WHO
WANTS A (COLD?) WAR WITH RUSSIA?
Investigative
reporter Robert Parry has written a series of articles noting the relentless
“Group-Think” (here and here) among Washington policy elites toward a confrontation
with Russia over Ukraine. Among other things, the conventional wisdom erases
completely the events following the (first) Cold War which laid the groundwork
for the present crisis.
In 1989, Mikhail
Gorbachev called on European leaders to ‘learn how to make peace together’ with
a cooperative approach to European security that would lay the foundations of a
‘common European home.’ It was not just rhetoric. Gorbachev unilaterally
withdrew Soviet troops from East Germany and Eastern Europe, allowing the former
Warsaw Pact to dissolve. Perhaps he naively expected NATO, founded in 1949
ostensibly to deter Soviet aggression, to reciprocally disband (the Warsaw Pact
was created later, in 1954, as a response to German rearmament). He was
very much mistaken. Instead, NATO began a relentless expansion eastward, to the
borders of a much reduced Russia, violating the explicit understanding that had
been put in place to allow peaceful German reunification; NATO would later
intervene unilaterally to dismember Yugoslavia and later the rump Serbian
Republic; then it participated in the US the wars against Iraq, the occupation
of Afghanistan and the bombing of Libya – all without prior UN sanction and in
violation of international law.
was
present at some of the most pivotal discussions between President Reagan and
General Secretary Gorbachev during the Cold War’s denouement, the taproot of the
current crisis is NATO expansion. Beginning with NATO’s Madrid Summit (1994) at
which NATO announced it would begin the process of bringing in new member
states, through NATO’s Bucharest Summit (2008), at which the alliance declared
that “Georgia and Ukraine shall become members of NATO,” the United States has
reneged on the promise President George H.W. Bush made to Gorbachev at the Malta
Summit (1989) not to expand NATO eastward. Bush’s promise not to expand the
alliance eastward in exchange for the peaceful and orderly withdrawal of Soviet
occupying troops in Eastern Europe was, according to Matlock, repeated by nearly
all of the alliance members at the time. According to the ambassador, what
today’s Western leaders seem not to understand is that a Europe that is “whole
and free” will not and cannot exist unless “Russia is part of the system.” And
yet, the United States has pursued policies toward Russia over the past two
decades that can only be seen as exclusionary. More
NATO expansion did
not happen in a vacuum, but was promoted by very powerful interests, especially
ones connected to the US armaments industry.
Meet
The People Who Pushed Towards A New Cold War
Following
the end of the Cold War, defense cuts had presented bottom-line problems for
American businesses that relied exclusively on Pentagon contracts… [Lockheed
CEO Norm Augustine, a former undersecretary of the Army] was already thinking of
future export markets for his company’s goods. In his capacity as the chairman
of a Pentagon advisory council on arms-export policy, he was able to secure yet more subsidy guarantees for weapons sales to former
Warsaw Pact countries. But in order to buy the types of expensive weapons
that would stabilize the industry’s books, those countries had to enter into an
alliance with the U.S… Enter the U.S. Committee to Expand NATO... Its founder
and chairman, Bruce Jackson, was so principled in his desire to see freedom in
Central and Eastern Europe that he didn’t even take a salary. He didn’t have to.
Jackson was a vice president at Lockheed Martin… Poland, Hungary and the Czech
Republic were all in NATO come 1999. The Baltic States would soon follow. By
2003, those initial inductees had arranged deals to buy just short of $5 billion
in fighter jets from Lockheed… As for freedom-purveyor Bruce Jackson, he began
running a new outfit in 2002. It was called the Committee for the Liberation of
Iraq.
More
Economic interests
are still important drivers of US policy toward Ukraine and
Russia.
On the same day
last January when a reported 50,000 “pro-Western” Ukrainians descended upon Kiev’s
Independence Square to protest against the government of President Viktor
Yanukovych the Financial Times reported a major deal for U.S. agribusiness
titan Cargill.
Corporate
Interests Behind Ukraine Putsch
Mr.
Yuetter [Vice President for Corporate Affairs at Cargill] serves on the Executive Committee of the U.S.-Ukraine Business
Council… it’s a veritable who’s who of Big Ag. Among the luminaries working
tirelessly and no doubt selflessly for a better, freer Ukraine are: Melissa
Agustin, Director, International Government Affairs & Trade for Monsanto;
Brigitte Dias Ferreira, Counsel, International Affairs for John Deere; Steven
Nadherny, Director, Institutional Relations for agriculture equipment-maker CNH
Industrial; Jeff Rowe, Regional Director for DuPont Pioneer; John F. Steele,
Director, International Affairs for Eli Lilly & Company… Nuland
also told the group that the United States had invested more than $5 billion in
support of Ukraine’s “European aspirations,” meaning pulling Ukraine away from
Russia. She made her remarks on a dais featuring a backdrop emblazoned with a Chevron
logo. Also, her colleague and phone call buddy U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt helped Chevron cook up
their 50-year shale gas deal. More
Not surprisingly,
the near unanimous outcry among our Washington elites for a more belligerent
policy toward Russia is having an effect on US public opinion.
Americans
Increasingly See Russia as Threat, Top U.S. Enemy
Russia
now edges out North Korea as the country Americans consider the United States'
greatest enemy. Two years ago, only 2% of Americans named Russia, but that
increased to 9% in 2014 as tensions between Russia and the U.S. increased, and
now sits at 18%.... Americans have also become significantly more likely to view
Russia's military power as a critical threat to the U.S. -- 49% now hold this
view, compared with 32% a year ago.
More
WHO YOU
GONNA BELIEVE? (cont’d)
Anne
Applebaum
is
among the prominent opinion-leaders pressing for more confrontation with Russia.
She has made a career in rehashing and reviving the Cold War, also writing a
regular column for the increasingly Neo-Con Washington Post and
contributing to the otherwise Liberal New York Review of Books. Last week Applebaum wrote that “It will take much more
than weapons to save Ukraine—and keep Russia at bay” and
suggested we should “build a Berlin Wall around Donetsk in the form of
a demilitarized zone and treat the rest of Ukraine like West Germany.”
Last summer she suggested people should drop everything and
prepare “for total war.”
Readers might be
interested to know that Applebaum (now a Polish citizen) is married to former
Polish Foreign Minister and Minister of Defense Radosław Sikorski, who was once chief foreign
correspondent for the rightwing US National
Review and a fellow of the rightwing American Enterprise Institute (as was
Applebaum); Sikorsky was closely aligned with the Maidan
protests.
Nicholas
Burns
is
closer to home. His regular Boston Globe column this week argued that “The United
States is locked into another generational struggle with Russia for power in
Europe.” Burns suggested that “Obama should also up the ante by
delivering powerful defensive weapons to the embattled Ukrainian government.
That will drive up the costs to Putin, who respects power above all
else.”
The Globe
identifies Burns is a “professor of the
practice of diplomacy and international politics at Harvard’s Kennedy School of
Government.” His faculty profile notes that the Sultan of Oman Professor of
International Relations has some interesting outside
connections.
Burns is Director
of the Aspen Strategy Group, whose members include a who’s
who of neocons and liberal interventionists; he is a “Senior Counselor” at the
Cohen Group (whose
founder, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer William S. Cohen, Secretary
of Defense (1997-2001), providing “global business consulting services and
advice on tactical and strategic opportunities in virtually every market” and
has a strong strategic partnership with DLA Piper, an international law firm which offers
“client-driven legal services to leading local, international and multinational
companies operating in Ukraine. We are well-positioned to guide clients through
this risky yet highly prospective market;” and Burns serves on the Board of
Directors of Entegris,
Inc., a diversified transnational corporation with substantial assets in
military-related industries.