From The American Left History Archives-Let Us Solemnly Commemorate
OWS On September 17th Each Year- And Move On- Radical Writer Joshua
Lawrence Breslin Pulls The Hammer Down On The Occupy Movement
Markin comment:
“…The Occupy movement has now
declared unequivocally that it is a movement of generals without an army. And
likes it that way ”- from an article, Whither Occupy?”- by Joshua Lawrence
Breslin in the East Bay Other, December 22, 2011.
Note that Brother Breslin ( I
will explain that bond in a minute) did not say that the Occupy movement was an
army without generals. Josh’s
finely-tuned sense of which way a movement is heading and why picked that
nugget out long before this writer in early spring had to concede the point, a
sense he has developed, by the way, over forty years of writing for half the
unread ( just kidding , Josh), and in some cases unlamented , radical and
progressive journals and newspapers in
this country. Brother Breslin always had
shape antennae for the ebb and flow of social movements going back to the 1960s
when he saw the ebb of those high heaven movements fall apart around the 1969
“Days Of Rage” at a time when I did not see the ebb until the 1971 May Day
Tribe attempts in Washington, D.C. to shut the government down over the
ever-continuing Vietnam War. So Josh Breslin is somebody I listen to.
Back in December I, as usual,
dismissed his remarks as so much bad air as a result of having been burned by
some of his experiences on the West Coast (his base for many years, although he
resides now mostly near his old home town of Olde Saco up in Maine) and at the
Occupy Boston site at Dewey Square. I, in what now seems like a fit of hubris,
defended the movement as just about the best thing since sliced bread. Oh sure
I had my fair share of criticisms, criticisms from a socialist perspective
about the “no demands” demands and the like. However I saw most of the
stuff that I disliked as “growing pains” and particularly held out hope for the
General Assembly idea as the embryo of an alternative form of government in our
new world a-borning .
Josh, if he is honest, will admit
that he too shared some of my “generation of ‘68” hopes that this new
movement would be the place where we passed on the torch the next generation
(really the next next generation, there is a “missing generation (roughly the
Occupy kids’ parents). Now those hopes have dissolved in the spring air and
that son of a bitch proved right again.
Why have I spilled so much
cyberspace “ink” on the august opinions
of an old-time radical writer? Simply
put because I recently was approached by a “true believer,” a self-described
socialist ‘true believer” in the Occupy mission to answer some questions about
my take on what socialists contributed (or didn’t ) to the movement and other
questions along those lines. Naturally when such questions are raised I turn to
my old comrade Josh for his opinions, suggestions, etc. Josh and I have shared
many a picket line duty, many a lonely vigil, many a forlorn march for some
underpublicized cause, and many a rally for some aspect of the world’s ills so
our bonds of brotherhood run deep, even if we seldom agree on political
perspectives. I have placed his answers to that true believer’s questions
below. To finish up though let me quote his closing remark which has been
telegraphed in the headline to this piece. “Let’s solemnly commemorate
September 17th each year-and move on.” Pure Josh Breslin. But, damn
him, he’s right-again.
***********
[Markin: I have deleted questions that Josh, for his
own reasons, did not answer. My answers will form part of that true believer’s
essay so I have not included them here. ]
Socialists in the Occupy Movement (Massachusetts)
I'm trying to keep this Massachusetts specific, but
feel free to refer to national events when applicable.
Feel free to send this to other socialists who may be
interested in answering questions.
Feel free to skip any questions that are not
applicable by writing N/A.
Share links to relevant articles where appropriate.
1. Your name? Or if you prefer to use a pen-name for
this interview, please write it down.
Joshua Lawrence Breslin (my by-line name but just
Josh in mixed company, mixed being
political and non-political)
2. What socialist organization are you a part of? Or
if you are an independent socialist, do you have some other affiliation
(journal, union, etc.)?
Independent Socialist-East Bay Other , Real Paper, The
Barb, Boston Phoenix, Rolling Stone, Green Weekly, and too many other papers
and journals to mention
3. How would you describe yourself ideologically?
Traced from youth- Catholic Worker etched-liberalism
(same as Markin except that his was Irish mine Gallic-derived) , Cold War
social democracy, communist fellow traveler radical –League Of California Radicals, now for many years, an
independent radical
4. When did either you or your organization get
involved in the Occupy Movement (specifically in Massachusetts)?
I attended the pre-encampment meetings before
September 30th, had a writing assignment at Occupy Oakland for most of October and early November, came back and
worked at Dewey Square from then on.
5. Did you or anyone from organization camp out in an
Occupy encampment?
Are you serious? No. Old men do not “camp out” on the
highway. And young people shouldn’t either.
8. How would you characterize Occupy's
relation/reception to socialists ideas? Good? Bad? Indifferent? –
Indifferent but a studied indifference to any ideas
beyond the mush of “ideas” that held the camp together. I once commented that
for a political movement that then held the public center of attention there
was less political discussion at Occupy than I had run into off-handedly in
various pre-Occupy rallies and marches in which I had participated. That
observation has only gotten stronger as the movement has fallen apart.
11. Were you a part of any Occupy working groups?
Which ones and your assessment?
Socialist Caucus-short-lived, not well-attended and
mainly a “mail-drop” and endorsement vehicle for other actions, including those
which I supported and sought endorsements for. The caucus I believe pretty
accurately reflected the weaknesses of the non-academic socialist movement in
Boston (and probably more generally the radical milieu) as far as numbers go,
desire for an all-inclusive socialist organization where groups and individuals
could fight out their politics while doing the necessary united front work that
has to drive the movement in this period, and general post-Soviet demise
indifferent and/or hostility to socialism beyond the endlessly prattled passive
poll figure that the younger generations now have a more positive attitude
toward socialist ideas and do not want
to shoot every socialist on sight.
Action for Peace-mainly the same observations as for
the Socialist Caucus except that it really was kind of redundant to Veterans
for Peace and UNAC organizational efforts reflecting the composition of the
members of the group. Most successful action was as part of the February Hands
Off Iran rally but that event, a real united front rather than Occupy event,
demonstrates the redundant nature of the group. As a general observation about
the working groups I would note that pre-Occupy organizations, for a time,
found it worthwhile, and rightly so, I think, to work under the Occupy
umbrella. Of late I note that most groups now work under their previous
individual organizational forms and not under the Occupy umbrella.
General Strike OB- planning for May Day 2012. The best
group I worked with, again too small for the task, the general strike task that
originally animated its formation. Made up of a core of anarchists who were
very hard-working but who also (as I did) kept some distance from OB GA (except
for dough). To the extent that it might help you I have placed my May 2012
reflections here.
**********
I have noted on several
previous occasions that due to the
recent absence of serious left-wing political struggle (prior to the events at
Occupy Boston in Dewey Square from October to December 2011anyway) that our tasks
for May Day 2012 in Boston centered on reviving the international working class
tradition beyond the limited observance by revolutionaries, radicals and, in
recent years, immigrants. This effort would thus not be a one event, one year
but require a number of years and that this year’s efforts was just a start. We
have made that start.
The important thing this year
was to bring Boston in line with the international movement, to have leftist
militants and others see our struggles here as part of an international
struggle even if our actions were, for now, more symbolic and educational than
powerful blows at the imperial system. I believe, despite the bad weather and
consequently smaller than anticipated numbers on May Day 2012, we achieved that
aim. Through months of hard outreach, especially over the past several weeks as
the day approached, we put out much propaganda and information about the events
through the various media with which we have access. The message of this May
Day, a day without the 99%, got a full hearing by people from the unions,
immigrant communities, student milieu and other sectors like the women’s
movement and GLBQT community. The
connections and contacts made are valuable for our further efforts.
Some participants that spoke to me on May Day (and
others who had expressed the same concerns on earlier occasions) believed that
we had “bitten off more than we could chew,” by having an all-day series of
events. While I am certainly open to
hear criticism on the start time of the day’s events (7:00AM does stretch the
imagination for night-owlish militants) the idea of several events starting
with that early Financial District Block Party and continuing on with the 11:00
AM Anti-Capitalist March which fed into the noontime rally at Boston City Hall
Plaza and then switching over to the
immigrant community marches and rally capped off that evening by the sober,
solemn and visually impression “Death Of Capitalism” funeral procession still
seems right to me. Given our task –introducing (really re-introducing) May Day
to a wider Boston audience we needed to provide a number of times and events
where people could, consciously, contribute to the day’s celebration. Maybe
some year our side will be able to call for a one event May Day mass rally (or
better a general strike) but that is music for the future.
Needless to say, as occurs
almost any time you have many events and a certain need to have them
coordinated, there were some problems from technical stuff like mic set-ups to
someone forgetting something important, or not showing at the right time, etc. Growing
pains. Nevertheless all the scheduled events happened, we had minimum hassles
from the police, and a couple of events really stick out as exemplars for
future May Days. The Anti-Capitalist March from Copley Square, mainly in a
downpour, led by many young militants and which fed into the noontime City Hall
rally was spirited and gave me hope that someday (someday soon, I hope) we are
going to bring this imperial monster down. The already mentioned funeral
procession was an extremely creative (and oft-forgotten by us) alternative way
to get our message across outside the “normal” ham-handed, jack-booted
political screed.
Finally, a word or two on
organization. The Occupy-May Day Coalition personnel base was too small, way
too small even for our limited goals. We need outreach early (early next year)
to get enough organizer-type people on board to push forward. More broadly on
outreach I believe, and partially this was a function of being too small an
organizing center, we spent too much time “preaching to the choir”-going to
events, talking to people already politically convinced , talking among
ourselves rather than get out into the broader political milieu. For next year
(which will not be an election year) we really need union and community people
(especially people of color) to “smooth” the way for us. We never got that one
(although we want more than one ultimately) respected middle-level still
militant union official or community organizer that people, working people,
listen to and who would listen to us with his or her nod. Radical or bourgeois
politics, down at the base, you still need the people that the people listen
to. Forward to May Day 2013.
12. Did you or your organization bring any proposals
to a General Assembly? How were those proposals received?
As noted the General Strike proposals, in line with
the national and international thrust for May Day were well-received, including
for money. I would note that during the post-encampment period GA served as
more of a “mail drop” and endorsement vehicle similar to the working groups I
was involved with. If couched in the right language and sufficiently genetic
(read; noncontroversial) most proposals that I was associated with passed with
a minimum of friction. The main point though is to trace the political demise
of GA from an October “people’s voice” operation to a “rump” in the post
encampment period. Its writ did not run very far (and maybe never did except in
the political winds). That was highlighted by May Day where the central Occupy
struggle event (the Financial District Block Party) fizzled, fizzled badly. As
I said back in December “we are generals without an army.” People, including
political genius Markin, thought I was crazy when I first said that, but as
usual, my political antennae were very sharp.
13. What do you
or your organization perceive as the weaknesses of Occupy? Please elaborate.
See most of above. I will just outline here as a
summary. Too attached to the camp idea beyond its usefulness. Too caught up in camp
details once it became a “homeless shelter” toward the end of October. A studied lack of serious political
discussion beyond platitudes. No demands which ordinary people could organize
around and fight for. And desperately need to fight for too. Too wedded to the almost politically
infantile ideas that formed the movement (mic check, endless GA prattle,
absolute consensus, non-representative assemblies, moral blocks). Too many
marches and rallies without purpose other than to proclaim 99%-dom. Too wedded
to a purely social media concept of revolution in the U.S. and not taking into
consideration the differences between here and let’s say, in Egypt. No links,
other than formal and those tenuous, to organized labor, blacks, Latinos,
working women, non-radicalized students, ordinary working people, hard-pressed
suburban home-owners, etc. Unwillingness, incapacity, or even awareness of
political timing of the need to shift perspective as the movement fell apart in
winter and spring. Too wedded to the “leaderless” leader concept. In short all
the problems that one should have expected of a movement that “had” it for a
political minute last fall and essentially squandered it. That is a hard thing
to swallow for me. Harder still it is not something that can really be
addressed (at least for Boston) at this late date.
14. Any campaigns that you/organization have been
involved in? (ex. Occupy the T). In what way?
See above.
15. Where do you see the Occupy movement going from
here?
As I said above -… “we are generals without an army.”
From all appearances of late that looks like the situation for the future as
well. I would note that from the declining number of active working groups,
smaller size of those groups, and the rather cult-like actions of the remnant
of OB GA it is not good. We should have a solemn commemoration for the OWS
movement every September 17th- and move on.
