Once more, capitalism displayed itself as the greatest barrier in the road of
human evolution. And again, the ‘democratic’ capitalists were trapped between
the menace (to them) of proletarian revolution and fascism; both ways led to
civil war.
At every ebb and flow of this six years strife, from the Asturian rebellion
(1934) to the Popular Front electoral triumph (February 1936) and the July
attack of the Fascist generals, the struggle disclosed the fundamental
international pattern of imperialism interwoven with the civil war of classes in
Spain.
The July Outbreak
By July 1936 all objective factors were ripe for proletarian
revolution. All the subjective requirements for working class success were
present except one – the absolutely necessary party of revolutionary Marxism.
Without the capable class leadership of a party that could interpret the events
preceding July and guide the militant masses, the proletariat of Spain lost
precious ground and time. The workers being vanguardless, the forces of reaction
took the offensive, not against the puny ‘republican’ boss class, but against
the danger of labor’s revolt, which the Popular Front regime had not the
strength to restrain and destroy.
The Fascist assault in July was an offensive to prevent the inevitable
proletarian revolution.
Instead of pursuing an independent class policy, which would convert the poor
middle class into an ally, the ‘leaders’ of the proletariat strove to
subordinate the workers to the exploiters by means of the Popular Front, with a
policy of class peace. The masses defended themselves against the Fascists;
despite the cowardice and sabotage of the Popular Front and the petty capitalist
shopkeepers and farmers, a vigorous counter-offensive was launched against
Franco and Mola. In more than three-quarters of Spain the Capitalist-
Monarchist-Fascist reaction, representing a part of the bourgeoisie and
landowners (including the Catholic Church), were trounced.
Alongside the boss class regime appeared the embryonic government of the
working class; the seeds of proletarian councils (soviets, juntas) were the
Anti-Fascist Militia Committees of Catalonian labor; similar crude organs of the
revolutionary class were created in other sections of Spain, forecasting the
workers’ state, the dictatorship of labor.
The Dissolution of Dual Power
In this critical time, when power was almost in the grasp of the
proletariat, when the Popular Front government was tottering, the masses found
themselves headless, without a revolutionary Marxian party. No labor
organization was willing to break free from capitalism by declaring for the
establishment of a proletarian army, a federation of factory and farm councils,
and the dictatorship of the proletariat in alliance with the poor peasantry. The
finance capitalists of France and England rushed to the assistance of the
desperate Azaña regime (the prime ministers Casares Quiroga, Giral, and then
Caballero could not deal with the crisis). Italy and Germany, anxious to expand
their imperialist influence in the Mediterranean, backed Franco with money, men,
machinery, defying the Franco-British empires. To the shame of Soviet Russia,
the Stalinist administration placed itself at the service of the French and
British warlords, parading under the white flag of ‘neutrality’, cutting off
from the Spanish workers revolutionary aid.
The Anglo-French bosses had a double axe to grind: first, to block a
proletarian revolution, second, to prevent the Italo-German alliance from
conquering strongholds in the Western Mediterranean. The parliamentary
bourgeoisie (Loyalists) was subservient to the Franco-British-Russian bloc; the
Socialist and Stalinist parties (through the Popular Front) followed the middle
class leadership and Russia; and the CNT and FAI [2] trailed behind the SP and CP and the POUM [3] became the tail of the CNT.
The Stalinists and Socialists seized the initiative to liquidate the crude
developing forms of dual power, thereby serving the exploiting class in Spain
proper. In Catalonia, where the class struggle reached a higher level than
elsewhere, where the Stalinist-Socialist party of organic unity (PSUC) [4] had no mass influence, the boss class allowed the
Syndicalists and the POUM to enter the government, the Generality. The grateful
traitors of these groups then took the lead in dissolving the embryonic soviets,
the Anti-Fascist Militia Committees.
Despite these defeats of the working class, capitalism turned out to be so
rotten, disorganized, weak (historically with both feet in its grave, waiting
for the workers to bury it entirely), that the heroic Spanish proletariat was
able to continue the class war in the maze of imperialist conflicts and partisan
struggles raging in Iberia.
Reaction in Front and Behind
With the dissolution of the budding organs of dual power, with the
absence of a revolutionary Marxian party, the boss class never let a day go by
without strengthening their supremacy over the downtrodden discontented
proletariat and peasantry. Franco, as the agent of the German-Italian bankers,
used one method to achieve this. The Valencia and Barcelona governments, as
agents of the Anglo-French bourgeoisie, used an entirely different strategy. For
fascism and parliamentarism are the right and left arms of one capitalist body.
The ‘democratic’ bossdom, through its eager lackeys, the Socialists and
Stalinists, took daily steps to suppress systematically the working class and
the militant organizations of labor, the CNT-FAI and the POUM, with their
indomitable rank and file.
By April 1937 these measures against the workers created alarm and turmoil
that culminated in a series of armed clashes between the forces of the
reactionary Popular Front, the Civil and Assault Guards, and the PSUC, on one
side, and the fighting workers led by the CNT-FAI and POUM. These last
organizations failed to explain the fundamental questions of the revolution to
the masses; they failed to prepare them for the coming conflict with the bosses’
regimes of Valencia and Barcelona. Worse yet, they brazenly denied the necessity
for the violent overthrow of parliamentary capitalism, the Popular Front. They
boasted about the triumphs of the workers’ brigades and patrols, the concessions
granted to the poor by the crafty capitalist state; they chattered that it was
only a matter of consolidating these gains and defeating the reformists, then
all would be well. There was no serious thorough analysis of the problems of
social revolution; no scientific guidance of our class. In brief they failed to
tell the toilers of Spain the following facts:
- That the Valencia and Barcelona governments were bourgeois governments,
counter-revolutionary governments;
- That these regimes were under the domination of the French and English
imperialists;
- That Soviet Russia and the Third International were agents of the
Anglo-French bosses, lackeys of the League of Nations, with their servile
Franco-Soviet Pact and Non-Intervention agreements;
- That the entrance of the CNT-FAI and the POUM into the Catalan capitalist
government, and the consequent liquidation of the developing dual power was a
criminal betrayal of the working class;
- That the independent class action of the proletariat is possible only
through the political and organizational freedom and self-action of a
revolutionary Marxian organization, standing for the creation of a Fourth
(Communist) International;
- That the capitalist state will never disappear by itself, but must be
smashed by armed insurrection aiming at the founding of the workers’
dictatorship;
- That toward this end the proletariat must build Workers’, Peasants’,
Combatants’ Councils (soviets, juntas), as organs of dual power before the
revolution and as the bodies of state power afterward, with an army of their
own, a Red Army.
These are some of the basic lessons ignored by the above named
organizations; their other errors are countless. These are the burning questions
of the day, requiring daily detailed explanation to the class, through concrete
examples from the history of class wars in other countries and in
Spain.
The Treason of May Day
There was no celebration of the world holiday of labor on the First
of May 1937 in Barcelona. The CNT, the UGT
[5],the PSUC, the POUM, each informed the working class that
demonstrations were all called off, and urged that work in the shops should
continue – because of war necessity. They flaunted the slogan: War at the front;
work in the rear. In the name of military need, of social order, the
revolutionary workers of the city were prevented from assembling in the streets
in solidarity with the wage-slaves of the world on the day of international
protest against the system and the class which oppress them.
The canceling of the united front demonstration of the CNT and UGT, and the
total failure of the POUM to prepare its own mass meetings, cannot be understood
by taking their official statements at their word. Their May Day proclamations
are only shallow excuses. The bosses’ governments of Valencia and Barcelona have
suffered crisis after crisis since the July days, because of the terrible
contradiction between the proletarian control over certain economic and military
aspects of the nation and the bourgeois control over the state. The solution of
this paradox can only be the violent overthrow of the capitalist state, which
would advance humanity. A temporary way out for the bosses is the overcoming and
disarming of the proletariat, possible through the surrender and treason of the
workers’ leaders, weakening their resistance to counter-revolution. The last
road, the road of reaction, leading to black barbarism, the boss class of Spain
clearly took in May. No stumbling-blocks were placed on their path by the chiefs
of labor, of the PSUC naturally, and the CNT and POUM. Since the breaking up of
the Anti-Fascist Committees, the Spanish bourgeoisie has accelerated its speed
down the reactionary road.
The 14 April strike and demonstration of the CNT against the Civil Guard for
the murder of one of their comrades, and against the sixth anniversary of the
capitalist republic, was followed up a week later with a Stalinist funeral and
demonstration for one of their bureaucrats who had been mysteriously murdered.
The Stalinist affair was the spearhead of a bourgeois demonstration; it was
bigger than the CNT gathering and gave the bosses fresh courage. The next day, a
prominent figure of the CNT was killed ...
Armed conflicts broke out between Civil and Assault Guards, the capitalist
cops supported by the Esquerra [6], and PSUC, on
one side and the Workers’ Patrols of the CNT and POUM on the other. Such clashes
of the classes occurred throughout April. May Day seemed pregnant with menace
for the exploiters.
In the Cerdagne region on the French border the Civil Guards tried to oust
the CNT from Customs control, but the Anarchist fighters managed to beat the
police and lock them up. The Generality sent agents who arranged a rotten
compromise, whereby the first check on Customs of the CNT would be
double-checked by the Civil Guard. This treaty of peace resulted in a second
battle within 24 hours. The soldiers despatched by the Generality to the spot
were thrown in jail with the Guards. Skirmishes between the master-class and
labor were fought fiercely in some suburbs of Barcelona. Barricades were thrown
up by the Workers’ Patrols. Just before May Day these towns were in the firm
hands of the workers. Fora brief period the Anarchists claimed fulfillment of
their dream, ‘libertarian communism’. Only workers with CNT-FAI and POUM cards
were allowed in their streets.
At last the Civil Guard struck out in earnest. Over 300 workers were disarmed
in Barcelona in a single week. Afoot and in autos the police attacked workers in
homes and inns. The government issued a rattling warning on 29 April:
In the face of the abnormal situation of Public Order, the
Generality Council cannot continue its work under the pressure, danger, and
disorder caused by the existence in several parts of Catalonia of groups that
attempt to impose themselves by coercion, imperiling the revolution and the war.
The government therefore suspends its meetings and hopes those groups not
directly dependent on the Generality Council will withdraw instantly from the
streets so as to make possible the rapid elimination of the unrest and alarm
that Catalonia is now enduring.
The council added that they had ‘taken all necessary measures for
the purpose of assuring strict compliance with its decisions’.
The CNT-FAI and POUM papers said nothing about the armed struggles shaking
Catalonia. Like the Generality they made only vague hints about unrest and
alarm. The ‘leaders’ of labor capitulated in silence to the law and order of the
Generality, too cowardly to explain the struggles to the class and urge
solidarity in action with their fighting followers. No party exists in Spain to
give these small skirmishes a united centralized strategy, to coordinate them by
means of revolutionary Marxism into a powerful upsurge of the class to wipe out
the capitalist state.
The CNT evening organ, La Noche, 30 April, carried the
Generality announcement quoted above. On its front page was this patriotic
appeal: ‘All arms, which are in excess in Catalonia and on the border, are
needed at the front.’ The Anarchists supported the suspension of Generality
meetings. When the civil war of classes was developing at home they called for
the handing over of arms to the Aragon front!
Instead of dissolving the Council in this crisis, as was the case in all
previous Generality predicaments, the bossdom simply suspended its meetings.
Thus it established its dictatorship stronger than ever, for the powers of the
Council passed to the President, its obedient servant. The capitalist state,
freed of parliamentary red tape, functioned more freely, swiftly, ruthlessly,
fulfilling the demands of the Anglo-French imperialists and their Stalinist
lackeys. Without losing time, the government dissolved the People’s Tribunals,
the democratic courts, which Andres Nin of the POUM so fondly spoke of as one of
the means by which Spain would travel on to socialism. The excuse given by the
Generality for abolishing the Tribunals was – the need for greater
centralization.
The Popular Front of reaction next prohibited May Day demonstrations in
Barcelona, denying the workers the democratic right of assembly. The CNT-FAI and
POUM officials humbly submitted to the capitalist command, while the
Republicans, Socialists and Stalinists were blowing bugles for the celebration
of the sixth anniversary of the bourgeois republic.
The foremost lesson of the Barcelona May Day was without doubt this: the
Anarchists and mock-Marxists, the CNT and POUM, were completely unreliable as
vanguards of revolutionary labor; in order to resist the counter-revolutionary
boss class and restore the lost gains of the proletariat a new party was needed,
a party intelligent, armed with Marxian science, courageous, determined to
battle to the end for the conquest of power.
The Fatal Third of May
The bloody struggles in Catalonia during the April period up to May
Day, between the forces of the republican bourgeoisie and the militant
proletariat, came to a head with the insurrection in Barcelona that started on 3
May. As in the July days, the working class paid the penalty for lacking a
vanguard, a party equal to the needs of the time, with a policy of proletarian
offensive against reaction. The Generality took the initiative and followed up a
series of schemed measures against the workers with an armed attempt to capture
the Telephone Building and kick out the CNT-UGT Central Committee in possession
[7]. The Assault Guards occupied the Plaza
Catalonia, where the building was located, and proceeded to carry out their
orders. The workers refused to budge and barricaded themselves in the upper part
of the structure. The government guards took over the ground floor and had the
place surrounded.
This move of the Generality precipitated events that occurred with great
speed. At 3.30 p.m. the attempt to take the Telephone Building was made; at 4.30
the first shot was fired in this advance skirmish of the May battles. By 5
o’clock the Anarchist youth headquarters a few blocks below the besieged
building was an outpost of armed workers who flocked into the streets to assist
their comrades in distress. At 5.15 these workers disarmed two Assault Guards
passing by the territory, ignorant of what was going on. In less than one hour
the working class were constructing barricades in all corners of its
neighborhoods in front of its union offices and political quarters. As fast as
the workers came home from the shops, they poured into the highways and took up
arms to defend their class against the Generality.
The Ramblas, avenues which in the evening are usually thronged, were
deserted. The first clashes between the workers and the government occurred.
Among the most active barricade-fighters were left Anarchists, the Friends of
Durruti.
At 7 p.m. in the Plaza Lesseps in the Gracia district, workers patrols were
depriving Civil and other Generality guards of their arms as they traversed the
area. While the heroic workers were gathering their guns, building their
barricades, battling against the boss class and its Socialist-Stalinist
gangsters, the Regional Committee of the CNT was ’phoning all unions and
offices, pleading with the workers to abandon the streets, to throw down their
weapons. The acid test of class war showed how worthless were these
‘leaders’.
On the evening radio programme President Luis Companys spoke. Not about the
barricades that bristled all over the embattled city. Not about the bullets
flying on almost every street. But about the Popular Front successes on the
distant Aragon Front! The politician who spoke next informed the world that all
was well in Barcelona, and quiet. When this statesman was talking of the
tranquility of the city, a shot rang over the radio, and let the international
listeners know that all was not well in Barcelona. This was the answer of the
workers to the counter-revolution, to the Stalinists on the other side of the
barricades, to the pleading of the CNT officialdom for peace.
All night long, while the lights of the metropolis were out, in the narrow
dark streets, the two opposing forces of the boss class and the working class,
searched everybody who passed for arms and documents. In the proletarian
districts, past the barricades, only those with CNT-FAI and POUM passcards were
allowed to move freely. In the capitalist camp only Esquerra, PSUC, and such
groups’ passes were recognized. When workers fell into enemy hands, their cards
were torn up, they were told to go home, or kept as prisoners.
May the Fourth
When the sun rose the following Tuesday morning, and it was light
enough to see who was being shot at, Barcelona was a battleground with the
Generality fighting for its life and the workers fighting for power. Only two
papers appeared that morning, the CNT Solilaridad Obrera and
the POUM La Batalla. The Regional Committee of the CNT had as
their main headline, ‘The Counter-Revolution and the CNI’, and under it spoke of
the insurrection as an ‘affair’ of yesterday, now over. They begged the workers
to stay calm, and carried the news of two people being injured in the unpleasant
affair. The POUM writers approved the struggle, called for ‘The Revolutionary
Workers Front’, and for ‘Committees of Defence of the Revolution’. An editorial
urged ‘the permanent mobilization of the laboring class’. The POUM Executive and
POUM Youth presented the following demands as solutions for the crisis:
- Resignation of Rodriguez Salas (Stalinist), Commissioner of Public Order,
directly responsible for the provocations of 3 May.
- Nullification of the Generality Decree dissolving the Workers’ Patrols of
the CNT, POUM, etc.
- Public order to be in the hands of the working class.
- Revolutionary Workers Front of organizations standing for the triumph over
fascism at the front and the victory (?) in the rear.
- Creation of Committees of Defense of the Revolution.
The Regional Committee of the CNT by their Monday phone calls, by
the 4 May issue of their organ, revealed their true, traitor colors. The POUM
Executive, although standing to the left of the CNT officialdom, exposed their
bankruptcy. The armed uprising was headless, leaderless ... and they
magnanimously endorsed it. As for their ‘solution’ it is entirely adaptable to
the framework of the capitalist state, of the Generality. Instead of pointing
the way to the victory over capitalism, the POUM perpetrated a crime against the
revolutionary proletariat of Barcelona.
Whereas the Regional Committee of the CNT, with its representatives holding
seats in the Generality, tried to frustrate the forward movement of the class,
the local FAI committees of Barcelona opposed their instructions and called on
the barricade defenders to carry on the fight. The Generality, the PSUC
counter-revolutionists, the CNT bureaucrats became terrified. A new provisional
government was formed and proclaimed, to no avail. It was the same old rotten
government of the boss class, with one more shift to the right and reaction, a
few different individuals representing the same organizations: an Esquerra
member, a Peasant Society delegate (dominated by the Esquerra), one UGT and one
CNT man. Antonio Sese, General Secretary of the UGT, and influential Stalinist,
was killed before he could sit at the first session of the new government;
another counter-revolutionary took his place.
All day long the firing from the two camps continued. The Government Palace
of the Generality witnessed the most important, the intensest battle. On three
sides the rebellious workers surrounded it: but at night it was still in
Generality possession. At the Hotel Colon, on the northwest side of the Plaza
Catalonia, the Stalinists (many of whom had returned from the front to become
policemen) were unable to protect themselves against the workers’ deadly fire. A
large number of Assault Guards arrived to reinforce their weakening ranks. At 6
o’clock the rattle of rifles, pistols, and machine-guns was dulled by 13
thundering reports from a small cannon the proletarians had captured, after
blasting their way into a Civil Guard barracks.
On Tuesday the workers endeavored to organize a Central Committee, a
revolutionary junta of the barricades, but it failed to materialize. The
organizations concerned not only did not take initiative to form such a council;
they were sternly against it. The Left militants of the CNT-FAI and the POUM did
everything possible to carry their great idea out, but in vain.
After the CNT Regional Committee committed the above-described acts of
treason to the workers, Nin and Selana, of the POUM and its youth league, went
to the CNT traitors and asked for a ‘revolutionary united front’, presumably to
seize power – within the framework of the capitalist state, of course. Naturally
the CNT chiefs declined. Having done their ‘duty’, the POUM spokesman retired!
When the proletariat was on the barricades, and the treachery of its Anarchist
leaders was apparent even to the blind, these ‘Marxist’ leaders appealed for
united action with the wreckers of the class struggle! And united action for
winning the capitalist government, not for breaking it to pieces, and building
on the ruins the iron dictatorship of labor in alliance with the poor
peasants!!
With darkness most of the shooting stopped, though infrequent sniping went on
through the night. The radio conveyed to the people the chorus of Generality
‘hot-air artists’ and even CNT voices, informing Barcelona that the day’s
‘affair’ was over, and that all peaceful people should leave the streets and go
home.
May the Fifth
Wednesday morning the Solidaridad Obrera (CNT)
presented an editorial promising the workers – ‘Serenity, Concord and Unity of
Action.’ The text pleaded with everybody to be calm: ‘This is the hour to
foresee and prevent such a situation as has just passed.’ The printing shop of
La Batalla (POUM) had been confiscated by the government, so
the party only issued this day 500 copies of a little leaflet.
The third day of street fighting found the insurgent workers still without
the leadership for relentless struggle and triumph. It found the workers deeply
demoralized by the CNT cowardice and servility to the Generality. The streets
were full of barricades, but many of them had been deserted. Only key points of
the city were still barricades and manned by small crews of armed heroes.
Durruti Street where the Regional Committee had a huge headquarters, a well
fortified building, was the center of demoralization. In the proletarian region
directly off Durruti Street the barricades were not only abandoned, they were
torn down; their stones scattered over the street. In the outskirts of the city
the workers scarcely felt the spirit of gloom that pervaded Barcelona; they
still held their ‘forts’.; in the suburbs the solidarity and revolutionary
passion of the workers was on the ascendant.
The forces of the bosses knew how to use knew how to use the breathing spells
they got. While the CNT leaders confused and broke the morale of the masses,
while the pseudo-Marxist POUM trailed behind the headless movement, the
Generality, with its PSUC-UGT lackeys, consolidated their counter-revolutionary
gains. The Stalinists were running the transport services which the Anarchists
had abandoned. Police brutality roused the anger of workers, and again the
barricades were manned, and bullets were spattering. With renewed energy, with
fury, the proletariat attacked the class enemy. The Stalinists were the
spearheads of the boss class, attacking the workers with red arm-bands,
pretending to represent the poor who wanted law and order. The tradition and
glory of the great October Revolution was used to crush revolutionary Spanish
labor. The impression spread that the street battles were struggles within the
working class, between contending proletarian organizations – not a war of
antagonistic classes. The Government stepped forward as the power above the
‘squabble’, the peacemaker, and sowed dark confusion among the people, blinding
open eyes to the true issue as stake – the question: which was to overcome the
other and rule the nation: the bourgeoisie, which had committed so many crimes
against the workers and peasants since July 1936, or the proletariat in alliance
with the peasantry?
Fort Montjuich, overlooking the port of Barcelona, was in the hands of the
workers. Its cannons were trained on the Generality building, were only waiting
for the Marxian word to blow the citadel of counterrevolution sky-high. The
Spanish Navy was neutral, even tending to sympathize with the revolution. Many
sailors fraternized with the workers behind the barricades, and announced their
confidence that the Navy could be used for any purpose the workers desired. The
word of Marxism was wanting to ask them to assist in the struggle for power. The
armed guardians of the Post Office were also neutral; a militant vanguard, with
a clear concrete program of revolt could have made the Navy, at least the
rank-and-file seamen, staunch allies.
Among others the Civil Guard barracks on Travesara Street surrendered to the
proletariat, and the Guards of Hostafranche district. The first was deprived of
weapons by the workers; the second they forgot to disarm. Revolutionary Marxism
would not have forgotten.
From the Aragon front came a section of the Durruti Column and 500 soldiers
from POUM divisions. They united forces hard by Lerido and were about to march
on Barcelona, fully equipped with machine guns, light artillery, tanks and so
forth. They were met at Lerido and turned back, persuaded (with the papers for
‘proof) that the ‘affair’ in Barcelona was all over. Their leaders corroborated
this lie of the government. At the same time, Republican officers threatened the
workers’ troops that if they marched on the city, the Government would rally
soldiers from Valencia. The Durruti and POUM brigades departed, and the Valencia
Government (headed by the Socialist Caballero) dispatched troops by land and sea
to the embattled city.
The Friends of Durruti, the Left Anarchists, issued their first leaflet to
the working people, to the fighters on the barricades. It was joyously greeted.
The possessors of membership cards in the Friends of Durruti were honored highly
by all barricade defenders. The leaflet was a clarion:
Disarm all the Bourgeois Forces. Socialisation of Economy.
Dissolution of the political parties opposed to the working class. We will not
surrender the streets. The Revolution before everything. We greet our comrades
of the POUM who have fraternized with us in the streets. For the Social
Revolution. Down with the Counterrevolution.
On Wednesday a second effort was made, with the backing of the
Friends of Durruti, to establish a revolutionary junta. It failed. The City
Committee of the FAI coordinated its defense committees but did not measure up
to the vital needs of the time; they would not act for an organized offensive
against the Generality. In the afternoon the Durruti group sent a delegation to
the POUM, inviting participation in the forming of the revolutionary junta.
Nothing materialized from the ensuing discussion; each blamed the other for the
failure.
At nine o’clock the radio announced that the Central Government of Valencia
would take charge of public order in Barcelona. The Minister of Justice in
Valencia, an eminent member of the CNT, spoke. He deplored the continuation of
the tragic ‘affair’, and said that the dead Assault Guards of Barcelona, those
police executioners of the revolutionary workers, were ... ‘our brothers’. That
night the CNT gave orders to its supporters to return to wage-slavery.
May the Sixth
Little sleep was had these critical nights by the vanguard workers.
Small barricade crews kept awake, while others rested nearby, ready to rise at
call. The workers, knowing their leaders better every day, expected the CNT and
POUM morning papers would be against them. La Noche (CNT) had
pointed out on the 5th what might be anticipated if the workers persisted on the
6th. Its main headline screamed: ‘Cease firing!’, and in an upper corner it
howled: ‘We have one common enemy: fascism. To facilitate its victory is
monstrous. All arms to the front.’ Yes – it is certainly monstrous to facilitate
the triumph of fascism. The proletariat of Spain is learning daily that the
democratic bourgeoisie cannot only not defeat fascism, but fear the
revolutionary proletariat infinitely more than they fear the fascists. The
governments of Valencia and Barcelona pave the way for fascism with every
measure aimed at labor. The April struggles and the May uprising were beacons
for the workers, lighting the way to the certain destruction of fascism – the
road to the proletarian dictatorship.
Solidaridad Obrera (CNT) this morning announced, ‘The CNT
and the UGT have both commanded return to work’. The same issue refused all
responsibility for the leaflet of the Friends of Durruti. La
Batalla (POUM) appeared and echoed the Anarcho-Syndicalist croaking:
‘Now that the counterrevolutionary provocations have been smashed, it is
necessary to withdraw from the struggle. Workers, return to labor.’ On the back
page the POUM editors boasted, ‘For three days the streets have belonged to the
workers’. An editorial gloated: ‘In the face of the vigorous proletarian
response, in the face of the energetic counter-offensive of the toiling masses,
the armed forces were rapidly demoralized and almost generally gave up the
streets to the laborers’. Instead of severe analysis of the struggle, Marxist
self-criticism, the POUM penmen strutted like peacocks. When the POUM workers on
the barricades beside the Hotel Falcon saw this sheet, they raged and refused to
leave their posts. They denounced their leaders as betrayers. The Thursday issue
of Soli, as the CNT paper was called, was burnt like previous
issues on many barricades. Nevertheless these organs exerted a grave influence
on the majority of the fighting workers, baffling, breaking the discipline and
courage of the uprisen proletariat.
The Generality forces extended their spheres of power. Workers who ventured
inside their bounds were arrested, disarmed. Methodically, the bosses were
getting the situation well in hand. At 11 in the morning the Police, with some
Stalinists, raided the La Batalla office which had been
surrounded but resisted the enemy behind barricaded doors and windows. The cops
knocked on the door and were admitted in peace. The POUM Executive retreated
shamefully before the aggression of the Generality.
The Police, with their Stalinist aids, obtained a machine gun, 50 good
rifles, several hundred hand-grenades. Molinas, a POUM official in charge of the
building’s defense, offered to surrender the place without resistance, though
some members favored fighting it out with the Guards. During these events the
Central Executive Committee of the POUM reorganized itself by merging with the
Barcelona Local Executive, then subdividing into a political and military
under-committee. The purpose of this change in the party machine was clearly to
shift responsibility for the acts committed unworthy of revolutionists calling
themselves ‘Marxists’. The fury of the CNT rank and file compelled the
resignation of the Regional Committee early in the day. But within six hours
these Anarcho-Syndicalist scoundrels were back in the saddle.
Yet Thursday afternoon, defying the instructions of the CNT Regional and POUM
Executive Committees, the workers were out on the barricades in full force. The
heart of Barcelona labor beat high and proud, unconquered.
May the Seventh
Friday morning the Soli appeared with this
caption: ‘The CNT and the UGT repeat the order to return to work’. La
Batalla, more skilful in deceit than the reformist union leaders,
called ‘For the withdrawal of the forces of public order from the streets’. It
asserted that ‘the working class should keep its arms’. As if the Generality
would withdraw its forces after it had been successful in beating back the armed
workers. As if the capitalists could be defeated without smashing their state.
To what end should the working class keep its arms? (It may be mentioned at this
point that the official POUM thesis prepared by Nin declared that it was
possible for the Spanish proletariat to take power without an armed
insurrection. A counter-thesis by the left-wing POUM predicted the inevitable
uprising which broke out on 3 May.)
For the first time since the upheaval the Stalinist papers started to appear.
Le Traball, a CP organ, invaded proletarian neighborhoods
without opposition. Barricades were quietly evacuated wherever it penetrated. It
branded the POUM and the Friends of Durruti ‘agents of the Fascists’. The
technique perfected by the Stalin machine in Moscow of discrediting labor groups
opposing the Third International’s crimes was applied to Barcelona with immense
success – among the middle class.
In Sabadell, suburb of Barcelona, the local POUM leadership rebelled against
the party and denounced the insurrection in language as vicious as the
Stalinists. (The next day these renegades were ‘rewarded’ by the Stalinists who
suppressed their local paper.)
In Gerona the CNT and the POUM rallied masses in a movement to suppress
publications of the Esquerra and the PSUC. Skirmishes between the police and the
proletariat took place all day Friday. Three civil guards were killed by a
workers’ bomb. Isolated workers caught with guns were shot down. The bosses’
agents threw down many barricades. Friday marked the beginning of the end for
the civil struggle; the bureaucrats of the CNT and the POUM had ruined the
chances of revolutionary success. Things were so peaceful in some parts of the
city that children took over barricades and played at civil war.
Battleships of France and Britain rode at anchor in Barcelona Harbour, ready
to shell the city in case the workers captured it; and the Soli
of 7 May complained, ‘The friendly powers are worried by the events in
Barcelona’. [8] All through the insurrection the
Generality, the Popular Front, was only the busy puppet of the Anglo-French
imperialists. If President Companys & Co had not been able to manage the
rebellion, the ‘democratic’ bankers of London and Paris would have come down
like tigers on Barcelona. Whoever thinks a proletarian revolution is achievable
without overcoming certain imperialist intervention, whoever is afraid of class
war because of the danger of such intervention is no revolutionist, is an
opponent of working class revolution. Marxists rely on the workers of all
countries to come to the rescue of any proletariat fighting for power, just as
the exploited and oppressed of the world rushed to the assistance of Soviet
Russia during 1917-1920 with strikes, mutinies, and revolutions.
May the Eighth
Saturday morning opened the last day of the struggle. From 3 a.m.
to 6 a.m. the Valencia government troops marched into the city, armed to the
teeth.
The guns they carried were of Russian make. Moscow supplied the arms to put
down the insurrection of the workers against the parliamentary capitalist state.
If a genuine communist party had stood at the helm of the Soviet Union, those
guns would have gone to the making of a Soviet Spain.
The Valencia soldiers were mostly workers and poor middle class folk. Workers
who talked with them expressed faith that about half of the troops would have
rebelled and come over to the workers’ side if a clear-cut fight between the
government and the workers had been fought. What a magnificent opportunity to
attain a workers’ state, the best and only guarantee of the crushing of fascism,
was lost in this May week! On Saturday the bourgeoisie flaunted its victory in
the workers’ faces. The Stalinist-controlled UGT unions expelled all POUM
activists. The Anarchist banner was torn from the autos of the CNT Marine
Workers’ Union by government guards. The CNT holder of the Generality Ministry
of Defense was ousted. CNT supervisors were removed from the mail and passport
offices.
The 8 May Soli carried an editorial on ‘the pacification of
the masses’. It bragged of the fact that the CNT press had been extremely
effective in stopping the insurrection. The same day the editor of
Tierra Y Libertad, central organ of the FAI, trumpeted:
‘Destroy the barricades, lay down your arms. Tomorrow all laborers
should be at work, and the others fighting to capture Huesca and Teruel, to free
Saragossa.’
La Batalla would not allow the CNT press to outdo
the POUM in crass defeatism: ‘The working class should remain vigilant and not
respond to provocations’, referring to the insolence of the government guards.
In an editorial it stated: ‘Our party...has been, let no one doubt this, one of
those which have contributed the most to restoring normalcy’. For the
proletariat of Spain ‘normalcy’ meant only the re-riveting of the chains of
wage-slavery.
President Companys, in the 15 May issue of the Paris journal, Ce
Soir, presented his views on the May strife:
The first spark of the recent events burst forth a few days before
when certain groups attempted coercion against the decision of the council of
the Generality ... as a result of an order of the department of Internal
Security concerning the telephone services, an order of elementary guarantee of
services for the government. In the face of this indescribable attack on the
government, the latter found itself with small means of defense; very small, not
because it had not foreseen this development, but because of the impossibility
of forestalling it. In spite of this the government put down the subversive
movement without hesitation, utilizing the small forces at its disposal, aided
by popular fervor, and by conversations held in the Generality with different
trade union representatives, and with the assistance of several delegates from
Valencia, commencing thus the return to normalcy.
Thus the capitalist president explains that his government was at
first in no condition to handle the crisis, and had only a puny force to cope
with the insurrection. But firm and decisive action by the Generality, coupled
with open support of the Socialist: and Stalinists, together with the betrayal
of the CNT and POUM officialdoms, was able to disintegrate the workers’ ranks
and restore bourgeois law and order.
May the Ninth
Sunday morning boss normalcy was in full swing. The night before
POUM news stands on the Plaza Catalonia had been set afire. All mass funerals
were forbidden, though more than a hundred were reported dead in the revolt. The
Stalinists held a large demonstration in honor of their dead Minister Sese in
front of their headquarters. CNT and POUM militants were thrown in prisons. The
vengeance of the boss class was felt by armed workers throughout Catalonia. In
some villages dozens of POUM and CNT members were killed overnight for
frightening the exploiters.
The Stalinist-Bourgeois Terror
By Monday morning scores of workers had been murdered or were
mysteriously missing. In district five of Barcelona the Estat Catala (special
guardsmen of the ruling class) and PSUC gangsters attacked the POUM headquarters
but were driven off by policemen, not by the POUM. The Stalinist press yelled
for the suppression of the POUM as agents of Italy and Germany, members of
Franco’s fifth column. The Valencia regime posted a decree in all parts of
Barcelona which threatened that all persons and organizations caught in
possession of rifles, bombs, and machine guns would be considered as fascists
and mutineers, and treated accordingly. The master class of Spain will drench
Barcelona, all Spain, in blood rather than risk the revival of the proletarian
revolution.
Military Review of the May Struggle
The defenders of the Generality were outnumbered by great odds; it
is estimated that there were four insurgent workers to one fighter for
capitalism. A liberal estimation of the bourgeois forces, Civil, Assault, and
Palace Guards, Esquerra and PSUC gunmen, would not total over 3000. Some
comrades claim they had no more than 2000 actually fighting. The workers had the
enemy isolated all over the city; the proletarian sections and the suburbs of
Barcelona were under the complete control of the workers. In a six mile ride
from the city’s center to the village of Badalona, 56 barricades had to be
passed. This is an example of the way the streets were defended. The capitalist
forces were isolated in the following places: 1. the Presidential Palace and the
City Hall across the way; 2. the Bank of Spain on Durruti Street and the section
extending west from it to the Plaza Catalonia, which includes the Municipal
Police Building; 3. the Plaza Del Pino, a small square with a church tower and
an Assault Guards’ barracks, between the La Batalla office and
the Ramblas, both places in the hands of the workers; 4. the Plaza Catalonia and
the banks on the square; 5. the Paseo de Gracia near the Plaza Catalonia; 6. The
Karl Marx barracks of the Stalinists.
With a centralized aggressive leadership, in short a revolutionary Marxian
vanguard, an offensive against each of these points could have
annihilated them or forced surrender, just as Civil Guard barracks in the
industrial suburbs were captured and the Stalinist Voroshilov Barracks was
besieged.
The three weak points on the workers’ side were the CNT Building across the
street from the Bank of Spain, the POUM Building near the Plaza Catalonia, and
the La Batalla office between the two. At none of these places
were barricades built. Their occupants did not lift a finger to establish
connections with the proletarian outposts in the heart of the enemy’s territory.
A great quantity of arms in these buildings was never used. Next door to the
POUM Building was a house containing 50 assault guards surrounded by workers on
all sides. Not one shot was fired against the place. Next door to this was a big
printing shop of the Stalinists, deserted. Nothing was done to take it over. The
Plaza del Pino section of the capitalist guards, a snipers’ nest that had killed
many of the best revolutionary fighters, could have been overcome without much
difficulty by a concerted attack of the CNT and POUM centers that surrounded it.
Barricades erected hard by the American consulate could have cut off the enemy
on the Plaza Catalonia from real aid. The POUM Central Office was strategically
located for accomplishing this. The gallant POUM Executive would not take
advantage of the foe. The CNT Building on Durruti Street may best be described
as a weakhold, from the standpoint of its value to the workers in the fighting.
Yet in any military plans of revolutionists it would have been considered a
stronghold. The CNT barracks contained over six hundred rifles which were never
distributed to the hundreds of anxious workers who needed guns.
The CNT leadership to cover up its crimes chatters today about the ‘affair’
that lasted a single day. The POUM leadership for the same reason prattles of
the ‘affair’ that lasted three days. These are the respective periods when the
organizations named ordered the workers to give up the streets. Facts prove that
the insurrection, despite all odds, lasted four days, and only died on the
fifth, Friday, with ‘normalcy’ reached by bossdom only on the eighth,
Monday.
On 15 May many of the workers’ barricades were still standing, prevented from
being thrown down by those who understood what emergencies might arise, those
who knew that the class issue had by no means been settled; that the near future
held the possibility of bloodier class battles than the past May week had
seen.
Retreat and Reorganization
It was possible for the working class to conquer state power in
May, as in July. On both times one fatal factor was missing – the ultimately
decisive requisite for vanquishing capitalism: the Marxist revolutionary,
communist program, that is, the Marxist vanguard, the party that is ‘the most
advanced and resolute group of the working class parties of every country, that
section which impels forward all others,’ possessing ‘the advantage of clearly
understanding the line of march, the conditions and ultimate general results of
the proletarian movement’. (The Communist Manifesto)
The anti-Fascist Popular Front proved to be a false union of two
fundamentally antagonistic forces. It was only the subordination of the
proletariat to the boss class which the Stalinists and Socialists used
‘democratically’ to stifle the independent fighting spirit of the workers. It
was no more ‘anti-Fascist’ in reality than the ‘Iron Front’ alliance of the
German Socialists with the ‘liberal’ Hindenburg was an obstacle to Hitler.
The May uprising revealed the true nature of the Generality, as a capitalist
state, fearing the armed workers far more than the fascists.
May 1937 will be remembered in history as the first time that the Stalinists
were on the bourgeois side of the barricades. The Socialists were there, too,
but this is nothing new to those who know the bloody story of the Socialist
International, with its Scheidemanns, MacDonalds, Blums. The Stalinists
surrendered the red flag of class struggle for the white of class peace; they
became defenders of ‘democracy’ against the fighters for the dictatorship of the
workers and farmers. They were willing to shed their blood (certainly the blood
of the poor) for the glory of the ‘liberal’ powers: France (that enslaves and
tortures colonial masses in Syria and Morocco) and England (that enslaves and
tortures millions every day in India and Africa).
The despicable role of the Anarcho-Syndicalist apparatuses in the class
struggle was made clear as daylight to the workers in doubt, even before the
CNT-FAI leaders accepted offices in the boss state. Mariano Vasquez, Secretary
of the National Committee of the CNT, bragged in Madrid (according to the
Solidaridad Obrera, 15 May), how:
The organization made great efforts to prevent the extension of the
conflict. It decided to send a delegation to each regional committee to thwart
alarm and the reproduction of the Catalonian conflict. It sent three delegates
to the Aragon front to block the forces there from moving. It was but natural
that, on knowing that their Barcelona comrades had been attacked, those at the
front should try to help them. [This is not true! See above – author]
In Barcelona the National Committee made incessant endeavors to terminate the
struggle. There was really no need for the Central Government to take over the
Public Order.
Isn’t this the death warrant of ‘anti-authoritarian’ Anarchism?
Only too true was the Revolutionary Workers League description of the POUM as
hopelessly centrist, having corrupt roots in reformism, blown rightward and
leftward with every wind of the class war. A disgrace to the name of Marxist,
this organization is also a barrier which Spanish labor must overcome to reach
soviet power.
The two dozen foreign comrades adhering to Trotskyism fighting in Spain are
excellent brave men, whose most terrible handicap is their stubborn faith in
Trotskyism. They issued a leaflet during the May struggle showing their healthy
instinct but throttled by their adherence to Trotskyism: abstract, dry, unfit to
solve the problems of the actual situation, the armed insurrection. It stated
their perspective for the Barcelona barricade defenders:
For the revolutionary offensive. No compromise. Disarm the
reactionary Civil Guards and Assault Guards. The moment is decisive. Next time
will be too late. General strike in all industries not working for war until the
resignation of the reactionary government. Only proletarian power can assure
military victory. Full arming of the working class. Long live the unity of the
CNT-FAI and POUM. Long live the unity of the Revolutionary United Front.
Committees of revolutionary defense in the shops, factories, and on the
barricades.
Bolshevik-Leninists Spanish Section. For the Fourth
International.
To cry for the ‘resignation’ of the Generality, to shout for
CNT-POUM ‘unity’ – this means to miss the whole meaning of the May days. In the
first issue of their organ these Trotskyists pleaded for admission to the POUM –
for the third time (in vain). When the workers stand in burning necessity for
nothing less than a Bolshevik organization wholly independent of
reformism and centrism, these Trotskyists persist in fulfilling the
international line of their leader: the liquidation of the independent
revolutionary organization into the swamp of the POUM! Compare this document
with the declarations of the Friends of Durruti; the Left CNT fighters emerge
superior in program. They published a second leaflet on 7 May, directed against
their own Anarchist leadership, against the Generality – an additional step of
the Friends in the direction of proletarian revolution.
At all times the workers struggle in May was on the plane of
defensive action. Of themselves they could not coordinate the many
barricades, neighborhoods, factories, towns, and so forth into a unified
military structure and then take the offensive against the counter-revolution.
It cannot be repeated too often: the revolutionary Marxian advance-guard was
needed. Everything was favorable for such an offensive. It could have defeated
the capitalist forces before the Valencia troops arrived. It would have swept
those troops, or most of them, along with the revolutionary current. It would
have kept the navy at least neutral, if not sympathetic. The workers of the
world would have risen to the defense of victorious Spanish labor! The Stalinist
strait-jacket could not have restrained the Russian masses from rallying to
their aid men, money, machinery, and the strength of the workers’ state.
Although its second uprising has been beaten down, the proletariat of
Catalonia has not yet met a crushing defeat. A third insurrection is ahead. The
workers are in possession of more arms than they had before 3 May. They have
learned precious lessons of the class war. On 15 May the Valencia government
passed through a crisis. The new Negrin regime will launch a drive of
unparalleled provocations against the discontented masses.
The odds are so far against the proletariat. The imperialist powers have
Spain tight in their clutches. But there is still time, if we act with speed,
courage, understanding, to fuse the scattered skirmishes of the war of the
classes into a proletarian revolution that will burst the national limits and
give world capital hell. The floodgates of the social revolution against
imperialist Europe can be opened by the invincible arms of a working class led
by a revolutionary Marxian party, vanguard of the Fourth (Communist)
International.
Hugo Oehler
Barcelona 16 May 1937
Notes
1. Bosses’ Popular Front – a
popular American expression for the Bourgeois People’s Front Government.
2. CNT – The National
Confederation of Labor of Spain, syndicalists, similar to the Industrial Workers
of the World in America, anti-Marxists. The FAI (Anarchist Federation of Iberia)
composed of believers in the anarchist philosophy as distinguished from union
members.
3. POUM – The Workers Party of
Marxist Unification. Despite its name, non-Marxist, midway in politics between
reformism and revolution; in short, centrists.
4. PSUC – The United
Socialist-Stalinist Party of Catalonia, reformists, social-imperialists.
5. UGT – General Union of Labor
(Socialist- Stalinist federation of unions).
6. Esquerra – Capitalist party of
Catalonia; ‘liberals’.
7. The Generality violated its own
law of October 1936, giving the Telephone Building over to the control of the
industrial unions.
8. Solidaridad
Obrera, 7 May, issued an extra containing these cries of class peace:
‘The struggle is over. Concord is reborn with peace. Workers, brothers, united
as one man for fraternity and victory ...’ The
Solidaridad
Obrera was the first journal to foresee and condemn ‘the painful events
which have taken place in Barcelona’. And this gem: ‘Today the Workers’ Patrols
have made a noble gesture, which indicates their high sense of responsibility,
placing themselves under the orders of the special delegation of public order of
the government of the Republic’ – that is to say, in the hands of the agents of
Anglo-French imperialism.
