Sunday, September 04, 2016

*****He Walked In The Shadows-With Reflection On The 2015 Maine Peace Walk In Mind

*****He Walked In The Shadows-With Reflection On The 2015 Maine Peace Walk In Mind   



 

“Yeah, the whole freaking thing is going from Ellsworth up by Bar Harbor down to the big naval shipyard at Portsmouth something like 175 miles along old Route One from October 9th to the 24th with many stops along the way and I am going to pick up the caravan at Freeport, up in L.L. Bean land, on the 19th,” Sam Lowell chanted into the cellphone to his longtime companion Laura Perkins when she asked him if he wanted to go to New York City with her on a lark. Sam had just heard about the journey a few days before after the regular monthly meeting of his organization, Veterans for Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade, Chapter Nine out of Boston which he had been a member of for the previous several years and which was one of the co-sponsors of what had been called the Maine Peace Walk To Save The Seas, De-Militarize The Sea or something like that depending on which leaflet you looked at. Good ideas on their face so any moniker would do. 

This year’s theme was the demilitarization of the seas, a subject close to his heart as a life-long ocean maniac (not Mainiac although he had been going to the coast of Maine for the previous fifty years or so he could not claim that designation as a real born and bred Mainaic had gone to great pains to tell him a few years back when he jokingly said he should be considered a Mainiac since he had not been born there, nor had his parents). Maine’ coastline had seen the ravages of climate change most noticeably by the serious erosion of the beloved beaches as the Arctic ice cap continues to melt. The military’s contribution had been deemed the number one pollution problem with the seas including the construction of ships at both the Bath Iron Works and repair and outfitting at the Portsmouth Naval Base (for those purists the entrance to the Naval Base is in Kittery in Maine). So a number of groups led by the Maine Veterans for Peace were staging a walk from Ellsworth to Portsmouth over sixteen days in mid-October to bring focused public attention to the issue, or rather issues since along with the effects of climate change, industrial-sized pollution the fate of much of the sea life in the Atlantic (Pacific too but Atlantic on this side of the continent) from various testing projects done by the Navy.    

So yes he was in, in for the politics, in for the anti-war, anti-military aspects of the adventure. In too for the hard facts that this would be an ocean-centered walk and as he (and Laura with a grimace at times) would be the first to tell you he was an ocean man through and through since he had been practically wrapped in swaddling clothes at birth near the ocean and had generally lived close enough to beaches all his life as a matter of preference (he would always make people laugh when he told them do anything at all to his body when he passed on but don’t bury him in Kansas, out in Toto and Dorothy land) and for the fact that it was Maine where he had over time spent most of his ocean time. So it was an easy sell. He had asked Laura, Laura the one with the grimace when the question came up, if she wanted to go but she nixed that idea and said she much preferred the “civilized” environs of New York City in all its false glitter to the thought of walking the woe-begotten roads of Maine.

Sam had decided once he had made his commitment to walk to pick the walking caravan up in Freeport, about twenty miles from Portland a place where in recent years he had gone on business and Freeport a place he was familiar with from various trips to L.L. Bean the outdoors fitting company that had made that town famous over the years. Although the walk started in Ellsworth he felt that the distance was too far from Boston to traverse easily since that would be a six hour drive up. He also could not make commitment to a whole sixteen days, who could do so except renegade outlaw poets (a real case as he found out on the walk but better left unspoken about for other reasons), task-driven organizers of such walks as symbolic speech (Sam found out there is a whole sub-culture of peace walkers crisscrossing the country mainly led by Buddhists or Buddhist-inspired activists), nature freaks (you walking forlornly in the country, rucksack on back, ready to stop and sleep anywhere off some beaten road with bedroll in hand like he himself had done in his youth, once) and passionate advocates for the sea-life of the world. But the biggest issue was whether he at seventy-two could force the pace for more than the five days it would take to get from Freeport to Portsmouth since he had the usual age-related assortment of physical problems that would impede his ability to finish the march. And so Freeport on the eleventh day of the walk it was.

Sam had originally intended to take a couple of fellow VFPers up with him late Sunday afternoon when the caravan had finished up its leg from Brunswick, the home of Bowdoin College (the day‘s walkers meeting at the monument to the great Civil War general and Bowdoin professor Joshua Chamberlain and his heroic Maine regiment who were critical to the victory at Gettysburg) to Freeport. The idea was to get there in time for the pot luck supper that each host site provided along the way and the nightly lecture and entertainment program in order to get the feel of who had marched, how long, and the reception along the way. Walk solidarity. That fell through when the two aged men felt that they could not physically handle the leg from Freeport to Portland a distance of eighteen miles and then the next day’s sixteen miles from Portland to Saco before returning to Boston with another VFPer headed down there after that walk. 

So Sam had decided to drive up early Monday morning and meet the walkers as they prepared to leave the Congregational church that that had hosted them that night. (A quick scan of the pot luck and program itinerary that he had received from the main organizer when he had committed to go showed that the bulk of the places were churches, churches like the UCC, Congregational and U/U which had a tradition of being on the right side of the angels in these matters.) He got to Freeport without incident and met the walkers most of whom he would be with for the next several days. Nice morning a little cool but good enough for walking in mid-October. Since he was among the few who had brought cars along that day was the first of what  became a regular procedure of shuttling cars forward and then to be brought back to the line of march via the indispensable van rented for the purpose as well as storage area for provisions and as a ride for those who could not walk the day’s full distance(sometimes the van would return to the place where the day’s march was scheduled to start, sometimes the marchers would have eagerly started walking and they would catch up to them on the route).That ever dependable supply van (with kudos to its ever dependable  jack-of-all-trades driver)  festively draped with a huge poster calling on the American government (and by extension all governments) to demilitarize the seas, in short, to aid in climate change control, in defense of the sea-life harmed by man’s wayward and uncaring use of the ocean’s environment and really the lynchpin of the whole effort to abolish war as an instrument of state policy.

The poster’s design by Roger Cray a talented artist from northern Maine who had a passion to save the sea-life that hovered off the shores near where he lived showed a battery of war vessels, destroyers, cruisers and the like doing their best to pollute and cause aural harm to the sea-life below represented by whales, dolphins and the schools of fish and other sea mammals who swim in their wake. A very impressive visual plea and advertisement for the purpose of the march and which was subject to a fair amount of camera snapshots and a “hook” for media coverage. Atop that van sat (or maybe virtual reality “swan”) was another Cray creation, a papier mache replica of a dolphin which he had securely welded to the top of the van. That symbol spoke for itself.

Ironically the van driver, Jack Malloy, had been a walker who had started in Ellsworth but who by the time the walk arrived in Bath for a break the previous Friday had been hobbling requiring crutches and so he volunteered his services as a driver. A driver who would prove to be invaluable for many things but most importantly for always being at various pull-offs to encourage walkers along, something necessary on long walk days when energies flagged.         

Sam was not a religious man, hadn’t thought much about any correlation between religion and political life since the days of his youth when he was tied down to the Catholic Church and its strange doctrines which had taken him a long time to fully break from as he busted out a political trajectory to the left, to the “side of the angels” that the priests in the lecterns kept mentioning on Sunday but who paid scant attention to the rest of the week. Although he had subsequently worked, especially in recent years when the remnants of the streets anti-war struggle required such efforts, with Quakers, Shakers, and all the social activist circles in Protestant church-dom, he had inured himself to any religious tendencies. As they stood outside the Congregational church in Freeport that morning waiting to form up he was surprised when Brian asked everybody to form what he called the “circle.” The idea of the circle as he inquired about its meaning later to a former minister whom he knew through VFP and who had studied in Asia was a Buddhist concept about the one-ness of all things, all life not just human life. Then a Buddhist nun (like a Catholic nun he presumed subordinate to the male monks of the religion) dressed in her ceremonial garb  began a ritualistic chant while another walker hit the paddle drum to a steady beat that would become an important pacing beat and concluded her chant with a bowing of the head. Others not in grab and not Asian he noticed also chanted and almost all universally bowed at the end. The circle of life, the drum beat (and the precise and correct way to produce it which had been haphazard early on in the walk before he came aboard as that ex-minister was at pains to tell him) and the whole Eastern theological construction of Buddhism shadowed the walk as it progressed from town to town.

Sam thought that it was ironic that just the week before he had been up in Lowell to attend a Jack Kerouac commemoration during Columbus Day weekend at the park near the old mills where he is so honored by a number of granite pillars with passages from his various works and among them something from his Buddhist influenced days. He would have to check with that old “on to the road” defrocked mad man Catholic shiva saint bastard on his cosmic karma take on the matter when he got home. In any case while not overtly disdainful as he much have been in his more fighting secular youth when he was trying to break the back of his Catholic past he stood ramrod straight whenever the ceremony was performed which was at the start of the day, at the beginning of each break and at the end of the day’s walk.        

(That Protestant social activist designation in his chats with others or in speeches delivered at ant-war rallies and other such events would go by the moniker the “U/U circuit,” whatever denomination was sponsoring an event at its facilities since at least in the remnant “1960s folk minute monthly coffeehouse circuit” and gathering places for planning events or having a forum if you asked where the event was to be held a great majority of the time it would be a Universalist/Unitarian church. A look at the pot luck, program and sleeping arrangements list confirmed the continuing truth of that designation.)               

And so the peace caravan walked down Route One (the whole route was with few exception along that old time when-the- pace-was-slower-and- people-liked-to-stop-along-the-road north-south American highway included the stopping places for the day) walked until the first break stop (complete with Buddhist nun-led ceremonial chant and bow before breaking) when he accidently turned his head to introduce himself to those next to him and there she was.  Sally Rich, the Quaker girl from his old anti-war GI coffeehouse days after he had been discharged from the Army at Fort Devens in Ayer, Massachusetts about forty miles northwest of Boston. Yeah, Sally who had help organize all those rallies in front of Fort Devens calling for his freedom and whom his had had a half serious crush on in those days (although that sentiment was probably true of half the women he met then since he had been in the process of being divorced from his first wife and was “free as a bird” to play the field).

Sally whom he had gone down in Washington with on fateful May Day, 1971 both of them to be arrested that day he with a group of radical anti-war veterans and she with a Quaker contingent (fateful as he later determined that for him at least that day and the events that occurred that day and those immediately after that week proved to be the high water mark of what he would always call the search “for the newer world” that the English poet Tennyson spoke of and that subsequently they, the forces for the newer world, the kids who had been washed by the counter-cultural climate of the times and though they had turned a corner would be fighting a forty plus year rearguard action that is still with us). Sam had not seen her since shortly after that time, maybe a year after, maybe late 1972 since he had drifted off with a friend of hers whom he had also had half a crush on which turned into an affair. Sam and Sally shook hands profusely and started rattling off shared events from back then. They chatted for a bit and then Brian’s inevitable call to form up came and so they marched along that mostly tree-lined part of the road on the way to Cumberland for lunch at the Friends' School.
 

That meeting with Sally had not been completely fortuitous on Sam’s part (like a great many things in his life) since he had noticed that on the Pot Luck and Program schedule Brian had sent him by e-mail once he contacted Brian to tell him he would walk but was not initially sure where he would pick up the walk that one of the contacts for the Freeport section of the walk was Sally Rich. Now there are probably many Sally Riches in the world but here are the clues that identified her as probably being his Sally; (1) he knew that they last he had heard from her that Sally was headed to Maine to get out of the freaking city (her term since Quakers don’t as a rule swear); and, (2) the lunch break that day was to be at the Friends School in Cumberland (Quaker-run and majority Quaker teachers but open to all others). So he had chosen Freeport as his start point in some expectation of seeing if that was his Sally. He had assumed when he did not see her in Freeport that she was not walking and that was that. What he didn’t know was that she and her husband (a teacher at the Friends School) lived alone Route One in Freeport and she had joined the walk there. (As it turned out he also knew her husband, Jonah, since they and that girlfriend of Sally’s and Sam had gone down to New York City together one weekend and stayed at her family’s place in Ardley-on-Hudson just up the road from the city.)                 

At lunch Sam and Sally after selecting their food from the wholesome and varied ad hoc buffet sat together at a round table in the meeting room the Friends had set aside for the walkers with about six other people, a couple of them VFPers when Sally told her version of the story of their surprise meeting that day and of how they had known each other in the old days from when Sally was organizing rallies at Fort Devens to free Sam. That statement sparked a startled response from the others who asked what the whole story was. Asked Sam to tell his story since Sally had already given the basic details of how she and a couple of friends who were interested in anti-war soldier work had heard about a Private Lowell who had while stationed at Fort Devens refused to wear the Army uniform and was facing serious charges because of it from somebody at the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the social action arm of the Quakers, where Sam had gotten counseling on how to apply for conscientious objector (CO) status in the military and later some legal help when he needed it. 

Here is what Sam had to tell his attentive co-walkers most of whom had been involved somehow, somewhere in the anti-Vietnam War movement which had begun their active oppositional careers:         

“You know I haven’t told this story in years, haven’t had to since the draft went down in flames back in the 1970s and except for people like most of you, people who won their spurs in the peace movement way back in the 1960s, maybe before, there had been not need to tell it. It really is the story of why almost fifty years later I am pounding the bloody pavements of Maine something I would probably not be doing if the fates had worked otherwise. Certainly I would not use the story, most of it anyway, if we were out counter-recruiting in the high schools because with the volunteer military it would go over their heads. But you can relate to this story because you, somebody you know, or knew, some guy anyway back then had to face the draft and what to do, or not do about it.

Now I was a college student back in Boston in the mid-1960s as the crescendo of anti-Vietnam War activity came through the campuses and so I was vaguely anti-war, probably as much as any Boston college student but not actively. Strangely on that issue I was kind of behind the curb since on social issues; the war on poverty, civil rights in the South which meant black  civil rights, abolition of capital punishment, and nuclear disarmament I was well left of center, left of Bobby Kennedy my political hero then whom I worked for that fateful spring of 1968 until he was assassinated. I wasn’t into draft resistance, street protests, that kind of thing although I wasn’t hostile to any such efforts. Mostly though I was interested in my girlfriend, having sex, doing a little drugs, not much by the standards of the day but enough, going to rock concerts and letting tomorrow take care of itself, stuff like that and working for candidates like Bobby who were in the system since I wanted my own Democratic Party career, something like that.        

After graduation I had planned to go to law school as a way to put off the draft question that as the escalations in Vietnam continued and as the American body count got larger I started to focus on a bit more. Especially since by 1968 the need for ground troops was growing faster than guys were volunteering or being dragooned by their National Guard units into active service and they were no longer exempting law school students from the draft. Then in the fall of 1968 I got my notice to appear for a physical and subsequently after successfully completing that physical I got my notice to report to the Boston Army Base for induction.

Here’s where everything gets tricky though, or really my whole past, who I was, where I came from got me caught in a web. My girlfriend at the time brother was in Vietnam, I had come from a family, a working class family where military service was expected, my father was a Marine in World War II and one of my uncles a lifer who would eventually become Sergeant-Major of the Army, the highest enlisted man, a couple of guys on my small street had been killed in Vietnam already so there was no social support for doing anything but take the induction. I wasn’t a CO, I didn’t even consider jail or Canada they were really not even on the radar and so although I had my qualms, maybe fears of getting killed mixed in too, I was inducted in early 1969 and sent to Fort Gordon down in Georgia, Augusta where they play the Masters golf tournament every year.

About three days, maybe four days, in I realized that I had made a very serious mistake, had not thought how contrary to my self-identity that whole basic training scene was. I was getting “religion” on the questions of war and peace very quickly. As the weeks in basic went by I got stronger in my resolve to not go to Vietnam but kept quiet about it since I was in the middle of nowhere with no resources to do anything except eat that rich red Georgia clay we grabbed every day in training. After basic I was assigned to Advanced Infantry Training, AIT, at Fort McClellan in goddam Alabama the die was cast, the noose was getting tighter since the only place for infantry men, grunts, 11 Bravos, cannon fodder was in Vietnam. The only thing I knew was when I got home I was getting some help, some outside help in order to resist orders to Vietnam that were inexorably coming at the end of that training.

After I got my orders to report to Fort Lewis in Washington for transit to Vietnam I got to go home for thirty days on leave before reporting, the standard procedure then but a mistake by the Army in my case. After checking in with my girlfriend who was not sympathetic with my situation and whom I decided to forsake (okay dump) I went to AFSC in Cambridge since although I did not know that much about Quakers I did know that they were historically against war and knew something about CO status. I was counseled there by a guy, I forget his name, do you remember him, Sally, a tall guy with a long ponytail [Sally: no] who laid out some options without telling me what to do but with a wink. What I did was go AWOL for thirty-three days since once you have passed thirty days you are automatically "dropped from the rolls" of the place you were assigned to. Which meant that those orders to Fort Lewis were no longer in effect since I didn’t belong there at that point. I turned myself in up at Fort Devens, the closest Army post in the area and was put in what they called a Special Detachment Unit (SPD), a unit for AWOLs and other problem children after I told them I wanted to put in for CO status.     

Now in those days except for Quakers, religious people with long histories of pacifism, it was hard to get CO status from civilian draft boards much less from the Army although federal court cases were coming through that would help both classes of cases, would help me eventually. So I put in my application, went through the procedure which I won’t go through since while I was termed “sincere” which would also help me later I was turned down. Turned down in the Army meant to get those orders to Vietnam again.

I was not going, no way not after that trial by fire in my head and that is when after a ton of thought I decided that I was going to refuse to wear the uniform at the weekly Monday morning head count, the morning report they called it to see who was in and who was missing, AWOL. I did so also carrying a sign when said “Bring The Troops Home.” Needless to say I was in trouble, deep trouble, deep trouble in the immediate sense because two burly lifer-sergeants tackled me to the ground, handcuffed me and escorted me to the stockade where they put me in solitary for a while I guess to see what kind of monster they had on their hands. I was given what they called a special court martial which was not bad since it meant the maximum they could give me was six months which they did and which I served in full at the Devens stockade. When I was released from the stockade though because of some legal action my civilian attorney provided by AFSC who had gotten before a judge  to keep me at Devens I had to go through the whole refusal thing again and again received a six month sentence. Most of which I served.         

I have to laugh when I think about it now but I could have endlessly been given six months sentences for refusing to wear the uniform and still been in the stockade or some such place today. That is where the extra civilian legal help came in to save my ass. The key point was that all the Army paperwork said I was sincere so my civilian lawyer, Steve Larkin, who worked out of an office in Central Square in Cambridge and had done a bit of military resistance work previously submitted a writ of habeas corpus to the Federal District Court in Boston stating that I had been “arbitrarily and capriciously,” those words have legal significance, denied my CO status by the Army. Of course as you know the courts take a while to make decisions on anything so I waited in jail for the decision. Steve had said to expect the worse though since the judge in the case was not known for being sympathetic to such cases. What helped was the “sincere” part and the fact that the United States Supreme Court had loosened up the standards for CO status so the judge granted the writ and after few minor delays I was honorably discharged from the Army and told never to return to a military base in this lifetime. I, a short time later, joined in the anti-war GI resistance work at a coffeehouse outside Fort Devens and later at Fort Dix down in New Jersey.

Where Sally and others had come in on my case was to organize rallies at the front gate of the fort against the war and calling for my release. As every political prisoner knows, people like Chelsea Manning today, a case that I have been involved in supporting, that outside public help went a long way toward keeping my spirits up especially after that second court-martial. So again kudos to Sally and the others who came out in support.”      

Just then Brian began what would become his common call over the next few days to line up for the next leg of the day’s walk. Sam said. “Any questions see me on the walk or tonight when we get done.”  

Sam had purposefully set himself and the VFP flag that he carried for the sections of the walk that he had participated in to be at the back of the line of march. He had privately told himself that he wanted to do so in order to make sure that nobody was left behind, no straggler got too far behind. Strangely this was one of the positive things that he had taken out of his brief Army career, the idea that you do not leave your comrades, your buddies, behind. In his work for the Chelsea Manning defense campaign he had developed a slogan of “we will not leave our sister behind” after the hubbub of the trial and sentencing in August of 2013 had placed the case off the radar in the public consciousness so he extended that idea to the walk.  The strange part is that at seventy-two some of the younger walkers, those in their fifties, thought he was a straggler and would come back to see if he was okay.

He had to laugh at least the first time the situation came up since he was a jogger of sorts and thought he was in pretty good shape for an old geezer although at the end of the eighteen mile leg from Freeport to Portland that day he admitted to one and all that he was beat, beat six ways to Sunday, and wound up going to sleep early that night. In any case several walkers worked their ways to the back of the line to ask him specific questions about his Army time and Sally came back to chat a bit but mostly into Portland he looked around at the scenery which he had passed many times before on this road and on Interstate 295 without really noticing how much greenery there was once you left the environs of Portland and how many small businesses too numerous to mention of people working out of their houses or in small shops along the route that he had never noticed before speeding by at forty or fifty miles an hour. That trend would become more pronounced the further south the walk proceeded.              

No question Sam was dogging whatever he felt his general physical condition was in going up the final small hills into Congress Street in Portland to the U/U church where the leg would end (and begin the next day) and the pot luck supper and nightly program would take place. On the legs that Sam would walk from Freeport to Portsmouth at most some thirty or so people would march for some amount of time (only six or seven would walk the whole way from Ellsworth to Portsmouth as it turned out) reflecting the demographics of the average peace activists these days, the work schedules of younger walkers and other reasons for not going on for more than a part of the walk but there had been developed over the four or five previous walks that Brian and his crew of Maine VFPers and peace activists a superstructure of people and places willing contribute time, money, space or food to assist the walkers. So each stop for the day had a place for supper available and space for the nightly program which ranged from talks about the theme-the demilitarization of the seas, some readings or singing some songs. Also most stops had activists willing to put one or more walker up for the night.

This U/U Church was one such stop and Sam was scheduled to stay with a couple who lived just outside Portland. Sam had a small amount of food that night before he tried to find a quiet place away for the crowd to grab a little sleep before he went with his hosts. He found a spot in the basement where there was a couch which he went to sleep on. When he woke up he found out that it was after 9 PM on his cellphone and going back to the supper area he found that everybody was gone so he wound up sleeping on that couch for the night. Found that he was locked in as well although his car was parked right in front of the church after the shuttling forward from Cumberland. Fortunately he had his knapsack with his toiletries and medications in it and although hungry was ready at the door when the first walkers for the next leg into Saco (pronounced Socko by the way as a born and raised resident was at pains to tell he each time he said Sacko)          

Although Sam had for the reasons already stated decided to start his walk in Freeport he was most familiar with Route One from Portland south to the New Hampshire border since he had been a life-long Mainiac (not officially of course since he had not been born there the minimum requirement for that status) having been going to Maine for some fifty years on vacations and for a period owning a condo in Wells. So all of the sights and sounds going south were now familiar and he acted as something of a “tourist guide” as they past various landmarks of note on these sections. Even gave information to some of those who lived in northern Maine as it turned out since they lived so far north they might as well have been in different states.     

Along the way to Saco the line of march passed the still operating Olde Saco Drive-In which he explained to those marchers directly in front of him had been subject to a recent forage by him and his long-time partner Laura, Laura Perkins. Back in August as they had done the previous few years since giving up the condo in Wells (didn’t use it enough both had agreed and in winter Florida beckoned to warm cold bones time) they would rent a condo in that same complex for a week or two in order to get Sam’s Maine ocean air waves splashing against the rocks fix taken care of (Laura was so-so on the matter). This year as part of the deal Laura told Sam they had to do some others things besides splash the waves and look at the rocks so Sam had come up with the old time drive-in movie idea which he had among other (not Laura who had grown up on a farm in upstate New York where her family nixed such family-friendly ideas as a Drive-Ins).

That idea was not spur of the moment on his part since he had recently purchased one of those “oldies but goodies” CD compilations of classic, now classic, rock and roll from the 1950s his coming of age time which on the cover had artwork depicting a scene with boys and girls around cars with the inevitable Drive-In intermission stand and humungous movie screen in the background. A classic picture from his youth. Classic too the way that he and his corner boys back in Carver would get into the local Cranberry Hill Drive-In (his growing up town of Carver then the cranberry bogs to the world). As he explained to Earnest, a younger fellow VFPer who said he had also come of age at the drive-ins out in the Berkshires, the gang would pile into some car (not his since he did not own one until after college and after his Army stint) and just short of the admissions stand some would got the backseat wells and into the trunk before going up to pay the fee. In those days before somebody decided that by-the-carload was more profitable it was separate admissions so maybe two guys would pay the regular fee and everybody got in for free and later they would divide up whatever the two guys who paid by the number of guys who got in. All this of course to meet up with those girls from another car who had done the same thing. Magic, pure magic.                

With this story of youthful petty larceny under his belt after telling it to Laura that past August they decided to go one weekday night to the Olde Saco. Laura not so much for the teen-age romance part although she had a gleam in her eye that night as for the fact she had never been to one. And so they went. At the now one price per carload for couples and another for families admissions stand that could have used a good painting Sam mentioned the old time trick to the young guy taking the admissions who surprised Sam by saying that he had caught some kids doing that backseat wells/trunk trick earlier in the summer. Sam raised his fist laughingly in solidarity.

Well things had certainly changed in the drive-in scene at least that night except of course for the intermission stand which also could have used a good coat of paint (maybe hadn’t been painted since Beach Blanket Bingo held forth on the screen)  since the Drive-In it was only about half full, almost exclusively families with lawn chairs out. Instead of the old time speaker that half the time you would forget to take off the driver’s side window before you left the lot leaving the damn thing twisted on the ground you tuned into a specified radio channel. Progress. What hadn’t changed, remember that gleam in Laura’s eyes, and which Sam did not mention to Earnest was how those windshields got all fogged up that night. He said he would leave that to the imagination.      

Most of the way the walkers were walking on the left side of road most of the time for two very simple reasons; it is always better on major highways, even on old time major highways with lesser traffic these days to face the on-coming traffic than to have it coming up behind you, and, that same left-side on-coming traffic is more likely to see your lead sign [a sign extolling the virtues the theme of the march  “Demilitarizing Our Seas” and some added information]  and honk support than on the right side and from the back although once the drivers caught onto whatever they thought was going on with the line of flag-waving people a fair amount of honking came from that side as well. The meaning of the honks politically was hotly debated along the line of march especially by Sam who had a theory about the gradation of support based on the extent of the honking but also about what would motivate people to do that honking rather than joining the march. We will however let Sam stew in his own juices trying to figure that one out.

What Sam did see shortly after that Olde Saco Drive-in sighting as he turned his head left to see a closed down for the season ice cream shop (usually such places are this far north are closed by Columbus Day but as you go further south in Maine the “summer season” extends a little longer and a few such spots will remain open until the end of the month, no later). He suddenly realized that it was the locally famous Martin’s Ice Cream Shop which he had been in a few years back but at night so he didn’t realize that the marchers had come up to the place that quickly. Of course the place sold very good ice cream or otherwise Laura, a real ice cream aficionado, would have turned her nose up at it and fled the place ice cream half eaten.

But what made Sam take a double-take was a memory of that night a few years back when they had entered the place and found an old time working jukebox with rock and roll hits from the 1950s and 1960s. And three for a quarter too just like back in the day. The reason that Sam and Laura were up in Maine that time, maybe mid-July was that Laura a super-computer techie had just retired from her job and they were celebrating that fact with a few days up the coast. Laura had gone over to the machine and began perusing the playlist and asked Sam for a quarter to make her selections. Sam couldn’t remember all three selections but he did remember one was Its In His Kiss. Better though was watching Laura sway with the beat of the songs, ice cream in hand, swaying like a young teenage girl full of what was ahead in life. That moment he wished he had known her then. Yeah, wished he could have seen her swaying that slender body then.           

Walking along Sam became conscious as they entered the last stretch before the nightly church stay at the Congregational Church (not U/U this time but doctrinal just as high flown Protestant god praise Jehovah as that crowd, maybe more so since that doctrine of independent lay-driven gathered church life came out of deep English revolution times and so hell and brimstone righteousness born back in those Cromwellian times) that his old haunt, his old between marriages (and at least once while married the second time) haunt, the also now closed for the season Olde Saco Motel where they did not ask questions, did not care what went on with who except keep it quiet, keep the family-friendly reputation. He had gone there so many times years back that Jim and Sarah whom he knew by first names and was on friendly terms would accept a check from him, unusual in suspicious Maine, in the suspicious hotel industry and in the heat of the Quebecois summer season. More than once he had brought some young thing there to keep him company, to “curl his toes” as the old blues singers used to say, and they were right. Just then as he walked past the forlorn place he thought about Lilly, Lilly from Saint Pierre up in the Gaspe, up high in ocean side Quebec and how she had “curled his toes and then some.” He had picked her up at Sonny Jack’s, a bar down in Old Orchard where the younger and available Quebec girls, hung out. Her English was not to good but after a few drinks, hers anisette, for him his beloved Irish whiskey and plenty of it and a couple of dances from the music of the jukebox that he went to that place to hear the language barrier was the least of their problems. So he coaxed her to his Olde Saco room about one in the morning, all quiet like and began to take his liberties with her, she didn’t resist nothing like that but when he tried to pull her panties off she said no, emphatically no, that she did not have sexual intercourse on the first date, no way. She asked in her halting English something about doing the deep French way for him which he was not sure he understood. Of course as she took down his pants and began to play the flute he got her meaning right away. Yeah, he learned that night there was more than one way to curl a guy’s toes. Deep in that thought he suddenly snapped out of it realizing he was moving too close to the highway as a blush came over him which he hoped nobody saw. Even on a sober mission Sam chuckled to himself one is not removed from the real world, not at all.                   

Walking to Arundel woods, Walking to Arundel woods the old familiar Child ballad Sam remembered from the 1960s folk minute kept pounding in his head as they began walking the next day for high Kennebunk. And strangely here this far south there are still a great many small houses separated by expanse of woods as they moved along (that great distances between houses not a plus since along with the march, banners, and programs the organizing group had put forth a leaflet to be distributed as they moved and were looking for more people to pass them out to [see above top], to be distributed along the way. Finally they got to their lunchbreak stop, a flea market area now mostly closed except for a small clot of die-hard dealers (or maybe just lonely to get out of the house and communicate with others since most of those dealers were old fogies like him.

Most days lunch was an hour or hour and proposition to allow for some rest and to make sure that the walkers did not arrive too early at the day’s end stop. Sam, after having his graham cracker and peanut butter, natural peanut butter no question, couldn’t resist checking out the various tables filled with a potpourri of wares. See in the old days Sam to help make ends meet before his law practice got off the ground would scour the flea markets looking for old letters, postcards and stamps. Made many a trip to Maine to the fleas and antique shops looking for that perfect storm treasure chest filled with old letters and stuff to be gotten for a song since back then the dealers would not have been that savvy about the value of old mildewed letters and just wanted to sell the chest for their troubles. Although Sam never found that big catch, the one to retire on, he made decent money in those days before the dealers got wise to value and publishing companies would put out catalogues for every possible kind of rarity and so he gave it up. This day though the dealers looked like something out of the Fryeburg Fair the dregs of incestuous Maine long nights, cold winters and too many close quarters. And their wares with few exceptions were mainly objects related to fishing gear, guns, hunting and king of the hill old collectibles.        

The minute that Sam heard back in Saco about that night’s stay at an alternative high school where the kids were going to prepare the meal and also were going to provide the entertainment he was intrigued. Intrigued by what such a school, an old storefront school, might look like in the 21st century of standardized tests and teaching to the tests rather than exploring subjects and ideas the old fashion way for their beauty. Long ago he had started out as a teacher with a number of friends who were looking for something to do after the Vietnam War “seeking a newer world” had run its course and the tide had ebbed leaving lots of idealistic young people perplexed about the social road forward. One of the decisions that he had made while in that Army stockade was that he would no longer pursue a legal career and instead go into teaching (he would not get back to that law school until later after several years of teaching under his belt when he went to New England School of Law nights for several years to get his degree and license).

His belief, the collective that he worked with common belief, which united them in their purpose  whatever else, was that in order change the world, in order to stop the endless wars as a matter of human policy you had to get to the kids, show them another way, a way that he had never been shown and some of his fellows either. In the early 1970s and beyond all the rage in progressive education was the idea of alternative schools, teacher-student run with plenty of liberty and plenty of ways to express yourself. Various members of the collective were driven by different models. Sam’s, after spending a summer in Cuernavaca down in Mexico with his first wife (also interested in these idea at the time) at Ivan Illich’s hacienda in the hills he took to Illich’s model, the ideas in his book De-schooling Society. And the group really did try to work out the possibilities but just ran out of steam, or had to get a “real” teaching jobs to survive or they ran up against incredible state educational bureaucratic problems even getting off the ground. So yes he was interested up in small town Maine about how successful they would be.

If you judged by the self-directedness of the students who on their own made an excellent meal, the great presentation of the program made up of music, folk music if you can believe that, and thoughtful presentations on the issues of demilitarizing the seas then the place was a success at least at a one night glance. Sam laughed to himself though as the walkers started out the next morning headed to York that maybe, just maybe, his positive attitude was egged on by the fact that for breakfast that morning someone had brought in warm apple crisps, his favorite of which he helped himself to two large servings. He had missed out on his favorite place for apple crisp back in Boston this year so this was pay-back, big pay-back.

Funny how as many times as Sam had travelled Route One in Maine mainly from Portland down that he missed a million sites that he knew that he had passed by. Sure some of the buildings and scenery had changed, what hadn’t in the fifty or so years he had been coming up to coastal Maine (the interior mainly a book sealed with seven seals and of no particular interest to him as he was not a blueberry picking alpine hunter or Fryeburg Fair denizen thank you). Of course with the Interstate, tiredness with way over developed so you might as well be in that strip mall leafy suburb you hailed from Cape Cod (and Cape Ann a little less so), some discretionary spending money and a growing cohort of those who had retired and had the leisure to head up the coast in three seasons anyway the magnet of rocky coasts was too much of a lure to keep the place semi-isolated as in the old days. The old days when a cozy cottage, a wooden cabin or a trailer would provide whatever worldly comforts were needed for a getaway weekend. Now you could hardly see the ocean stretch from the highway in say high Ogunquit without a motel, hotel, no tell impeding your view (and subject of the soft-sell “ocean view” so prevalent among the real estate set).

So yes things were different, more crowded, witness the daily mid-summer traffic jams in places like York, that same situation in Ogunquit and Wells which were hardly possible back in the day. Different but some things kind of hung on. As the walk made its morning break at Big Daddy’s, the closed for the season Big Daddy’s, in Wells he realized that some of the changes were just a matter of locale like that institution. He had first tasted Big Daddy’s ice cream (made from secret recipes according to legend) when the locale was at the Viking in Ogunquit and it was part of larger restaurant operation along that part of Route One then. That had been with his first wife whose people had a place in York and they raved about the Viking ice cream. She, they were not wrong on that account. Many years later with Laura he had come filled with those same raves and found the place had closed down. Damn. It had closed down for good as far as he knew. Then one day a few years later they were driving to Kennebunkport so Laura could look at the shops when they saw the Big Daddy’s sign and a smaller sign which indicated that the ice cream had been served previously at the old Viking. He stopped the car (holding up busy traffic) and turned around. Yes it was the same ice cream just at a different locale and which only served the ice cream not the other stuff on the Viking menu. Damn that morning he wished the place was open. Double damn.             

On the uneventful walk to York (uneventful except to bore every fellow walker who would listen to him for two minutes with his arcane knowledge of every motel on the stretch and of all the paths to the beaches) Sam thought about how fortuitous it was that he had gone to the October monthly meeting just before the walk had started up in Ellsworth since if he had not been at that gathering he probably would not have found out about the walk since he was neither a regular attender of meetings in Cambridge (too boring and too much chatter when business could be done in about an hour rather than the two it usually took) nor looked at the notices that came thundering through his e-mail service. He was very much a member for the big occasions, the parade marches on Saint Patrick’s Day and Armistice Day, the memorial services scattered throughout the year, the various social events, fund-raisers and such and former coordinator Paul Sullivan’s get-away weekends in York where they were now heading. Yes it would be good to rest his head in Paul’s bungalow which he had slept in on previous trips and was scheduled to sleep in that night since priority had been given to walkers over those who were just coming up from Boston to show solidarity or to walk the final full day. Paul of course a big burly Irishman, who had done hard service in Vietnam when it counted, also loved to organize social events, events like providing a memorable stay for the walkers on the night before their last full day of walking. And he did, had several Smedley’s come up to help him, several more including him to march the final day to the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard (which as Sam kept harping on was actually in Kittery, Maine across the river). He provided a full spread of food for all kinds of eaters, including vegans for the dinner (and breakfast) that had been authorized by the Executive Committee who voted that the chapter would pick-up the bill, provided a musical line-up, including himself on the banjo and to top things off got the chapter-affiliated marching band, the Leftist Lunge to perform as the weary marchers made the turn to his house. Oh yeah and had Mother Nature provide a sunny day and high tide to splash against the rocks on the ocean across the street from his house.      

Sam said the final day, final full day, he (and the others as well) was full of piss and vinegar to finish up strong at the Naval Base and then the short march across the bridge to Prospect Park in Portsmouth by the river where a planned program to greet the walkers was to take place. It was a breezy day so the VFP flags (and the others too) were in full bloom looking very good as the most walkers on the walk according to Brian showed up to close out the 175 mile righteous march. Everybody pushed hard as well because the fourteen miles to the base had to be done in order to catch the Friday afternoon shifts coming out of the main entrance and show the “colors.” When they arrived they split into two on either side of the exit (the federal police who manned the gate had told them that a blue line painted on the entrance road could not be passed or they were subject to arrest). So they stayed there for an hour as the staggered shifts went Friday night home.

All the great honking along the way down Route One was totally missing as the men and women came out and many shook their heads in dismay or disgust. See they thought the demonstrators, and that is what one guy told Sam he thought they were, wanted the workers to lose their jobs by shutting down the base and losing their livelihoods certainly a reason for scowls and dirty looks. This though is where Sam thought things broke down a little, couldn’t help but break down in the face of the workers’ confusion. The idea of the march was not to throw anybody on the scrapheap except maybe the naval personnel but to convert the current wasteful and destructive military uses to more productive pursuits but that probably seemed utopian to the scowling workers and hellish to the military contractors. No question much work needed to be done that could not be done that day to inform and detail what that non-military use of the seas might look like. Sam said he repeatedly sighed when thinking about the tasks of education ahead.

The next morning a short rally and walk back to the Naval Base in Kittery took place but the real deal had been the long march to affect history and to get those scowls from the previous day to go away.

 

As The 100th Anniversary Of World War I Continues -The Anti-War Resistance Builds –The Russian Revolution Breaks The Logjam


As The 100th Anniversary Of World War I Continues -The Anti-War Resistance Builds –The Russian Revolution Breaks The Logjam    
The events leading up to World War I (known as the Great War before the world got clogged up with expansive wars in need of other numbers and names and reflecting too in that period before World War II a certain sense of “pride” in having participated in such an epic adventure even if it did mow down the flower of European and in some cases colonial youth from all classes) from the massive military armament of almost all the capitalist and imperialist parties in Europe and elsewhere in order to stake their claims to their unimpeded share of the world’s resources had all the earmarks of a bloodbath early on once the industrial-sized carnage set in with the stalemated fronts (as foretold by the blood-letting in the American Civil War and the various “small” wars in Asia, Africa, and, uh, Europe in the mid to late 19th century once war production on a mass scale followed in the train of other less lethal forms of  industrial production).
Also trampled underfoot in the opposing trenches, or rather thrown in the nearest trash bin of the their respective parliamentary buildings were the supposedly eternal pledges against war in defense of one’s own capitalist-imperialist  nation-state against the working masses and their allies of other countries by most of the Social-Democrats and other militant leftist formations (Anarchists, Syndicalists and their various off-shoots)representing the historic interest of the international working-class to stop those imperialist capitalist powers and their hangers-on in their tracks at the approach of war were decisive for 20th century history. All those beautifully written statements and resolutions that clogged up the international conferences with feelings of solidarity were some much ill-fated wind once bullet one came out of gun one.
Other than isolated groups and individuals, mostly like Lenin and Trotsky in exile or jail, and mostly in the weaker lesser capitalistically developed countries of Europe the blood lust got the better of most of the working class and its allies as young men rushed to the recruiting stations to “do their duty” and prove their manhood. (When the first international conference of anti-war socialists occurred in Switzerland in 1915, the famous Zimmerwald conference, one wag pointed out that they could all fit in one tram [bus].) Almost all parties assuming that the damn thing would be over by Christmas and everyone could go back to the eternal expressions of international working-class solidarity after the smoke had settled (and the simple white-crossed graves dug in the vast bone-crushed cemeteries that marked the nearby battle fields too numerous to mention). You see, and the logic is beautiful on this one, that big mail-drop of a Socialist International, was built for peace-time but once the cannons roared then the “big tent” needed to be folded for the duration. Jesus.  
Decisive as well as we head down the slope to the first months of the second year of the war although shrouded in obscurity early in the war in exile was the soon to be towering figure of one Vladimir Lenin (a necessary nom de guerre in the hell broth days of the Czar’s Okhrana ready to send one and all to the Siberian frosts and that moniker business, that nom de guerre not a bad idea in today’s NSA-driven frenzy to know all, to peep at all), leader of the small Russian Bolshevik Party ( a Social-Democratic Party in name anyway adhering to the Second International under the sway of the powerful German party although not for long because “Long Live The Communist International,”  a new revolutionary international, would become the slogan and later order of the day in the not distant future), architect of the theory of the “vanguard party” building off of many revolutionary experiences in Russia and Europe in the 19th century (including forbears Marx and Engels), and author of an important, important to the future communist world perspective, study on the monopolizing tendencies of world imperialism, the ending of the age of “progressive” capitalism (in the Marxist sense of the term progressive in a historical materialist sense that capitalism was progressive against feudalism and other older economic models which turned into its opposite at this dividing point in history), and the hard fact that it was a drag on the possibilities of human progress and needed to be replaced by the establishment of the socialist order. But that is the wave of the future as 1914 turned to 1915 in the sinkhole trenches of Europe that are already a death trap for the flower of the European youth.  
Lenin also has a "peace" plan, a peace plan of sorts, a way out of the stinking trench warfare stalemate eating up the youth of the Eurasian landmass. Do what should have been done from the beginning, do what all the proclamations from all the beautifully-worded socialist manifestos called on the international working-class to do. Not a simple task by any means especially in that first year when almost everybody on all sides thought a little blood-letting would be good for the soul, the individual national soul, and in any case the damn thing would be over by Christmas and everybody could start producing those beautifully worded-manifestos against war again. (That by Christmas peace “scare” turned out to be a minute “truce” from below by English and German soldiers hungry for the old certainties banning the barbed wire and stinking trenches for a short reprieve in the trench fronts in France and played soccer before returning to drawn guns-a story made into song and which is today used as an example of what the lower ranks could do-if they would only turn the guns around. Damn those English and German soldiers never did turn the damn things around until too late and with not enough resolve and the whole world has suffered from that lack of resolve ever since.)
Lenin’s hard-headed proposition: turn the bloody world war among nations into a class war to drive out the war-mongers and bring some peace to the blood-soaked lands. But that advanced thinking is merely the wave of the future as the rat and rain-infested sinkhole trenches of Europe were already churning away in the first year as a death trap for the flower of the European youth.   
The ability to inflict industrial-sized slaughter and mayhem on a massive scale first portended toward the end of the American Civil War once the Northern industrial might tipped the scales their way as did the various German-induced wars attempting to create one nation-state out of various satraps almost could not be avoided in the early 20th century once the armaments race got serious, and the technology seemed to grow exponentially with each new turn in the war machine. The land war, the war carried out by the “grunts,” by the “cannon fodder” of many nations was only the tip of the iceberg and probably except for the increased cannon-power and range and the increased rapidity of the machine-guns would be carried out by the norms of the last wars. However the race for naval supremacy, or the race to take a big kink out of British supremacy, went on unimpeded as Germany tried to break-out into the Atlantic world and even Japan, Jesus, Japan tried to gain a big hold in the Asia seas.
The deeply disturbing submarine warfare wreaking havoc on commerce on the seas, the use of armed aircraft and other such technological innovations of war only added to the frenzy. We can hundred years ahead, look back and see where talk of “stabs in the back” by the losers and ultimately an armistice rather than decisive victory on the blood-drenched fields of Europe would lead to more blood-letting but it was not clear, or nobody was talking about it much, or, better, doing much about calling a halt before they began the damn thing among all those “civilized” nations who went into the abyss in July of 1914. Sadly the list of those who would not do anything, anything concrete, besides paper manifestos issued at international conferences, included the great bulk of the official European labor movement which in theory was committed to stopping the madness.
A few voices, voices like Karl Liebknecht (who against the party majority bloc voting scheme finally voted against the Kaiser’s war budget, went to the streets to get rousing anti-war speeches listened to in the workers’ districts, lost his parliamentary immunity and wound up honorably in the Kaiser’s  prisons) and Rosa Luxemburg ( the rose of the revolution also honorably prison bound) in Germany, Lenin and Trotsky in Russia (both exiled at the outbreak of war and just in time as being on “the planet without a passport” was then as now, dangerous to the lives of left-wing revolutionaries and not just them), some anti-war anarchists like Monette in France and here in America “Big Bill” Haywood (who eventually would controversially flee to Russia to avoid jail for his opposition to American entry into war), many of his IWW (Industrial Workers Of the World) comrades and the stalwart Eugene V. Debs (who also went to jail, “Club Fed” for speaking the truth about American war aims in a famous Cleveland speech and, fittingly, ran for president in 1920 out of his Atlanta Penitentiary jail cell),  were raised and one hundred years later those voices have a place of honor in this space.
Those voices, many of them in exile, or in the deportations centers, were being clamped down as well when the various imperialist governments began closing their doors to political refugees when they were committed to clapping down on their own anti-war citizens. As we have seen in our own times, most recently in America in the period before the “shock and awe” of the decimation of Iraq in 2002 and early 2003 the government, most governments, are able to build a war frenzy out of whole cloth. Even my old anti-war amigo from my hometown who after I got out of the American Army during the Vietnam War marched with me in countless rallies and parades trying to stop the madness got caught in the bogus information madness and supported Bush’s “paper war” although not paper for the benighted Iraqi masses ever since (and plenty of other “wise” heads from our generation of ’68 made that sea-change turn with him).
At those times, and in my lifetime the period after 9/11 when we tried in vain to stop the Afghan war in its tracks is illustrative, to be a vocal anti-warrior is a dicey business. A time to keep your head down a little, to speak softly and wait for the fever to subside and to be ready to begin the anti-war fight another day. “Be ready to fight” the operative words.
So imagine in the hot summer of 1914 when every nationality in Europe felt its prerogatives threatened how the fevered masses, including the beguiled working-classes bred on peace talk without substance, would not listen to the calls against the slaughter. Yes, one hundred years later is not too long or too late to honor those ardent anti-war voices as the mass mobilizations began in the countdown to war, began four years of bloody trenches and death.                  
Over the next period as we continue the long night of the 100th anniversary of World War I and beyond I will under this headline post various documents, manifestos and cultural expressions from that time in order to give a sense of what the lead up to that war looked like, the struggle against its outbreak before the first frenzied shots were fired, the forlorn struggle during and the massive struggles after it in places like Russia, Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, and the hodge-podge colonies all over the world map, in order to create a newer world out of the shambles of the battlefields.   

Leon Trotsky

History of the Russian Revolution to Brest-Litovsk


Part I


THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

EVENTS at the present time succeed one another so rapidly that it is difficult to reproduce them from memory even in their simple chronological order. I have no. papers or documents at hand. At the same time the periodical breaks in the negotiations at Brest-Litovsk give me a certain amount of leisure Which, under present conditions, is not likely to recur. I shall, therefore, try to sketch from memory the course and development of the November Revolution, reserving to myself the right to complete and correct my narrative at some future date, with the aid of documentary evidence.
What distinguished our party almost from the very first stage of the Revolution was the firm conviction that the logic of events would eventually place it in power. I am not speaking here of the theoreticians of our party, who, many years before the Revolution, even before the Revolution of 1905, had come to the conclusion, from a close analysis of the class relations in Russia, that the victorious Course of a revolution would inevitably place the power of the State in the hands of the proletariat, supported by the wide masses of the poorest peasantry. The main foundation for this belief was the insignificance of the Russian middle-class democracy and the concentrated character of Russian industry, and, therefore, the immense social importance of the Russian working class. The insignificance of the Russian middle-class democracy is but the obverse side of the power and importance of the proletariat. True, the war temporarily deceived many people on this point, and, above all, it deceived the leading sections of middle-class democracy itself. The war assigned the decisive role in the Revolution to the army, and the old army was the peasantry.
Had the Revolution developed more normally, that is, in conditions of peace-time, such as prevailed in 1912, when it really began, the proletariat would inevitably have taken the leading role throughout, whilst the peasant masses would have been gradually towed along by the proletariat into the revolutionary whirlpool ... But the war imparted an entirely different logic to the course of events. The army had organized the peasantry, not on a political, but on a military basis. Before the peasant masses found themselves united on a common platform of definite revolutionary demands and ideas, they had already become united in regiments, divisions, corps, and armies. The lower middle-class democrats, scattered throughout this army, and playing a leading part in it both in a military and intellectual sense, were almost entirely imbued with middle-class revolutionary sentiments. The deep social discontent of the masses grew ever deeper and strove for expression, particularly owing to the military débâcle of Tsardom. Immediately the Revolution broke out, the advanced sections of the proletariat revived the traditions of 1905 by calling upon the popular masses to organize in representative bodies, viz, the “Councils” of delegates (Soviets).
The army thus had to send representatives to revolutionary bodies before its political consciousness in any way corresponded to the level of the rapidly developing revolutionary events. Whom could the soldiers send as their representatives? Naturally, only those intellectuals and semi-intellectuals who were to be found in their midst and who possessed at least a minimum amount of political knowledge, and were capable of giving utterance to it. In this way, by the will of the awakening army, the lower middle-class intellectuals found themselves suddenly raised to a position of enormous influence. Doctors, engineers, lawyers, journalists, who in pre-war days had led a humdrum private life and laid no claim of any sort to political influence, became, overnight, representatives of whole corps and armies, and discovered that they were the “leaders” of the Revolution. The haziness of their political ideas fully corresponded to the formless state of the revolutionary consciousness of the masses themselves. They contemptuously looked down upon us as mere sectarians because we were urging the social demands of the working Class and the peasants in a most resolute and uncompromising fashion. At the same time these lower middle-class democrats, in spite of their proud demeanour of revolutionary upstarts, felt a profound diffidence both in their own capacities and in the masses who had raised them to such an unexpectedly high place. Calling themselves Socialists and really regarding themselves as such, these intellectuals looked up to the political authority of the Liberal bourgeoisie, to its knowledge and its methods, with an ill-concealed respect. Hence the endeavour of the lower middle-class leaders to obtain, at all costs, the co-operation of the Liberal middle class by way of an alliance or coalition. The programme of the party of Socialist Revolutionaries, based as it all is on vague humanitarian formulæ, and employing general sentiments and moral constructions in the place of class-war methods, was the most suitable spiritual dress that could have been found for these improvised leaders. Their efforts to find some sort of support for their own intellectual and political helplessness in the impressive political and scientific knowledge of the bourgeoisie found a theoretical Sanction in the teaching of the Mensheviks, who argued that the present Revolution was a bourgeois revolution, and could not, therefore, be carried through without the participation of the bourgeoisie in the Government. A natural bloc was thus formed between the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, expressing both the timid and hesitating political mind of the middle-class intellectuals and its vassal attitude towards Imperialist Liberalism.
To us, it was perfectly clear that the logic of the class struggle would sooner or later destroy this temporary combination and fling aside the leaders of this period of transition. The hegemony of the lower middle-class intellectuals was at the bottom the expression of the fact that the peasantry, suddenly called to take part in organized political life through the machinery of the army, had by sheer weight of numbers pushed aside and overwhelmed the proletariat for the time being. Even more, in so far as the middle-class leaders had been raised to a dizzy height by the powerful mass of the army, the working class itself, with the exception of its advanced sections, could not but become imbued with a certain political respect for them and try to maintain political contact with them for fear of finding themselves divorced from the peasantry. And this was a very serious matter, for the older generation still remembered the lesson of 1905, when the proletariat was crushed, just because the massive peasant reserves had not come up in time for the decisive battles. That is why in the first phase of the new Revolution also the proletarian masses showed themselves highly accessible to the political ideology of the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks – specially as the Revolution had aroused the hitherto slumbering backward masses of workers, and thus made the hazy radicalism of the intellectuals a sort of preparatory school for them. The Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Peasants’ Delegates meant in these conditions the predominance of peasant amorphousness over proletarian Socialism, and the predominance of intellectual Radicalism over the peasant amorphousness. The structure of Soviets rose so rapidly to a gigantic height mainly because of the leading part played in their labours by the intellectuals, with their technical knowledge and middle-class connections. But to us it was perfectly clear that this grand structure was built on deep internal contradictions and would, inevitably collapse at the next stage of the Revolution.

THE QUESTION OF WAR.

The Revolution grew directly out of the war, and the latter became the touchstone for all parties and forces of the Revolution. The intellectual leaders had been against the war. Many of them, while the Tsar was still on his throne, considered themselves as belonging to the left wing of the International, and were Zimmerwaldians. But everything changed immediately they felt themselves to be in “responsible” positions. To pursue a revolutionary Socialist policy would have meant in the circumstances a break with their own and the Entente bourgeoisie, but, as we have said, the political impotence of the middle-class intellectuals and semi-intellectuals led them to seek protection in an alliance with bourgeois Liberalism. Hence the pitiful and truly disgraceful role of the middle-class leaders in respect of the question of the war. They confined themselves to lamentations and rhetoric, and addressed secret exhortations and entreaties to the Allied Governments, while, in practice, they walked the same paths as the Liberal bourgeoisie. The soldiers in the trenches were, of course, unable to follow the argument that the war, in which they had fought for three years, had changed its character because certain new personalities, calling themselves Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, were taking part in the Government at Petrograd. Miliukoff had replaced the tchtnovnik Pokrovsky, Terestchenko then succeeded Miliukoff – that meant that bureaucratic perfidy was first replaced by militant Cadet Imperialism, then by unprincipled nebulousness and political servility; but this did not result in any objective changes, and there seemed no way out of the terrible vicious circle of the war. In this lay the primary cause for the further dissolution of the army. The agitators had been telling the masses of soldiers that the Tsarist Government had been driving them to slaughter for no object or senses; but those who replaced the Tsar were able neither to change the character of the war in any way nor to make a fight for peace.
During the first months of the Revolution there had been a mere marking of time. This provoked the impatience alike of the army and of the Allied Governments. Hence the offensive of July 1st. It had been demanded by the Allies, who insisted that the old Tsarist bills must be honoured by the Revolution. Frightened at their own impotence and at the growing discontent of the masses, the lower middle-class leaders readily accepted these demands. They, indeed, began to think that an attack by the Russian Army was all that was wanted in order to attain peace. An offensive began to appear to them as a way out of the wilderness, as a means of solving the problem of the situation, as the one hope of salvation. It is difficult to imagine a more monstrous and more criminal illusion. At that time they spoke of the offensive in exactly the same terms in which the Social-Patriots of all countries had spoken at the beginning of the war about the necessity of supporting the cause of national defence, of strengthening the sacred unity of the nation, etc. All their Zimmerwaldian Internationalism vanished as by magic.
To us, who were in opposition, it was clear that the offensive was a terribly perilous step, that it might even endanger the whole Revolution. We warned all and sundry that the army, newly awakened and shaken as it was by the thunder of events which as yet it had only half understood, could not be sent into battle without previously imparting to it new ideas which it could assimilate We warned, remonstrated, threatened., But the parties in power, bound as they were to the bourgeoisie, had no other way left open to them, and naturally treated us with enmity and implacable hatred.

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BOLSHEVIKS.

The future historian will be unable, without deep emotion, to look through the Russian papers for May and June 1917, when the minds of the people were being prepared for the offensive. Almost all the articles, without exception, in all the official and semi-official organs were directed against the Bolsheviks. There was scarcely a charge, scarcely a calumny, that was not levelled against us in that period. Of course, the leading role in this campaign was played by the Cadet bourgeoisie, whose class instinct led it to recognize that the question at issue was not merely the offensive, but the entire further course of the Revolution and, in the first place, the form of Government authority. The whole bourgeois machinery for manufacturing “public opinion” was put into motion at full steam. All the Government offices and institutions, publications, public platforms, and university chairs were drawn into the service of this one general aim: of making the Bolsheviks impossible as a political party. In this concentrated effort and in this dramatic newspaper campaign against the Bolsheviks were already contained the first germs of the civil war which was bound to accompany the next phase of the Revolution. The sole aim of all this incitement and slander was to create an impenetrable wall of estrangement and enmity between the labouring masses on the one hand and “educated society” on the other.
The Liberal bourgeoisie understood that it could not win the support of the masses without the help of the lower middle-class democrats, who, as we pointed out above, had temporarily become the leaders of the revolutionary organizations. Consequently, the immediate aim of the political incitements against the Bolsheviks was to bring about an irreconcilable feeling of enmity between our party and the wide ranks of the Socialist intellectuals, who, having broken away from the proletariat, could not but fall into political bondage to the Liberal bourgeoisie.
It was during the first All-Russian Congress of the Soviets that the first alarming crash of thunder occurred, which warned of the coming storm. Our party had projected an armed demonstration at Petrograd for June 23rd. Its proximate object was to bring pressure to bear upon the Congress. “Take over the power in the State ” – this it was that the Petrograd workers wanted to tell the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks who had, come from all parts of the country. “Spurn the bourgeoisie! Have done with the idea of coalition, and take the reins of power into your own hands!” We were quite certain that if the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks broke with the Liberal bourgeoisie, they would be compelled to seek support from the most energetic and most advanced elements of the proletariat, which would thus obtain the leading role in the Revolution. But that was just what frightened the lower middle-class leaders. In conjunction with the Government, in which they had their own representatives, and shoulder to shoulder with the Liberal and counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie, they opened a truly savage campaign against the projected demonstration so soon as they got, wind of it. Everything possible was set in motion against us. We were at that time a small minority at the Congress, and we gave way; the demonstration did not take place. But all the same it left a very deep mark in the minds of the two contending parties, and made the gulf between them deeper and their mutual antagonism more acute. At the closed sitting of the Presidential Bureau of the Congress, in which also representatives of the various parties took place, Tsereteli, then a member of the Coalition Government, speaking with all the resoluteness of a narrow-minded lower middle-class doctrinaire, declared that the only danger threatening the Revolution was the Bolsheviks and the Petrograd workers who had been armed by them. He therefore argued that the people “who did not know how to use arms” must be disarmed. Of course, he had in mind the Petrograd workers and that portion of the Petrograd garrison which supported our party. However, no disarming took place, as the political and psychological conditions were not yet ripe enough for such an extreme measure.
To compensate the masses for the loss of their demonstration, the Congress of the Soviets itself organized an unarmed demonstration on July 1st. And that day became the day of our political triumph. The masses turned out in overwhelming numbers, but although they came out in answer to the call of the official Soviet authority – a sort of counterblast to the miscarried demonstration of June 23rd – the workers and soldiers had inscribed on their banners and placards the demands and battle-cries of our party: “Down with the secret treaties!” “Down with the policy of strategical offensives!” “Long live an honourable peace!” “Down with the ten capitalist Ministers!” “All power for the Soviets!” There were only three placards with expressions of confidence in the Coalition Government: one from a Cossack regiment, another from the Plekhanoff group, and a third from the Petrograd “Bund,” an organization consisting largely of non-proletarian elements. This demonstration proved not only to our opponents, but also, to ourselves, that we were far stronger in Petrograd than had been imagined.

THE OFFENSIVE OF JULY 1ST.

As a result of this demonstration of the revolutionary masses a Government crisis seemed inevitable. But the impression made by the demonstration was wiped out by the news from the front announcing that the revolutionary army had taken the offensive. On the very same day when the workers and garrison of Petrograd had been demanding the publication of the secret treaties and a public offer of peace, Kerensky had thrown the revolutionary troops into the offensive. This, of course, was no fortuitous coincidence. Everything had been arranged beforehand, and the moment for the offensive had been chosen not on military, but on political grounds. On July 2nd there was a series of so-called patriotic demonstrations in the streets of Petrograd. The Nevsky Prospekt, the main bourgeois artery, was full of excited groups of people, amongst which officers, journalists, and well-dressed ladies were carrying on a bitter campaign against the Bolsheviks.
The first news of the results of the offensive was favourable, and the leading Liberal organs considered that the chief task had been accomplished – that the blow struck on July 1st, quite apart from what might be its subsequent military developments, would prove fatal to the further progress of the Revolution. It would lead to the re-establishment of the old army discipline and strengthen the commanding position of the Liberal bourgeoisie in the country. We, however, had predicted something else besides. In a special declaration which we read out at the first Congress of the Soviets a few days before the offensive, we had stated that that offensive would inevitably destroy the internal coherence of the army, that it would put different sections of it against one another, and that it would lend an enormous preponderance to the counterrevolutionary elements, since the maintenance of discipline in a shattered army, whose vigour had not been renewed by new ideals, would be impossible without the employment of brutal measures of repression. In other words, we had predicted in that declaration all those consequences which were subsequently comprised under the name of Kornilovism. We considered that the Revolution was running the greatest danger alike in the case of the offensive succeeding (which, however, we did not believe) and in the case of its failing, as we thought to be almost inevitable. The success of the offensive would have the effect of uniting the lower with the upper middle class in common chauvinistic aspirations, thus isolating the revolutionary proletariat, while its failure might lead to the complete collapse of the army, to a chaotic retreat, the loss of more provinces, and the disappointment and despair of the masses.
Events turned out in accordance with the second part of the alternative. The news of the victorious advance of the army did not continue long. It was succeeded by gloomy communications regarding the refusal of many sections of the army to support the attacking troops, the terrible losses among the officers, who sometimes alone formed shock battalions, and so on.
The background to these military events was formed by growing difficulties in the internal life of the country. The Coalition Government had not made a single decisive step forward in the solution of the agrarian, industrial, or national questions. The food supply and transport were becoming more and more dislocated. Local conflicts became more and more frequent. The Socialist Ministers tried to persuade the masses to wait. All decisions and measures were being put off, including the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The insolvency and instability of the regime were obvious. There were two possible ways out: either to hurl the bourgeoisie from power and allow the Revolution to go forward, or to “restrain” the masses by means of brutal repression. Kerensky and Tsereteli were pursuing a middle course, and only succeeded in making the confusion worse confounded. When once the Cadets, by far the cleverer and more far-seeing representatives in the Coalition, saw that the failure of the July offensive might strike a heavy blow not only at the Revolution, but also at the parties standing at the head of affairs, they hastened to step aside for the time being, thus throwing the whole weight of the responsibility on their colleagues of the Left. On July 15th a Ministerial crisis broke out, ostensibly over the Ukrainian question. This was altogether a moment of great political tension in every sense. Deputations and individual delegates arrived from different parts of the front, bearing the tale of the chaos which now reigned supreme in the army as a result of the offensive. The so-called Government Press demanded stern measures of repression. Similar demands commenced to appear more and more frequently in the so-called Socialist Press. Kerensky was more and more rapidly, or, rather, more and more openly, passing over to the side of the Cadets and the Cadet generals, ostentatiously displaying his enmity and, indeed, hatred towards the revolutionary parties in general. The Allied Embassies were exerting pressure on the Government, demanding the re-establishment of discipline and the continuation of the offensive. Confusion reigned supreme in Government circles, whilst the indignation of the workers grew apace and imperatively demanded some outlet. “Seize the opportunity of the resignation of the Cadet Ministers and assume complete control over the Government”: such was the call of the Petrograd workers on the leading Soviet parties, the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks. I remember the sitting of the Executive Committee of July 15th. The Socialist Ministers reported on the new Government crisis. We waited with intense interest to hear what position they would take up now that the Government had ingloriously gone to pieces at the first serious test provoked by the Coalition policy itself. Tsereteli was the reporter. He explained to us very fully that the concessions he and Terestchenko had made to the Kieff Rada in no way meant the dismemberment of the country, and did not justify the action of the Cadets in leaving the Ministry. Tsereteli charged the Cadet leaders with being doctrinaires on the question of centralism, with a want of understanding of the need of a compromise with the Ukrainians, and so forth. The impression made by the reporter was really a pitiful one. The hopeless doctrinaire of the Coalition accusing the Cadets of being doctrinaires – the Cadets, those sober-minded political champions of Capitalism, who had seized the first opportunity for making their political bailiffs pay the cost for the fateful turn which they had imparted to the course of events by the July offensive. After all the experiences of the Coalition, it might have seemed that there could be only one way out, viz, to break with the Cadets and to form a purely Soviet Government. The correlation of forces inside the Soviets at the time was such that a Soviet Government would have meant, from a party point of view, the concentration of power in the hands of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. We were deliberately aiming at such a result, since the constant re-elections to the Soviets provided the necessary machinery for securing a sufficiently faithful reflection of the growing radicalization of the masses of the workers and soldiers. We foresaw that after the break of the Coalition with the bourgeoisie the radical tendencies would necessarily gain the upper hand on the Soviets. In such conditions the struggle of the proletariat for power would naturally shift to the floor of the Soviet organizations, and would proceed in a painless fashion. On their part, having broken with the bourgeoisie, the lower middle-class democrats would themselves become the target for its attacks, and would, therefore be Compelled to seek a closer alliance with the Socialist Working class, and sooner or later their political amorphousness and irresolution would be overcome by the labouring masses under the influence of our criticism. This is why we urged the two leading Soviet parties to take the reins of power into their own hands, although we ourselves had no confidence in them, and frankly said so.
But even after the Ministerial crisis of July 15th, Tsereteli and those who thought with him did not give up their pet idea of a coalition. They explained to the Executive Committee that the chief Cadet leaders were, it was true, demoralized by doctrinairism and even by counter-revolutionary sympathies, but that in the provinces there were many bourgeois elements who would march side by side with the revolutionary democracy and whose co-operation would be secured by the co-option of some representatives of the upper middle class, in the new Ministry. Dan was already placing high hopes on a new Radical-Democratic party which had been concocted about that time by a few doubtful politicians. The news that the Coalition had broken to pieces only to give rise to a new Coalition spread rapidly throughout Petrograd, and created a wave of dismay and indignation in the workers’ and soldiers’ quarters. This was the origin of the events of July 16th-18th.

THE JULY DAYS.

Already during the sitting of the Executive Committee we had been informed over the telephone that the machine-gun regiment was getting ready for a demonstration. We then took measures, also over the telephone, to restrain it; but important events were preparing underneath. Representatives of army units disbanded for insubordination were coming from the front with alarming accounts of repressions, which made the Petrograd garrison very uneasy. The discontent of the Petrograd workers with the official leaders was proving the more acute, as Tsereteli, Dan, and Tshkheidze were obviously bent on falsifying the sentiments of the proletariat by trying to prevent the Petrograd Soviet from giving expression to the new views of the labouring masses. The All-Russian Executive Committee, elected at the June Congress and depending for support on the more backward provinces, was pushing the Petrograd Soviet more and more to the background and was taking into its own hands even the conduct of purely Petrograd affairs. A conflict was inevitable. The workers and soldiers were exerting pressure from below, giving violent expression to their discontent with the official policy of the Soviet, and demanded from our party more drastic action. We considered that in view of the still backward condition of the provinces the hour for such action had not yet struck; but at the same time we feared lest the events at the front might produce an immense confusion in the ranks of the revolutionary workers and create despair among them.
In the ranks of our party, the attitude towards the events of July 16th-18th was perfectly definite. On the one hand, there was the fear that Petrograd might become isolated from the more backward provinces; on the other hand, there was the hope that an active and energetic intervention of Petrograd might save the situation. The party propagandists in the lower ranks went hand to hand with the masses and carried on an uncompromising agitation.
There was still some hope that a demonstration of the revolutionary masses might break down the obstinate doctrinairism of the Coalitionists and compel them to realize at last that they could only maintain themselves in power if they completely broke with the bourgeoisie. Contrary to what was said and written at the time in the bourgeois Press, there was no intention whatever in our party of seizing the reins of power by means of an armed rising. It was only a revolutionary demonstration which broke out spontaneously, though guided by us politically. The Central Executive Committee was sitting at the Taurida Palace when the stormy waves of armed soldiers and workers surrounded the Palace on every side. Among the demonstrators there was, undoubtedly, an insignificant minority of Anarchists who were ready to use arms against the Soviet Centre. There were also some, obviously hired, Black Hundred elements who tried to seize the occasion for causing a riot and pogroms. It was from these elements that demands emanated for the arrest of Tchernoff and Tsereteli, for the forcible suppression of the Central Committee, etc. There was even an actual attempt made to arrest Tchernoff. Subsequently, at Kresty Prison, I met a sailor who had taken part in that attempt. He turned out to have been an ordinary criminal and had been imprisoned at the Kresky for burglary. But the bourgeois and compromise-mongers’ press had described the whole movement as being merely of a pogrom and counter-revolutionary character, and yet, at the same time, as a Bolshevik maneuver, having as its direct object the seizure of power by armed coercion of the Central Executive Committee.
The movement of July 16th-18th showed with perfect clearness that the leading parties of the Soviet lived in Petrograd in a complete political vacuum. It is true that the garrison was by no means entirely with us at that time. There were among it units which still hesitated, were still undecided and passive. But apart from the ensigns, there was not a single unit among the garrison, which was willing to fight against us in defence of the Government or the leading parties in the Soviet. It was from the front that troops had to be fetched. The entire strategy of Tsereteli, Tchernoff, and others, during those July days was to gain time so as to enable Kerensky to draw “reliable” troops into Petrograd. Delegation after delegation entered the Taurida Palace, which was surrounded by a huge armed crowd, and demanded a complete break with the bourgeoisie, energetic measures of social reform, and the commencement of peace negotiations. We, Bolsheviks, met every new detachment of demonstrators, either in the street or in the Palace, with harangues, calling on them to be calm, and assuring them that with the masses in their present mood the compromise-mongers would be unable to form a new Coalition Ministry. The men of Kronstadt were particularly determined, and it was only with difficulty that we could keep them within the bounds of a bare demonstration. On July 17th the demonstration assumed a still more formidable character – this time under the direct leadership of our party. The Soviet leaders seemed to have lost their heads; their speeches were of an evasive character ; the answers given by Tchkheidze, the Ulysses, to the delegations were bereft of all political sense. It was clear that the political leaders were but marking time.
On the night of July 17th “trustworthy” troops commenced to arrive from the front. During the sitting of the Executive Committee, the Taurida Palace was suddenly filled with the brass notes of the Marseillaise. The faces of the members of the Presidential Bureau changed immediately. Confidence, which had been so conspicuously lacking during the last few days, once more made its appearance. It was the Volhynian Regiment of the Guards which had arrived, the same regiment which a few months later marched at the head of the November Revolution under our banners.
From that moment everything changed. There was no longer any need to stand on ceremony with the delegations of workers and soldiers or the representatives of the Baltic Fleet. Speeches were delivered from the tribune of the Executive Committee about an armed “rebellion” which had now been “suppressed” by the faithful revolutionary troops. The Bolsheviks were declared to be a counter-revolutionary party.
The fright which the bourgeoisie had undergone during the two days of armed demonstration now became transformed into a raging hate which was displayed not only in the columns of their papers, but also in the streets of Petrograd, especially on the Nevsky Prospekt, where individual workers and soldiers were mercilessly beaten when caught carrying on their “criminal” agitation. Ensigns, officers, members of shock battalions, Knights of St. George, became masters of the situation, and rabid counter-revolutionaries placed themselves at their head. A ruthless suppression of workers’ organizations and of institutions of our party was carried out throughout the city. There were arrests, raids, physical ill-treatment, and individual murders. In the night of July 17th-18th the then Minister of Justice, Pereverzeff, issued to the Press “documents” purporting to prove that at the head of the Bolshevik party there stood paid agents of Germany.
The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionary and Menshevik parties had known us too long and too well to believe this accusation, but at the same time they were too closely interested in its success against us to protest against it publicly. Even now one cannot recall, without disgust, the orgy of lies poured forth in the columns of all the bourgeois and Coalitionist Press. Our papers were suppressed. Revolutionary Petrograd then felt that the provinces and the army were as yet far from being with it. For a brief moment the workers were stricken with dismay. In the Petrograd garrison the disbanded regiments were sternly repressed, and individual units were disarmed. All this time the Soviet leaders were busy fabricating a new Ministry to include third-rate middle-class groups which, without in any way strengthening the Government, only deprived it of the last vestiges of revolutionary initiative.
In the meantime, events at the front were taking their course. The whole army had been shaken to its foundation. The soldiers saw that the vast majority of the officers who had camouflaged themselves at the beginning of the Revolution were, in reality, deeply hostile to the new regime. At the Main Headquarters there was now going on quite openly a selection of counter-revolutionary elements. The Bolshevik publications were ruthlessly persecuted. The offensive had long ago given way to a tragic retreat. The bourgeois Press was savagely slandering the army, and although on the eve of the offensive the governing parties had declared that we were an insignificant handful, that the army knew nothing of us and cared less, now that their adventure of the offensive had ended so tragically, these same people and parties were throwing the whole responsibility for the failure on us. The prisons were packed to overflowing with revolutionary soldiers and workers. For the investigation of the affair of July 16th-18th all the old wolves of Tsarist judiciary were recalled; yet the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks dared demand of Lenin, Zinovieff, and other comrades that they should voluntarily give themselves up to “justice!”

AFTER THE JULY DAYS

The feeling of dismay in the workers’ quarters soon passed, and gave way to a new wave of revolutionary enthusiasm, not only among the proletariat, but even among the Petrograd garrison. The Coalitionists were losing all influence, and the wave of Bolshevism commenced to spread throughout the country and penetrated, in spite of all obstacles, even into the army.
The new Coalition Ministry, with Kerensky at its head, now openly entered on the path of repressions. The Ministry re-established the death penalty for soldiers, our papers were put down and our propagandists were arrested. But all this only increased our influence. In spite of all hindrances placed in the way of re-elections to the Petrograd Soviet, the relative strength of the parties had altered to such an extent that on many important questions we were already in a majority. Exactly the same happened in the Moscow Soviet. At that time, in company with many other comrades, I was already in prison at Kresty, having been arrested for taking part in the agitation and organization of the armed rising of July 16th-18th in agreement with the German Government and with the object of aiding the military plans of the Hohenzollerns. The well-known examining magistrate of the Tsarist regime, Alexandroff, who had conducted several prosecutions against revolutionaries, now received the mission to protect the Republic against the counter-revolutionary Bolsheviks. Under the old regime prisoners used to be divided into political and criminal; now a new terminology was introduced: criminals and Bolsheviks. Amongst the arrested soldiers bitter perplexity reigned. Young men from the villages who had never before taken part in politics, but who had thought that the Revolution had made them free once for all, now stared with amazement at the bolted doors and the grated windows. During our walks in the courtyard they anxiously asked me each time what it all meant and how it would all end. I comforted them by saying that we should come out victorious in the end.

KORNILOFF’S RISING.

The end of August was marked by the rising of General Korniloff. It was the immediate result of the mobilisation of the counter-revolutionary forces, to which the offensive of July had given a great impetus. At the celebrated State Conference at Moscow in the latter half of August, Kerensky tried to take up a position midway between the propertied classes and lower middleclass democrats. The Bolsheviks were regarded as standing altogether outside the law. Kerensky threatened them with “blood and iron” amidst a storm of applause from the propertied sections of the Conference and the traitorous silence of the lower middle-class democrats. But Kerensky’s hysterical cries and threats did not satisfy the leaders of the counter-revolutionary cause. They saw only too well the revolutionary wave that was spreading throughout the country, enveloping the workers, the peasants, and the army, and they considered it imperative to employ immediately the most extreme measures in order to teach the masses an unforgettable lesson. In agreement with the propertied bourgeoisie, which saw in him its hero, Korniloff took this risky matter on his shoulders. Kerensky, Savinkoff, Filonenko, and other Socialist Revolutionaries in or about office took part in his plot, but all of them betrayed Korniloff as soon as they saw that if he should come out victorious they themselves would be thrown overboard. I lived through the episode in prison and followed it up in the papers: free access to the papers was the only important difference between Kerensky’s prison regime and the old one. The adventure of the Cossack General fell through; in six months of the Revolution the masses had developed sufficient spirit and strength of organization to repel any open counter-revolutionary attack. The Coalitionist Soviet parties were frightened to the last degree by the possible developments of the Korniloff plot, which threatened to sweep away not only the Bolsheviks, but the whole of the Revolution, together with its leading parties. The Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks then set out to “legalize” the position of the Bolsheviks, but only by half and with numerous reservations, scenting possible dangers in the future. The same Kronstadt sailors who, after the July occurrence, had been branded as hooligans and counter-revolutionaries, were now summoned to Petrograd to defend the Revolution against the Korniloff danger. They came without demur, without taunts, without any reminders of the past, and took up the most responsible positions. I had then a perfect right to remind Tsereteli of the words I had thrown at him in May when he was abusing the men of Kronstadt: “When a counter-revolutionary general tries to tie a knot round the throat of the Revolution, the Cadets will be soaping the rope and the Kronstadt sailors will come to help us and to die with us.”
The Soviet organizations displayed everywhere at the rear and at the front their vitality and strength in the fight against the Korniloff rising. Scarcely anywhere did matters come to actual fighting. The revolutionary masses simply paralysed the General's plot. Just as in July the Coalitionists could find no soldiers to fight against us among the Petrograd garrison, so now Korniloff could find no soldiers at the front to fight against the Revolution. He could only act at all by deceit, and the efforts of the propagandists soon put an end to his designs.
Judging by the papers, I hoped for a very rapid development of events and for an early passing of the Government authority into the hands of the Soviets. The growth of the influence and strength of the Bolsheviks was undoubted, and it had now received an irresistible impetus. The Bolsheviks had warned against the Coalition, against the July offensive, and had foretold the Korniloff rebellion. The popular masses could now see that we had been right. At the most anxious moments of the Korniloff plot, when the Caucasian “Savage” Division was marching on Petrograd, the Petrograd Soviet, with the unwilling connivance of the Government, had armed the workers. The regiments which had been summoned against us had long ago become transformed in the hot atmosphere of Petrograd, and were now entirely on our side. The Korniloff attempt was bound finally to open the eyes of the army to the inadmissibility of any further understanding with the bourgeois counter-revolutionaries. One might, therefore, well have expected that the suppression of the Korniloff attempt would be followed by an immediate effort of the revolutionary forces, guided by our party, to obtain power. But events developed more slowly. In spite of the intensity of revolutionary feeling, the masses had become more wary since the severe lesson of the July days, and forswore all spontaneous action, waiting for a direct call and guidance from their leaders. But the leaders of our party, too, were in a waiting mood. In these circumstances the winding up of the Korniloff adventure, although it had fundamentally altered the correlation of forces in our favour, did not lead to any immediate political changes.

THE STRUGGLE WITHIN THE SOVIETS.

By that time the predominance of our party in the Petrograd Soviet became definite. This was made evident in a dramatic form in connection with the question of the constitution of the Presidential Bureau. At the time when the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks reigned supreme in the Soviets, they tried all they could to isolate the Bolsheviks. Even when we had at least one-third of the total seats on the Petrograd Soviet, they would not admit a single representative of our party to the Presidential Bureau. After the Petrograd Soviet had passed a resolution in favour of a purely Soviet Government by a somewhat precarious majority, our group demanded the constitution of a Coalition Presidency on the basis of proportional representation. The old Bureau, which included Tchkheidze, Tsereteli, Kerensky, Skobeleff, and Tchernoff, would not hear of this. It is worth while remembering this just now, when the other parties talk of the need of a “united democratic front” and accuse us of exclusiveness. A special meeting of the Petrograd Soviet was called to decide the constitution of the Bureau. Both sides mobilized all their forces and reserves for this struggle. Tsereteli came out with a programmatic speech and argued that the question of the Presidential Bureau was really a question of policy. We thought we should get a little less than half of the votes, and were prepared to consider this as a success. To our own great surprise the voting by roll-call showed more than a hundred majority in our favour. “During six months,” said Tsereteli, “we stood at the head of the Petrograd Soviet and led it from victory to victory. We hope that you will at least remain half that time at the posts you are about to take up.” A similar change of the directing parties took place in the Moscow Soviet. The provincial Soviets, too, passed one after the other into the hands of the Bolsheviks. The time was getting near for the summoning of an All-Russian Congress of Soviets. But the leading group of the Central Executive Committee was trying all it could to put the Congress off to the dim and distant future, in the hope of making it altogether impossible. It was evident that the new Congress would give our party a majority, would elect a new Central Executive Committee corresponding to the new orientation of the parties, and would rob the Coalitionists of their most important stronghold. The struggle for the calling together of the All-Russian Congress of the Soviets thus became a matter of the greatest importance to us.
As against this, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries made a proposal for the calling together of a Democratic Conference. This body, they thought, they would be able to play off both against us and against Kerensky.
The head of the Government had by this time taken up quite an independent and irresponsible position. He had been raised to power in the first period of the Revolution by the Petrograd Soviet. Kerensky had entered the Ministry in the first instance without any provisional decision of the Soviet, but the latter subsequently approved of the step. After the first Congress of the Soviets the Socialist Ministers were considered to be responsible to the Central Executive Committee. Their Cadet allies were only answerable to their own party. After the July days the Central Executive Committee, meeting the wishes of the bourgeoisie, freed the Socialist Ministers from their responsibility to the Soviets, for the purpose, as it was alleged at the time, of creating a revolutionary dictatorship. This also is worth while remembering just now, when the very same people who were concocting the dictatorship of a small circle are now hurling charges and slanders against the dictatorship of a class.
The Moscow State Conference, at which the artificially selected propertied and democratic representatives balanced one another, had had for its chief aim the consolidation of Kerensky’s power over the classes and parties. This aim had only been attained in appearance. In reality the Moscow Conference only revealed Kerensky’s complete impotence, for he was almost equally a stranger to the propertied elements and to the lower middle-class democracy. But as the Liberals and the Conservatives applauded his tirades against the democracy, while the Coalitionists gave him a great ovation when he very guardedly disowned the counter-revolutionaries, he gained the impression that he was supported by both sides and disposed of unlimited authority. He threatened the workers and the revolutionary soldiers with blood and iron. His policy went still further along the road of conspiracies with Korniloff, which compromised him in the eyes of the Coalitionists. Tsereteli, in his characteristically vague diplomatic phrases, spoke of “personal” factors in politics and the necessity of circumscribing them. It was this task that the Democratic Conference had to discharge, composed as it was of representatives of the Soviets, Municipal Councils, Zemstvos, trade unions and co-operative societies – all selected in an arbitrary manner. The chief problem, however, was to provide for a sufficiently Conservative complexion of the Conference, to dissolve the Soviets once for all in the amorphous mass of democracy, and to consolidate their own power by means of this new organization against the tide of Bolshevism.
It will not be out of place here to note in a few words the difference between the political role of the Soviets and the democratic organs of self-government. Philistines have more than once pointed out to us that the new Municipal Councils and Zemstvos elected by universal suffrage are incomparably more democratic than the Soviets, and possess a more valid right to represent the whole population. This formal democratic criterion, however, has no real meaning in revolutionary times. Revolution is distinguished by this: that, the, consciousness of the masses undergoes rapid changes. New sections of the population constantly gain experience, revise their views of yesterday, work out new ones, reject old leaders, follow others, and press ever forward. In times of Revolution the (formally) democratic organizations, based on the ponderous mechanism of universal suffrage, inevitably lag behind the development of the political views of the masses. Not so the Soviets. They depend directly on organic groups, such as workshops, factories, mines, companies, regiments, etc. In these cases, of course, there are no such legal guarantees for the perfect accuracy of the elections as in those to Municipal Councils and Zemstvos, but there is the far more important guarantee of the direct and immediate contact of the deputy with his electors. The member of the Town Council or Zemstvo depends on an amorphous mass of electors who invest him with authority for one year, and then dissolve. The Soviet electors, on the other hand, remain in permanent contact with one another by the very conditions of their life and work; their deputy is always under their direct observation and may at any moment be given new instructions, and, if necessary, may be censured, recalled, and replaced by somebody else.
As the general political evolution of the preceding months of the Revolution had been marked by the growing influence of the Bolsheviks at the expense of the Coalitionist parties, it was quite natural that this process should have been reflected most clearly and fully on the Soviets the Town Councils and Zemstvos, in spite of all their formal democratic character, expressing not so much the sentiments of the masses today as those of yesterday. This explains the gravitation towards the Town Councils and Zemstvos on the part of those parties which have been losing ever more and more their footing in the revolutionary class. This question will again crop up, only on a larger scale, when we come to the Constituent Assembly.
History of the Russian Revolution to Brest-Litovsk Index