressure from the right inside the parliamentary Labour party- and in the face of this pressure his strategy at the moment is to compromise and equivocate rather than offer resistance.  For example over the EU where Corbyn was initially ambivalent but is now more clearly situating himself in the 'Yes' camp to stay and try and reform it (ala Syriza) rather than arguing for a 'Left Brexit' (which would worry the big sections of the British capitalist class even more than his campaign is already doing).  He has also called for Labour Party Unity and offered to give Blairites positions in his Shadow Cabinet to try and avoid the danger of (perhaps inevitable) internal civil war.  All this he has done - and he has not yet even won the position of Labour leader yet!

 If he won, these pressures to be ‘electable’ – moderate his programme - would grow and become more intense – as would the general pressures to compromise – and to not have a fight and try and clear the Blairite bureaucrats out of the party apparatus or reselect etc not have campaign to try and reselect the worst of the right wing Labour MPs.  Perhaps he will try to 'reclaim Labour' in his own way, and try to challenge the right inside Labour - but ultimately Corbyn is a Labour Party man – that’s his party – and I think ideally he would want to be a 'unifier' as leader – not someone who went on the offensive and tried to drive out the Blairites in the ruthless manner that they would need to be purged. Incidentally, there has never been a mass purge of the right wing of the Labour Party in any organised fashion in its history - only ever expulsions of the Left.

For Corbyn to resist the right and stay on track would need a counter-veiling pressure to his Left which is as strong or stronger than that on his right (the Blairites and corporate media).  Only mass collective struggle on the streets and more importantly in the workplaces could provide such pressure.   The student revolt of 2010 and the mass strikes and marches of 2011 gave momentum to an anti-Tory mood in Britain. Workers’ sense of solidarity and confidence grew.  But the choking off of the strikes by trade union and Labour leaders eroded the feeling of collective revolt, and in its place came the pressures of individualism and hesitation about following a Labour Party that seemed scared of any real change – that ultimately was a large part I think of why Labour lost earlier this year.

But even say that Corbyn victory triggered a rise in confidence and militancy on the streets and at work - and every socialist has to sincerely passionately hope that it does, which would help to make the TUC demonstration in Manchester on Sunday 4 October at Tory Party conference mammoth – and the trade union leaders can no longer hold back the latent anger at what the Tories are doing that they had to lead and organise a serious fight back – and then a Corbyn–led Labour did win in 2020 – what then?

 Here we return to the main problem with all forms of left reformism – putting parliament – or as the Labour Left MP Eric Heffer once put it – the 'class struggle in parliament' – first – and the class struggle at the point of production, or the movement on the streets, below that somewhere.  Corbyn himself is of course an activist – but remember when the anti-war movement was at its height – he could have left Blair's Labour Party and joined with Respect and Galloway, then stood for his old seat as a socialist with much more room for manoeuvre to build the extraparliamentary movement and freedom to criticise the Blairites – but he didn’t do this.  I don't know why not, but my guess is that there was always the chance that by doing this he would lose – so he put being MP and being in parliament first.  That’s fine and respectable in its own way – that’s because his vision of change is socialism coming through parliament from above - fine, but lets not try to pretend he is some sort of revolutionary.  As he himself made it clear on the Andrew Marr show, the Labour Party is not a 'revolutionary party'.

Still, a Corbyn led government on the face of it now would still be amazing – it would be the best chance of breaking the cycle of every Labour government since 1945 being worse than last one because of their commitment to imperialism abroad and making cuts at home - and making ordinary people pay for the wider crisis of British capitalism. The problem of course is, if he won, Corbyn would be in office as PM – but not in power, because power does not lie in parliament - and he would still have the wider capitalist crisis to content with. As Charlie Kimber pointed out in Socialist Worker recently, 'The state structures of the police, army, judges, prisons and spies are wholly insulated from democracy. They exist to thwart change, not enable it.  The unelected and unaccountable owners of capital will use their financial and social power to block reforms that threaten business. They will use global institutions to bully governments, they will engineer currency panics, choke off credit and funds or withdraw investment and close factories. And if none of that works [and it usually does – look at Syriza in Greece] they will use violence to defend their rule. Only by tackling the system at its roots can such blackmail be defeated.  The history of Labour is a history of betrayed hope because the party seeks change without challenging capitalism or the state.'

The dilemma was well summed up by the German trade union leader Fritz Tarnow at the height of the Great Depression in 1931:

 ‘Are we sitting at the sick-bed of capitalism, not only as doctors who want to cure their patient, but as prospective heirs who cannot wait for the end or would like to hasten it by administering poison? We are condemned, I think, to be doctors who seriously wish a cure, and yet we have to retain the feeling that we are heirs who wish to receive the entire legacy of the capitalist system today rather than tomorrow. This double role, doctor and heir, is a damned difficult task.' 

As Tarnow makes clear, Labour governments and their counterparts elsewhere have always resolved this dilemma by acting as doctors of capitalism, trying to rescue it at the expense of their working class supporters.  As Tony Benn used to put it, 'the Labour Party is not a socialist party – but it always had socialists in it - like there are some Christians in the Church of England' - instead, it is as Lenin put it, a ‘capitalist workers’ party’, which emerged as a political expression of the trade union bureaucracy, and which pursues workers’ interests so long as they are compatible with the well-being of capitalism.   As Lenin once put it, Labour is tied by a thousand threads to capitalism.

 Even if Corbyn cut some of these threads- or threatened to do so - he could not change the fundamental nature of the party as a whole, and would in all likelihood end up a prisoner of it - trapped and unable to manouevre by the Labour right (who may also split off to form a new SDP type party to try and stop him ever become elected).

 Ed Miliband's dad Ralph Miliband – the great Marxist thinker and author of the classic work Parliamentary Socialism – analysed and dissected the resulting ideology of Labourism – which he noted was something distinct from socialism.  As Ralph noted in Parliamentary Socialism (1961),  -‘of political parties claiming socialism to be their aim, the Labour Party has always been one of the most dogmatic – not about socialism, but about the parliamentary system.  Empirical and flexible about all else, its leaders have always made devotion to that system their fixed point of reference and the conditioning factor of the political behaviour.’

 In 1976 in his essay ‘Moving On’, Ralph Miliband stressed the need for building a socialist alternative to the Labour Party – as he wrote: ‘my own view, often reiterated, is that the belief in the effective transformation of the labour party into an instrument of socialist policies is the most crippling of all illusions to which socialists in Britain have been prone’ – Those who had hopes of capturing and reclaiming the Labour Party for socialism were to be disappointed – as he noted ‘the obverse phenomonen has very commonly occurred – namely the capturing of the militants by the labour party’  - ‘people on the left who have set out with the intention of transforming the labour party have more often than not ended up being transformed by it, in the sense that they have been caught up in its rituals and rhythms, in ineffectual resolution-mongering exercises, in the resigned habituation to the unacceptable, even in the cynical acceptance and even expectation of betrayal’.
 
There is a real danger that Corbyn’s campaign can turn people back to the worm-eaten project of transforming Labour, reminding one of the Leonard Cohen song First We Take Manhattan, ‘they sentenced me to twenty years of boredom – for trying to change the system from within’.  The reformist road ultimately does not lead to socialism, albeit at a slower and more genteel pace, but it leads somewhere else entirely - trying to defend and manage a failing bankrupt capitalist system. 

Again Ralph Miliband, in his 1972 postscript Parliamentary Socialism, with which I shall conclude: 'The Labour Party … is a party of modest social reform in a capitalist system within whose confines it is ever more firmly and by now irrevocably rooted.  The system badly needs such a party, since it plays a major role in the management of discontent and helps to keep it within safe bounds; and the fact that the Labour Party proclaims itself at least once every five years but much more often as well to be committed not merely to the modest amelioation of capitalist society but to its wholesale transformation, to a just social order, to a classless society, to a new Britain, and whatever not, does not make it less but more useful in the preservation of the existing social order.  The absence of a viable socialist alternative is no reason for resigned acceptance or for the perpetuation of hopes which have no basis in political reality.  On the contrary, what it requires is to begin preparing the ground for the coming into being of such an alternative: and one of the indispensable elements of that process is the dissipation of paralysing illusions about the true purpose and role of the Labour Party’.

We need to build an alternative to Labour - and a mass revolutionary socialist party.  This is how Ralph Miliband put it in his Socialist Advance in Britain (1983):

 ''Socialist work means something different for a socialist party than the kind of political activity inscribed in the perspectives of labourism. I have noted earlier that political work, for labourism, essentially means short periods of great political activity for local and parliamentary elections, with long periods of more or less routine party activity in between. Socialist work means intervention in all the many different areas of life in which class struggle occurs: for class struggle must be taken to mean not only the permanent struggle between capital and labour, crucial though that remains, but the struggle against racial and sex discrimination, the struggle against arbitrary state and police power, the struggle against the ideological hegemony of the conservative forces, and the struggle for new and radically different defence and foreign policies.  The slogan of the first Marxist organisation in Britain, the Social Democratic Federation, founded in 1884, was ‘Educate, Agitate, Organise’. It is also a valid slogan for the 1980s and beyond. A socialist party could, in the coming years, give it more effective meaning than it has ever had in the past.''

 Edited to add: A recent interview with Jeremy Corbyn and a piece by Alex Callinicos on What will happen if Jeremy Corbyn does win?

Miners Shot Down - commemorating the Marikana massacre

Wednesday, August 12, 2015


Miners Shot Down - commemorating the Marikana massacre

 

Remembering Marikana - Friday 14 August 2015

On 16 August 2012 South African police opened fire with live ammunition on thousands of striking platinum miners at Lonmin’s Marikana mine in the North West Province of South Africa. One hundred and twelve miners were shot and of those 34 died. The actions of police at Marikana were reminiscent of the apartheid era - Sharpeville in 1960 and Soweto in 1976 - where black people were shot for protesting. The Farlam Commission of Enquiry which was set up to investigate these killings ...largely absolved the police, the state, and Lonmin of any responsibility for this event. To date the families of the miners killed at Marikana have received no compensation.

What made the events at Marikana so shocking is that these killings took place under the auspices of a democratic, post-apartheid state with one of the most progressive constitution and bill of rights in the world. These killings are part of a growing trend of violence by the state toward non-violent protest and dissent in South Africa. The increasingly authoritarian tendencies of the South African state are retrogressive. These tendencies are undemocratic and threaten the right to free expression and legitimate protest.

The struggle to end Apartheid was long and hard. Many people gave their lives to this struggle. Don’t let the deaths of the Marikana mine workers be in vain. Join War on Want to remember the miners and their families
Programme:
  • 19:00 Opening Address by War on Want and representative from UNITE the Union
  • 19:10 Screening of Miners Shot Down
  • 20:10 Marikana: The Aftermath by James Nichol
  • 20:30 Q&A with film maker, Rehad Desai
Book your tickets here

Read Ken Olende's piece about the cover up of the South African state here


Marx and Engels papers online

Thanks to the International Institute of Social History
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Leon Trotsky's relevance today

Wednesday, August 19, 2015


Leon Trotsky's relevance today


Leon Trotsky speaking in Copenhagen in 1932 (photo: Robert Capa)

As the Jeremy Corbyn campaign continues to strike fear into the hearts of the Labour Party grandees and bureaucracy, who have in characteristic Stalinist fashion prosecuted what has been dubbed 'Operation Icepick' to purge the lists of those eligible to vote in the Labour Party leadership election of 'Trotskyists', it is perhaps worth revisiting the political thought of the original victim of 'Operation Icepick', Leon Trotsky himself, given this week marks the 75th anniversary of his murder at the hands of a Stalinist agent. Sue Caldwell, who incidentally once wrote a wonderful introductory guide to chess which taught me the little I know about strategy and tactics in that game, has written a timely short piece - online here in this week's Socialist Worker which does just that.  It is important to pay tribute to Trotsky, who was not only the heroic sword of the Russian Revolution and the shield against the Stalinist counter-revolution until his tragic murder, but also a revolutionary whose political and intellectual thought as a Marxist was so original and outstanding it retains relevance in the 21st century.  And as Caldwell rightly notes,
'It’s never easy to get the correct balance right between working with and against reformists and their leaders.
Revolutionaries have to stand with them to defend working class organisation against the bosses and fascists. But it’s also crucial that revolutionaries argue against them sowing illusions in reformism and build a revolutionary alternative. For example, we welcome left reformist parties such as Syriza, Podemos and the momentum around the Jeremy Corbyn campaign.  These can push politics to the left. But only the working class has the power to transform society. '

Some suggested further reading on Trotsky:

A Rebel's Guide to Trotsky - Esme Choonara

Trotsky's Marxism - Duncan Hallas

Tony Cliff's four volume biography of Trotsky is also now online - see here.

Edited to add: Speaking of Trotsky and today, what would he have made of the contemporary Black Lives Matter' in the US?  Well, we know he was a more profound thinker about race in the US than he is often given credit for, but Paul Buhle (for a recent interview with Buhle by the way, see here) has also recently suggested that, via the writings of the then Trotskyist C.L.R. James and with the help of the Harlem lawyer and also then a Trotskyist Conrade Lynn Malcolm X read and studied 'The Revolutionary Answer to the Negro Problem in the United States' (1948) which represented the best analysis of the American Trotskyist movement on race at that time,while Malcolm was in prison in the early 1950s.  So not only would Trotsky have welcomed the new Black Lives Matter movement, but perhaps the intellectual origins of the Black Lives Matter movement - via Malcolm X and C.L.R. James - may owe something to the inspiring life and work of Trotsky...