Monday, April 13, 2015

Out In The 1960s Be-Bop Corner Boy Night-Dimmed Elegy For Peter Paul Markin-Take Three

 

From The Pen Of Bart Webber   

My old friend and corner boy from the working-class streets of North Adamville the late Peter Paul Markin got as caught up in what he called the jailbreak of the 1960s counter-cultural movement as any man I knew from that time.  You know, and if you don’t know you can look up the information on Wikipedia or take a chance that somebody has put something about the times on some 1960s related website so I will just give a little shorthand, the “hippie”-tie-dye-far out, man-drugs, sex, rock and roll-live fast and stay out of the fast lane-angry, gentle people-seek a newer world-turn the world upside down-we want the world and we want it now-Nirvana crash-out thing. That’s as good as I can put it in under about fifty thousand words but that will splash you a little.

While everybody in those times did not go through all the connected hyphens, and as I have found out more recently in some places and in some social groupings there had never been a beat skipped from the placid 1950s-etched place set out for everybody by a fairly large number of people whose only association with the “hyphens” was through the third-hand lens of the media, and that with distain. But enough did enough of most of the ideas described to form a significant mass movement in the cities, on the campuses, and to make some inroads in the inner suburbs, for a while. That “for a while is” is important because Peter Paul, Markin, who had much more invested in a good outcome that I did, or Sam, Frankie, Jack, Jimmy, “Thunder,” and a few less frequent corner boys did, stuck it out through thick and thin a lot longer than most, stuck with the “new age” ideas for a while after the ebb tide having caught him sort of flat-footed could no longer hold back those “wanting” hungers that flashed through his life (and the rest of us his corner boys too). That tension between the new world that he invested his “angel-heart” in when he threw the dice of his life against the back alley boards and the “satan-demon” he suppressed temporarily in the high tide of the 1960s, early 1970s just could not stay inside that fragile man for too long and in the end he went under, and those of us who have survived still moan over that loss, moan high and hard.

I was there through some of it, the early part mostly when Peter Paul, hell, let me just call him Markin like we all did going back to sixth grade (or earlier for guys like Allan Johnson and Frankie Riley), was driven more by the “better angel of his nature.” I had been there when he sensed long before the rest of us that the fresh breeze coming through the 1960s land might wash him clean, might give him some breathing room, been there during the school part from late elementary school on through our first couple of years out of high school when a lot of the 1960s stuff was getting into high gear, when we went hitchhiking across the country about ten times looking for what Markin called the great blue-pink American West night. Then I drifted away with a little junior college time at Carver Junior College near our town, an early marriage to a young woman, Betsy Binstock, from Carver, about thirty miles from North Adamsville,  whom I had left hanging for a couple of years while I sowed my wild oats and she was still waiting for me when I came back (and is still my wife), a quick first child (later two more and now seven grandchildren, all loved, and all clueless about the 1960s, about my part in it, and about my/our still moaning for the long gone daddy Markin, including Betsy about the Markin part since she never cared for him even before he and I headed west together), some responsibilities starting up a small print shop which I had dreamed of owning since I had read about Benjamin Franklin’s start in the business in the 1700s but, frankly, because I was never as invested in the successful outcome of what was going on then as Markin. Got wearisomely tired of the constant on the road hitchhiking, sleeping on some off-beat converted bus home, somebody’s, some stranger’s, some churchly people’s kindly floor, or curled up in a sleeping bag against the wide oceans, and tired of the drugs, sex, and rock and roll run through although for about two years I was with Markin almost every step of the way. Some people, and thinking about those days over the years since I am one of them, were not built to be merry pranksters, to “be on the bus” as some guy used to say, some guy met on the Captain Crunch converted bus we spent much time on as our “home” who made Markin laugh once when he said “buy the ticket, take the ride.” Markin picked up on those saying and would say it every time somebody like me jumped off the bus.

I might have drifted away, got caught up with the family ways but until a few years before the end Markin and I would stay in contact, or I would get messages from him through other old time corner boys like Frankie Riley, Sam Lowell, and Jack Dawson. Just so you know what I am talking about in case you were not washed, washed clean I hope, by that tide Markin got caught up in the anti-establishment/anti-Vietnam War/don’t trust anybody over thirty/live free and communally on greens and love/hippie/drugs, the more the better/louder the better acid rock/strobe light dreams/seeking a newer world/turn the world upside down and see what shakes out scene and if you didn’t know I have laid out the briefest of outlines here.

Some of those trends, stuff we called “beatnik” in disbelief, ignorance and scorn around prim Catholic “keep your eyes on God and look neither left or right, look not unto “newer worlds” in this lifetime but later, later after the dust has choked your grave” North Adamsville down by the shore about twenty miles south of Boston. So close enough to get news on the grapevine about what was going on in the city, Markin, or he and Frankie once Frankie stopped harassing him, baiting him really, kind of fag-baiting him at times I think now although then it was part of the macho thing to do a little fag-baiting even of guys who loved women as well all did (and some of us, although not me, have the accumulated divorce settlements as mementos) just to keep them in line, keep them from “going light on their feet” as we used to say among ourselves when some limp-wristed guy came into view, about the beatnik business and began to be swept up by the tide too.

Especially when the dope started flowing, dope, Frankie the first in the neighborhood to “connect” got his first ounce from a cousin over in South Boston far away in culture if not miles from Beacon Hill in Boston or Harvard Square hip scenes but a place like many edgy places where flophouses, day labor, chronic unemployment and the “wanting habits” meet, started or heard about from that “youth nation” grapevine forming and started. Stuff like longer hair and beards which we didn’t pick up from the Beatles or anything like that but through Markin’s look after he spent some time in Harvard Square and started wearing his hair a little longer because if you look at our high school yearbook you will see nothing but short “boy’s regular” clean shaven guys page after page (that hair thing driving his mother, Delores, a stern, un-relenting type filled with sorrows about her downwardly mobile place in the town pecking order where she had grown up, crazy and later other mothers, including mine, adding to the chorus, Jesus, Ma). Jack Dawson was the first on the beard stuff and he looked pretty good, looked like something out of an old sepia photograph of our great-grandfathers, all stately and Brahmin-like after Markin tried to grow some wispy thing that never grew more than stubble and got nothing but laughs fromus for his efforts. Stuff too like folk music that Markin would drive us crazy about, would ask us what we thought of Dylan endlessly, Woody Guthrie endlessly, Joan Baez endlessly and a whole bunch of others endlessly that he either heard in Harvard Square or on WBZ, a Boston station that had a Sunday night folk music show. Me, then, now too, could take it or leave, mostly the latter, but come Monday morning during the school year I would “yes, yes” old Markin to death just to keep him from going on and on about the damn thing when what we wanted to hear about is whether a guy did the “do the do” with some honey over the weekend (mostly not, not, “do the do” but guys lied, hell I lied, like crazy and said they did). Stuff like dope, just marijuana mostly that Frankie, like I said was always on the leading edge when it came to highs (hell, he even had us sniffing airplane glue in junior high well before that became a minute fad later). But you have to know this, and I didn’t really get the full weight of what this meant until recently when I felt compelled to write a little something about that Markin bastard and had to think about all the things I knew about him directly and what I picked up from other sources that he was a man of profound contradictions.

Hell, like many things that sprang up from nowhere then and had to be dealt with like the Vietnam War, like your relationship with your parents, like your view of success and an interesting life, and the way events totally outside their control twisted many people, from that time he was nothing but a walking contradiction. Would go from talking kick ass about the heathen commies and taking them down a peg in Vietnam one minute when we were hanging around idly against the brick wall in front of Jack Slack’s bowling alley in high school, no, for longer than that until he had to face Charley a few years later on his own turf when he got dragged into the Army and had to actually fight the son of bitches to practically becoming an old-fashioned  red-front street fighter out of some Communist International propaganda film from Germany in the late 1920s with the NLF flag in his hands running through the streets of Cambridge, Washington, San Francisco the next. Really that street fighter stuff was after he got out of the service but it seemed strange to see him switch up like that. Maybe that experience, the whole panorama of Vietnam, the war that broke apart our generation, hell, broke the country apart is the prime example I can give about Markin’s contradictions or better those tussles that crammed his brain for almost as long as I had known him, although I will give you more.

See Markin  would yell and scream about the commie menace, like the rest of us caught up in the red scare Cold War are we going to last until next Wednesday or is the world going to go up in a puff. He had been furious at the Reds when that war got started up in earnest in the early 1960s when America pulled itself in while we were still in school and he practically wanted to join the Green Berets sight unseen although given his slender physique and lack of co-ordination (he really did have two left feet at least for dancing and girls, except one girl, Emma Walkins who came from some Podunk town and also had two left feet, refused to dance with him under any circumstances. Emma well Emma was Emma and only had eyes for Markin after one dance although she was so pretty, so smart and so nice we all took a run at her whether we had girlfriends or not and whether she had two-left feet or not) he would have washed out about the first day, and would tell one and all that we needed stop the bad guys in their tracks. At the same time he was very influenced by his grandmother who was loosely associated with the Catholic Workers movement, you know the social justice and peace people, Catholic version, who are still around, Catholic version, and actually would some nights rant about the Russkies and their nefarious doings around the world and in the next topic talk switch up about how we needed to make a more peaceful world, stop making bombs, nuclear bombs, and do something about it. If that doesn’t give you an idea of what he was about, maybe is too vague, I remember in 1960, the fall, when we were just starting high school, he would go door to door for hard anti-communist Jack Kennedy (one of our own Irish to boot) every weekend who was spouting in debates with Richard Nixon and where ever he could on the stump about the “missile gap” meaning the United States needed more bombs, more nuclear bombs. Except one weekend, one Saturday, to placate his grandmother, his high Easter 1916 Irish Catholic grandmother although she was a little less enamored of the “chandelier” Irish Kennedys doing any “bog shanty” Irish proud, he went to a  Catholic Worker-sponsored nuclear disarmament (along with the Quakers and a bunch of little old ladies in tennis shoes as we used to call the grandmotherly do-gooders who you would see in Adamsville Center passing out leaflets once in a while for some worthy cause, and maybe some Universalists and Unitarians before they joined forces together but don’t hold me to that last group, except they did join together for some reason, some doctrinal reason).

We all gave him hell about that not seeing, me as hard as anybody else since I was as anti-red as the next guy, being clueless, about how the events of the world were twisting him back and forth. The rest of us, except maybe Sam Lowell a little, were either not consciously conflicted about the big events in the world or never even though about them to be conflicted about. We  were so tied up in corner boy midnight creep small larcenies, turf wars with other corner boy cohorts (except for Red Radley and his biker boys who hung around Harry’s Variety Store, nobody, nobody still living, messed with those guys and their whip-chains and we never went within ten blocks of them even if we needed a soda desperately on a hot day, no way, Jesus, no way), getting girls to “do the do” or having many male fantasies about that idea, especially the ideas, read lies, come Monday morning before school cafeteria talkfest about who did or did not do what over the weekend, yes read mainly lies, getting winos or older brothers to get booze for us, no lie, although with the winos you had to make sure they got their bottle of Ripple or Thunderbird and watch them in and out of the liquor store to make sure that did not break on you, that the fate of the world or the vagaries and rages of our small town existence passed us by, then anyway.              

 

But see maybe it is best to give some other examples so that nobody gets the idea that I have overdrawn that Markin contradictions business. No question from early on, junior high anyway from what I remember since I only knew him beginning in sixth grade in elementary school having moved up to North Adamsville from Carver when my father changed jobs, Markin had an idea about seeing himself as a up and coming politician, a wheeler-dealer guy behind the scenes from what I could figure out when he started getting on his high horse about the subject. Not the out-front guy taking all the arrows but in the background setting things up, making policy, “greasing the rails” as he used to call it.  He really was a good organizer later but early on I would have rated him as poor since he did not know how to delegate tasks and also tended to like to do everything himself since that way as he explained it to me one time in a letter he sent me from California when he was helping to organize some anti-war march out there, he knew it would get done. As a policy wonk he started out much better as any guy would who had about two thousand off-the-wall facts stored in his brain for use anytime anybody wanted to argue with him about anything. I, Frankie too, although Sam usually like to test him, usually like to bait him a little to see if he had the stuff or it was just fluff, would just let him do his thing and try, try like hell, to keep out of the verbal cross-fire. He had surprised me later after he had shifted to that red front street fighter stance once he had been discharged from the Army when he called what he had wanted to be as a kid a “bourgeois politician,” saying it with the same distain as you would if you came up against some wino or other low-life since I knew a big part of his earlier desire at one point had been in order to satisfy some fierce childhood “wanting habit” as he called what ailed him. Here is the contradiction as if to tip the cart completely he turned into a fiery renegade street fighter facing down the cops, a surefire way to not catch the eye of some up and coming electoral candidate looking for a “fix-it” man. See after the Army, after he got what he called “hipped” by some fellow anti-war Vietnam veterans who had formed Vietnam Veterans Against The War, VVAW, at which point anybody could see the war was irretrievably lost once the guys who actually fought the thing were rising up against it, he got arrested more than a few times for acts of civil disobedience, you know at draft boards, trying to shut down federal buildings, blocking streets all in a desperate effort to end the damn war. The big arrest, the one that I remember he called me up about looking for bail money but also had said into the telephone that the tide of the 1960s was ebbing, ebbing fast as the bad guys were leading a counter-offensive to bring things back to about 1955, was the big bad mass arrests down in Washington on May Day in 1971 when they thought they could end the war by bringing down the government and end the damn war with a frontal attack. All they got was billy-clubs, tear-gas, beatings and the bastinado for their effort. Here’s another contradiction if the previous one doesn’t give you enough to go on. After reading Jack Kerouac’s, his saint’s, book Desolation Angels about his solitary drying out from the world time as a forest look-out up in Oregon or Washington state I forget which Markin became a desert-seeking latter day hermit for about one month slated for the slab or sainthood actually having gone out into the caves near Joshua Tree in California for a while and the next a king hell orgy satyr (he was not happy, despite his two short-lived failed marriages complete with two divorces, unless he had a few girlfriends at the same time to lie to so you know that hermit loner trip was a hard task).

Closer to home, closer to something I actually saw he consumed tanks-full of Irish working class kick ass (kick ass the commies I guess but mainly kick ass to help me when I got into an occasional fistfight when somebody crossed me) low-shelf Johnny Walker whiskies on sleepy Cape Cod beach strewn nights and an ascetic warrior avenging angel “walking with the king” peyote button visions on electric Joshua Tree days. Was as truthful as God one minute and the devil’s own hell and fire liar the next. Got as sentimental over women as any Romantic poet like Shelley, Keats, or Lord Byron one day and despite needing those women friends then proceeded to cold-heartedly betray about four women in two hours the next. Peter Paul, oops, Markin, by his whole being, just by his very existence, was twisted up with each new social convulsion, twisted by who he was, twisted by who he wanted to be but most of all twisted by his over-sized  puffball dreams of his own future, and the world’s. No wonder Sam Lowell who knew him as well as any guy used to say he was a man not of his times but of some earlier time when the world was small enough that the weight and fire of one man’s rages could set the world right, or blast it all to hell. (Only Allan Johnston probably knew Markin better than Sam, knew him from about third grade when they had lived in the same four unit housing project complex together and formed an eternal friendship one summer day after they met when Markin in a fit of pique at something Allan had said threw his sneakers away when they were down at the beach getting ready to go swimming and when the sneakers drifted out to sea and were lost Markin gave up  his own sneakers and caught hell from his mother when he said that his sneakers had drifted out to sea for some unexplained reason. Markin and Allan drifted apart after Markin went to California the last time but know this before Allan passed away a couple of years ago he used to write on various blogs and websites for a few years before that using Peter Paul Markin as his moniker as a sign of respect, still moaning for his long lost memory.)

Let me get back to that corner boy designation that I started out with, a designation let’s be very clear, which was separate from friendships, a distinction which every corner boy knew, every corner boy who hung out on our corner. At the end senior year in high school and for a couple of years after that before the group started going its own separate ways that corner was in front of Jack Slack’s bowling alleys, the ones over on Thornton Street where the girls would pass by on their way to the beach not the one on Adams Avenue just outside of Adamsville Center where old people who actually bowled would go. Before that starting out at Doc’s Drugstore in late elementary school, maybe fifth grade according to Frankie Riley, Gino’s Sub Shop in junior high (when Frankie, a character worth writing about in his own right back in those days if not later, became the acknowledged and undisputed leader of our corner boy cohort) and before the place changed ownership in high school and the new owners did not want corner boys hanging around their place, Salducci’s Pizza Parlor, up in North Adamsville Square. Serious business. Serious corner boys hanging out most of the time, especially early on, because we were flat out busted, no dough, no way to get dough, except our little midnight creep petty larcenies, some not so petty like the time we hit it big on a big full jewelry box in one house we crept into,  and maybe hitting Ma’s pocketbook for change when times were tough and most of us just couldn’t stand being cooped up all the time with no space to breathe brothers and sisters (me four sisters) coming out of the rafters. So weekend nights mainly and almost any night during the summer you could find at least a few of us holding up whatever age-appropriate wall we were holding up. And many nights Markin was the guy who glued us together, the guy talking a mile a minute (or if he wasn’t talking writing something two miles a minute) about everything under the sun that he had read that day, or sometime.

Of course Markin was also the glue guy when our larcenous hearts were on fire, he had a few contradictions even then to work out. I don’t want to get into those larcenies but I will give one example from our early days, kids’ stuff days, when we figured the “clip,” you know, the five-finger discount up the Square where in those days all the stores were not in the malls like now in most places, especially the jewelry stores and department stores. Here was the beauty of Markin, he worked out the “clips,” who to hit, how and where, although Frankie was the “on-site” organizer I guess you would call him. Funny the way Markin got started doing “clips” as he told us one night a few years later when we were at wits’ end about dough to get a car and be mobile for once and we were ready to go back to the kids’ stuff clip if something didn’t come up soon. In fifth grade he said he was trying to impress some girls, having recently found out that they were no longer nuisances but, well, he said in his usual understated way, interesting and didn’t have dollar one and so he and some kid who left the neighborhood before I got there went to Kay’s Jewelry and grabbed an onyx ring with a diamond set in the middle, cheap stuff but all the rage then for boy-girl “going steady” purposes and the girl loved it. I don’t know what happened after that with those “clips,” before I got into town, how many and for what purpose, but that probably gave Markin just the larcenous flame he needed whenever he was in a tight corner. The basics of the clip were simple, have one guy clip and another lookout (which I did mostly since I was kind of nervous and would get sweaty palms) and then clear out slowly like nothing happened. Markin was beautiful in his planning (although as Frankie said no way could Markin run the operation then or we all would have been in reform school or prison) but the really beautiful part was how we made money off the stuff. Obviously we couldn’t go to a pawn shop or something like that so Markin would sell the stuff to high school kids who had dough at a nice discount. Really beautiful, and here is where we might have been unconscious socialists at that, we pooled all our monies together for whatever entertainment we were going to use the money for.  

Here’s the difference between corner boys and friends though, okay. Friends could be anything from some “nod” thing where you were cool with another guy (sometime I am going to write something up about the meaning of the “nod,” in the hierarchy of the gestures of the time because you would never nod a fellow corner boy, no way, that would be a sign of disrespect like the guy was just somebody around town or something, and no way, no way in hell, would you nod a girl, Jesus, they wouldn’t know what it meant, wouldn’t know you though they were “cool,” you dealt with them with “furtive glances,” yes, I really should write something about gestures then but I will leave this “cool” between guys for now), maybe played sports together, worked together, but corner boys were expected to be more than that, were expected to be willing to go to the mat for the other guy, and did, and although we did not have anything as corny as some ceremonial blood oath like some corners had that we had heard about and had dismissed out of hand we were tight.

Markin was a key guy in the great firmament of the different configurations that we morphed into (I had only caught the sixth grade at Doc’s to start my corner time but Markin, Allan and, I think, Sam all started to hang out at Doc’s in the fifth grade when they “discovered” rock and roll and Doc’s big ass play everything, five, can you believe it five, selections for a quarter jukebox on their way home from the elementary school that was just down the block). He was as stand-up a corner boy as the next guy, probably more so than me, since his whole blessed life depended on that link to the world then. He took more than a few punches and kicks defending his brethren, including me one time when Frannie Desoto was after my ass, when he could have looked the other way. He really never was much of a fighter then, too runty and awkward but game. They say he did okay in Vietnam, kept a few guys from going over the deep end, got a couple of medals for something,  when the Viet Cong (Charley they called those guys, the enemy) decided that they owned the night just like they said they did. Thing was Markin could never be the leader, he was far too bookish for that with his eight billion facts ready to drown out any argument with the light of pounding reason when other skills were more necessary like how to get money fast for whatever enterprise was at hand from date money to car money. Skills which required somebody like the truly larcenous Frankie Riley and his midnight creep operations which were done with style, however everybody especially Frankie appreciated him, called him the “Scribe,” mostly a high honor in our corner.                   

This is where those eight billion, maybe before the end nine billion, facts did come in handy. See Peter Paul had out of some almost mystic sense, or maybe just through his overweening desire to see the thing happen, called the breeze that was palpably running through the country beginning with the election of our own practically neighbors but Irish in any case even if chandelier Irish “new thinking” President Kennedy in 1960 and that fresh breeze got translated by many of us in lots of ways from social activism to outrageous self-indulgence, not all of them in the end worthy of remembering, not all of them thought back on with fondness. But remember we were fighting what Markin  later on termed a rear-guard action in a cold civil war that I can feel goes on to this day and if Markin were around he would be sure to remind us not only of his call on the breeze but of who we were up against and why, and name names for the forgetful, so good or bad that breeze is part of the chronicle of our time.

It is funny here as I write that every time I write Markin’s name I start typing Peter Paul Markin and have to change it and I am not sure why I am doing that now. We always called him Markin from early on and never that WASP-ish three name thing like his forbears had come over on the Mayflower or something rather than he to the low-end housing projects born, or once Frankie Riley our leader anointed him in high school we began calling him, sometimes by me just to get under his skin, “the Scribe” since he was basically Frankie’s flak, always writing stuff about Frankie like it was scripture and Frankie did nothing to dissuade anybody about its worthiness as such. You could always depend on the Scribe with his infernal facts to make anything Frankie did seem like the Second Coming, and maybe with his frenzied pen Markin actually believed that.

Markin, Frankie, Allan, Sam, me  and a bunch of other guys basically came of age together, the fresh breeze trying to figure out the world and our place, if any, in it in the early 1960s when we po’ boys used to hang around the corner in high school, the corner right next to Jack Slack’s bowling alley on Thornton Street where sometimes we would cadge a few free games if Jack’s son, our fellow classmate in the North Adamsville Class of 1964, was working and if not then just hanging out, Frankie talking a mile a minute, Markin taking notes at two miles a minute, maybe gathering in some girls if we had money to head to Jimmy Jack’s Dinner up on Atlantic Avenue near-by where Jimmy Jenkins who would later join with us held forth with his corner boys and on most nights would welcome us there if there was no beef brewing between our respective corners. Jimmy Jack’s after Doc retired and closed his drugstore was the place to be if you wanted the best jukebox in town (although only three selections for a quarter there unlike Doc’s). Markin, big idea Markin, figured out a way in tenth grade to take some slugs the size of a quarter that he got from an older brother who worked in a metal stamping shop and play for free, how about that, as long as we didn’t get too greedy and have Jimmy Jack pull the plug on the jukebox after collecting too many slugs. Of course, Markin’s really big idea for playing the jukebox for no dough was to single out some girl that had just broken up with her boyfriend, or had had a fight with him, or didn’t have a boyfriend just then, information that he also knew somehow along with those two billion useless facts that he got from the Monday morning girls’ lav talkfest. Then he would go up to her all concerned and sympathetic, not to “hit” on her but to “guide” her selections, you know, maybe something sentimental like I’m Sorry or vengeful like Whose Sorry Now or just feel good like Dancin’ in the Streets all stuff he wanted to hear. He was beautiful at it, I tried it once and never got selection one, even Frankie who was nothing but catnip to the girls got nada nunca nada with that play. Maybe they sensed we were trying to hit on them and the whole thing fell to dust. Yeah, those were Markin’s good nights.      

Most nights though no dough, no girls, we would endlessly banter back and forth about whatever was on our minds, maybe girls, girls who did or did not “do the do” and you can figure that out on your own without further description, whether some Markin masterminded Frankie midnight creep thing would work out or whether we would wind up in the clink, maybe somebody’s take on sports or politics the latter mostly when some big event shook even our corner complacency. A lot of times it would be Markin spouting something, maybe, to give you an example, how religion was a joke, especially our Roman Catholic religion that didn’t make sense to us a lot of the time and we lots of times skipped Mass as we got older. Except of course going to Mass was just fine with Markin when he got the “hots” for Minnie Callahan and he would sit a few rows behind her at eight o’clock Mass and watch her ass the whole time, and she knew he was watching her that way as she told him later when he asked her for a date. Nobody jumped on him for that contradiction after all it was about a girl and that was fair enough. But get this, and the more I write about the guy the more I see the terrible contradictions that he was always bouncing around in his head and I keep coming back to that one day, that one fall day, that October day, the October before the 1960 elections, he had heard that the Catholic Worker movement, Dorothy Day’s social justice operation out of New York City, was going to be part of a nuclear disarmament demonstration on the Boston Common with some Quakers and other little old ladies in tennis sneakers and he was going to march with them. Jesus did he take a razzing from the rest of us, Catholic do-gooders, Quakers and quirky old grandmothers for Chrissakes. Classic Markin though.

Pretty early on Markin caught this fresh breeze idea, caught and wouldn’t let it go, influenced a little by some “beat” stuff he read, you know big Jack Kerouac and his on the road travels along with some other New York guys in what sounded like great stuff, great guy stuff really with some frails mixed in to give the thing a little be-bop play that intrigued us when he told us about its beginnings in the late 1940s but which was just winding down as a cool movement in our time and was then being commercialized to holy hell, speaking of holy was a holy goof on television and subject to silly jokes about guys with long beards, berets, and bongos and girls dressed head to toe in black, maybe underneath too something for erotic fantasy in those days. He would tell us too on those nights when no corner boys were around like sometimes happened in the summer with dopey family vacations and he had had it with his mother’s endless harping on him or his three brothers doing stuff to disturb his reading or something he would fly out the back door and walk to the bus stop which took him to the subway which took him to Harvard Square where he would hang out in the Hayes-Bickford and just observe stuff. Stuff like goofy guys singing songs, folk songs as it turned out when he got brave enough to ask, that he had never heard of or guys reading poets or stories to a few people in front of them, mostly girls. Stuff that the first time he told us about it sounded weird, Frankie made jokes for days about Markin winding up like some lonesome hobo, being some Harvard goof’s mascot, being some kind of a court jester to the winos, drunks, hipsters and con artists ready to make him jump. Markin got mad, said it was not like that, refused to write stuff about Frankie for a while but kept pushing the point that maybe this was what we were spending all those lonely ass nights yakking about, that we might get swept up in it too. A fresh breeze he said that was going put all our talking points dreams about schools, jobs, marriage, kids, everything in the shade. We laughed at him, although as the decade moved on the laughter subsided.

This fresh breeze thing was not just goof talk although there was plenty of that toward the end of the night if we had been drinking some Southern Comfort purchased by Allan’s older brother or maybe like we did more than a few times by getting one of the town winos to go to the liquor for us and who could care less about our ages as long as he got his bottle of Thunderbird, Ripple or some such rat poison wine. Markin was an intense reader of the news, of what was going on in the world and maybe the rest of us should have been a little more world-wise then too but I think what we got caught up in then was the notion that we were born into a world that was already fixed, that somebody else had the all the strings too. That down among the fellahin, a great word, like one of our history teachers called us peasants, including himself, that deal was done. (By the way that history teacher’s use was the first time I heard the word fellahin and was surprised later when Markin had almost forced marched me to read Jack Kerouac’s On The Road, he a fellow working-class guy from up in Lowell and the proclaimed “max daddy” of beatness, used the word too). We, maybe Allan and Sam most of all, were what Markin called alienated although he did not use that word then but rather called us hung up on the James Dean sullen nobody cares thing. Hell, Allan, a big lumbering guy, used to do his James Dean tee shirt, rolled up sleeve cigarette pack, blue jeans, engineer boots complete with buckles and a whip-chain hanging out of his back pocket sulk all the time, and had used that whip-chain for more than ceremony as Frankie could tell you when we got into a few scrapes with Leo Russo and his corners in front of the Waldorf Cafeteria up in the Square.

So maybe we were but like Markin said, who could be as sullen as the rest of us especially when he had his battle royals with his mother, a lot of young people around the country were feeling the same way and were trying to break out of the Cold War we-are-going-to-die-tomorrow thing what with nuclear bomb threats being thrown around every other day by one side or the other. Stuff like that Markin was hip to, stuff like the fight for civil rights in the South where young white people were joining in the fight although Frankie Riley would say some very derogatory things about black people, and about how they better not show up in North Adamsville looking for anything and some guys, me too for a while, felt the same then, felt we didn’t want n----rs around our way. That was the hard reality fed to us by parents and everything else in our cramped little lives. Of course the big thing for Markin was the music, the rock and roll we came of age to but also this new folk stuff that he would hear in Harvard Square. Most of it I hated, still do, but that music was another move away from the old stuff that Markin kept saying had to change. Yeah, later we each in our own way grabbed some of what that madman speaking about forty miles an hour would run by us but when he presented it at first he might as well have been on the moon.       

Markin really was the bell-weather, the first guy to head west to check out what was happening in the summer after high school. He had been accepted into Boston University on a wing and a pray since as bright as he was he was slightly indifferent to grades preferring to wrap himself around the eight million facts knowledge of what interested him, mainly literature, history, and math and neglected the rest. Neglected it too because at least for public consumption we corner boys were not supposed to be too “book smart” but needed to be “street smart,” a very big different especially when the deal was coming down.  (Strangely, although I personally was never much of a student and only went to junior college for a couple of years to learn business administration in order to help me understand that aspect of the printing business, guys like Markin, Frankie and Sam, Jack Dawson, went to four year colleges in a time when that was unusual around our way and they all were the first in their families to do so, hell, Frankie and Sam went on to be lawyers, Frankie mine until this day.). That first trip out in the summer of 1964 Markin did not hitchhike whatever he may have told the girls around Adamsville, Boston, and Harvard Square trying to cash in in the “romance of the road” residue from the Jack Kerouac-induced fervor which fired all our imaginations after Markin force-fed us to read his big “beat” book On The Road. Markin and some of the rest of us did the hitchhike road later to save money and just to do it but the first time out he took the Greyhound bus which he said was horrible going out over several days of being squeezed in by some fat ass snorer, some mother who let her child on her lap wail to the high heavens, and some wino who along with his dank urine smell was drifting west. He said though despite his feeling like some unwashed hobo as he got off the bus it had been worth it once he got to ‘Frisco and saw right in front of him the wild west show stuff at places like Golden Gate Park that put the “hip” action in dingy staid Harvard Square in the shades. Had his first taste of dope other than marijuana which we had all tried that graduation summer when a cousin of Frankie’s made a “connection” for us, several kinds, mescaline, peyote buttons that some wild man had gotten out in Arizona from one of the tribes whose whole existence centered on use of the drug to enhance their spiritual lives, some hash another guy brought in from Morocco or some place like that in North Africa, had a few quick, easy and non-committal affairs (that was his term, okay, like he was a guy out of a Fitzgerald novel), and that non-committal was on the girls’ parts unlike in old North Adamsville where every girl in those days, especially the “do the do” girls expected marriage and kids and white pickets fences and everything that Markin said we would leave behind, and gladly. 

He also went west the first couple of years when he was in college, a few times with me along until I tired of it and by then we were all pretty much going our separate ways and I was starting up my first small print shop in the Gloversville Mall. So I missed a bunch of what Markin was about before he announced to the world one night at Jimmy Jack’s where we were grabbing something to eat and trying to find some non-Beatles tunes on the jukebox that he was tired of college, that he wanted to pursue the fresh breeze that was starting to build a head of steam while he could and he would probably catch up with college later, later when we had won, when the “newer world” as he called it after some English poet whom he had read called the search, was the implication. Unfortunately poor old Markin had made his what might have previously been reasonable decision just as all hell was breaking loose in Vietnam and every non-college guy was being grabbed to fill the ranks of the army and he got drafted which clipped his wings for a couple of years (I was exempt as the sole support of my mother and younger sisters after my father died in 1965).

But that Army death trap was a little later because I know he got caught up in the summer of love in 1967, before they clipped his wings with that freaking draft notice. That was the summer that he met Josh, Josh Breslin from up in Podunk, Maine (Josh’s expression, but really Olde Saco by the ocean up near Portland ) who has his own million stories that he could tell about that summer, about being on some Captain Crunch-led merry prankster ex-school bus riding up and down the coast, getting high about thirteen different ways, playing high decibel music coming out a jerry-rigged stereo on the front top of the bus, picking up freaks (later called hippies, male and female), got “married” to one Butterfly Swirl and had a Captain-sanctioned acid-blessed “honeymoon,” and stayed on the bus for a long while after Markin headed back east to face the music. Yeah, Markin while out there got caught up in the acid-etched music from the Dead, the Airplane and a million other minute niche rock bands (I just realized I had better tell you that acid being not “throw in your face” acid but LSD, colors, man, colors, okay, just in case you were worrying), the drugs from ganja to peyote although he always claimed not LSD but with some of the stuff he did toward the end I don’t know, the sex in about seventeen different variations once he got the hang of the Kama Sutra and a couple of adventurous West Coast women to indulge him (although in the end I heard that he betrayed them as well, if that is not too strong a word for the loose but mainly sincere attachments of the time, left them high and dry with the rent due and their drug stash gone once he was ready to move onto some new woman, a woman he had met in La Jolla), the madcap adventure of hitchhiking west which the times we went out together could be a subject for more than a few pages of interest, the bummer of riding freight when he tired of the hitchhike road (and had sworn off cross-country buses as had I after one jaunt to Atlanta), which he often said when we would run into each other periodically later was not for the faint-hearted , not for those who didn’t breathe train smoke and dreams the way he put it to me one time when he was in high dudgeon.

Markin not only got caught up in all the commotion of the counter-culture that kids today scratch their heads about the minute some old geezer like Josh Breslin, Jack Dawson, Sam Lowell, Jimmy Jenkins, or, hell, me starts going on about “wasn’t that a time” but brought me, Frankie Riley, Jack, Allan, Jimmy Jenkins, Josh, Sam, Phil Ballard and a few other guys from around our way (except Josh who was from Olde Saco up in Maine although in the end he was as much a corner boy refugee as the rest of us from North Adamsville) into the action as well. All of us (again except Josh whom he had met out on Russian Hill in Frisco in the summer of love, 1967 version) at one time or another travelled west with the Scribe, and lived to tell about it, although it was a close thing, a very close thing a couple of times, drug times and wrong place at the wrong time times.

But as the 1960s decade closed, maybe a little into the early 1970s the luster faded, the ebb came crashing in, and most of the old corner boys like Frankie and Sam who took the lead back to the “normal” went back to the old grind (both of them to the law, lawyers if you can believe that, Frankie mine of course). Markin could have or Josh can tell more about what happened when the fresh breeze gave out about somewhere between 1971 and 1974, when the Generation of ’68 as both of them liked to call it for all the things that happened that year, although Markin was on the sidelines or rather he was trying to keep his ass from being blown away by  Charley (name for the enemy in Vietnam, usually in some guerilla unit) when he, Charley, decided to come up over the hill some dark moonless sweaty night (Charley, that’s what he called them too, the enemy, at first he said out of spite and disrespect but after Tet in 1968 he said it with respect, lots more respect). According to stuff Markin wrote later for some journal that was interested in such things (and I think Josh said he had “cribbed” some stuff from Markin’s article to fill out an article he was doing for Esquire and for once some big money) a lot had to do with political confusion, a lot believing that we were dealing with reasonable opponents when they didn’t give a damn about us, their sons and daughters, when they let us to hang out to dry when they decided to pull the hammer down. But he insisted we were also done in by our studious refusal almost on principal to listen to the old-timers the guys and gals who fought the social and labor battles in the 1930s and 1940s and could have helped figure out which way to go, how to defend ourselves when a fast freeze cold civil war was brewing in the land.

Some stuff, frankly had to do with the overweening self-indulgence that set in once we took a few hits to the head from the powers that be, drugs to the point of stupor, a half-baked “theory” that music is the revolution that even I balked at although Markin said he went through a stage where he thought that might do the trick, know thyself in one of a hundred forms, new age stuff, before you go out to slay the dragon while he or she in the meantime is arming to the hilt, and a whole segment just withdrew literally to the hills, abandoned any thought of confrontation, heavy, man, heavy. Josh told me a few years ago to go to the back roads of Maine, Vermont, Oregon, places like that to see what happened to the remnant of that crowd, he said it wasn’t pretty, not pretty at all. But Markin said after arguments about the hubris and defiance of any coherent political strategy settled down if you wanted to really understand what went wrong you could point to the fact that we never despite appearances, despite half a million strong Woodstock nation or million-massed marches in Washington, got to enough people to get seriously into the idea of turning the world upside down. Could not despite the baloney main media stories, turn all those who did not indulge in the counter-cultural life, did not have a clue where Vietnam was, did not jail-break out in any real sense when there was plenty of  cover and mobility into active allies. People like Josh’s friends up in Maine who went into the dying textile plants just like their fathers and mothers, or like ours in North Adamsville who also went on the traditional school-job-marriage-three kids-two dogs and that coveted white picket fence (which I wound up doing after the road tired me out). We were pariahs in some spots in town, seen as commies or some exotic wild life, and that attitude got repeated many places when the steam ran out, or people had their drug minute (or longer) and that was that, that was enough.

That last idea hit home with me. I had been, despite a few flings at the west with Markin or one of the guys and some weekend hippie warrior action around Harvard Square or on the then tent city new age Boston Common, grinding away at that printing shop I had built up from scratch after sowing my wild oats high school. That business was starting to take off especially when I made one smart move and hired a professional silk-screener out of the Massachusetts School of Art and grabbed a big chunk of the silk-screening trade which was starting to mushroom as everybody needed, just needed, to have some multi-colored silk-screen poster of Che, Mao, Lenin, Trotsky, the NLF, Ho, the Stone and Beatles, or something psychedelic and multi-colored hanging from their walls or have their tee-shirts, guys and gals, done up the same way. Or a guy like Allan who took the trips west too but who was just on the cusp of the new wave and had gone into the almost dying shipbuilding trade, as a draftsman if I recall, since although he was not much of a student he had been the ace of our drafting classes even in junior high, had been hard ass old Mister Fisher’s “pet” and took it up in high school as well. Even Josh, a late hold-out with Markin, went to writing for a lot of what he called advanced publications (meaning low circulation, meaning no dough, meaning doing it for the glory to hear him tell it now, now that he is out of the grind).

And Markin, the last guy standing, well, Markin, as we all expected, once his Army time was up, once after that he had crisscrossed the country in one caravan or another, indulged in more dope than you could shake a stick at, got into more in-your-face-street confrontations with the cops, soldiers, rednecks, never went back to college but also took up the pen, for a while. Wrote according to Josh some pretty good stuff that big circulation publications were interested in publishing. Wrote lots of stuff in the early 1970s once he settled down in Oakland (Josh lived out there with him then and I know Sam and maybe Frankie visited him there) about his corner boys, his old working class neighborhood, about being a screwed-up teen filled with angst and alienation in the old days. Good stuff from what I read even if I was a little miffed when he constantly referred to me as a guy with two left feet, two left hands and too left out with the girls which wasn’t exactly true, well a little.

One big series that Markin did, did as homage to his fellow Vietnam veterans, although he never talked much about his own experiences, said he did what he did and that was that just like our fathers would say when we tried to asked about World War II with them, Vietnam veterans who had trouble getting back to the “real world” and wound up under bridges and along railroad tracks mainly in Southern California where he interviewed them and let them tell their stories their way called Going to the Jungle (a double-reference to the jungle in ‘Nam and the railroad “jungle” of hobo legend where they then resided) was short-listed for some important award but I forget which one.                    

And then he stopped. Fell off the earth. No, not really, but the way I got the story mostly from Josh and Sam, with a little stuff from Frankie thrown after the dust settled is what the thing amounted to. Markin had always been a little volatile in his appetites, what he called in high school (and we started calling too) his “wanting habits” coming out of the wretched of the earth North Adamsville deep down working poor neighborhoods  (me and Sam too). At some point in about 1976 or 1977 but probably the earlier date he started doing girl, snow, you know, cocaine that was no big thing in the 1960s (I had never tried it and has only heard about it from guys who went to Mexico for weed and would pick up a couple of ounces to level out with when the pot got weary as it started to do when the demand was greater than the supply and street hipsters and junkies were cutting what they had with oregano or herbs like that, or maybe I heard one time all oregano and good-luck to your high, sucker). Cocaine then was pretty expensive so if you got your “wanting habits” on with that stuff, if you liked running it constantly up your nose using some freshly minted dollar bill like some guys did  until you always sounded like you had a stuffed up nose then you had better have either started robbing banks, a dicey thing, a very dicey thing the one time me and a couple of guys tried to rob as little a thing as a variety store or start dealing the stuff to keep the demons away. He choose the latter.           

Once Markin moved up the drug dealer food chain that is where things got weird, got so weird that when I heard the story I thought he must have taken too much acid back in the day no matter what he claimed. He was “muling” a lot for the boys down south, for what was then a far smaller and less professional drug cartel, meaning he was bringing the product over the border which was a lot easier then as long as you were not a Mexican or a “hippie,” or looked like either. (Josh said Markin had shaved his telltale beard and his ponytail long hair as part of his new career just like a lot of guys, like me, once the tide ebbed and people drew distinctions from the way you looked just like in the 1950s when Markin and Frankie did their faux “beat” thing. From what Sam said things went okay for a while but see, and this I know from my own story, those kid “wanting habits” play funny tricks on you, make you go “awry” as Markin used to say. In the summer of 1977 (we are not sure which month) Markin went south (Mexico) to pick a big (for him) two kilogram batch of coke to bring back to the states. And that was the end of Markin, the end that we can believe part. They found his body in a back alley down in Sonora face down with two slugs in his head. Needless to say the Federales did next to nothing to find out who had murdered him.

Frankie, then just a budding lawyer, once the news got back to Boston, sent a private detective down there but all he was able to find out from a shaky source, a junkie whom he met in a cantina where Markin would stop and drink who may or may have actually known him but who needed a “fix” before he would say word one, was that Markin had either stolen the two kilogram shipment and was going to go independent (not a good idea even then when the cartels were nothing like the strong-arm kill outfits they are today, Jesus) or the negotiations went bad, went off the track, and somebody got offended by the El Norte gringo marauder. Life is cheap in that league. To this day that is all we know, and old Markin is buried down there in some potter’s field unmarked grave still mourned and missed.        

I mentioned above that in the early 1970s Markin before we lost contact, or rather I lost contact since Josh knew his whereabouts outside of San Francisco in Daly City until about 1974, did a series of articles about the old days and his old corner boys in North Adamsville.  A couple of years ago we, Frankie, Josh, Sam (Allan had passed away before this) and I agreed that a few of them were worth publishing if only for ourselves and the small circle of people whom Markin wrote for and about. So that is exactly what we did having a commemorative small book of articles and any old time photographs we could gather and had it printed up in the print shop my oldest son is now running for me. Since not all of us had everything that Markin wrote, what the hell they were newspaper or magazine articles to be used to wrap up the fish in or something after we were done reading them, we decided to print what was available. I was able to find a copy of a bunch of sketches up in the attic of my parents’ home which I was cleaning up when they were putting their house up for sale since they were in the process of downsizing. Josh, apparently not using his copies for wrapping fish purposes, had plenty of the later magazine pieces. Unfortunately we could not find any copies of the long defunct East Bay Other and so could not include anything from that Going To Jungle series.   

Below is the introduction that Sam Lowell wrote for that book which we agreed should be put in here trying to put what Markin was about in content from the guy who knew him about as well as anybody from the old neighborhood:  

“The late Peter Paul Markin, also known as “the Scribe, ” so anointed by Frankie Riley the unchallenged self-designated king hell king of the schoolboy night among the corner boys who hung around the pizza parlors, pool halls, and bowling alleys of the town, in telling somebody else’s story in his own voice about life in the old days in the working class neighborhoods of North Adamsville where he grew up, or when others, threating murder and mayhem,  wanted him to tell their stories usually gave each and every one of that crew enough rope to hang themselves without additional comment. He would take down, just like he would do later with the Going To The Jungle series that won a couple of awards and was short-listed for the Globe award, what they wanted the world to hear, spilled their guts out as he one time uncharitably termed their actions (not the veterans, not his fellows who had their troubles down in L.A. and needed to righteously get it out and he was the conduit, their voice, but the zanies from our old town), and then lightly, very lightly if the guy was bigger, stronger than him, or in the case of girls if they were foxy, mainly clean up the language for a candid world to read. Well I have said enough except I like Bart still miss and mourn the bastard. Here is what he had to say:  

When Diana Nelson “Torched” The North Adamsville Night Away- With Peggy Lee In Mind

 

From The Pen Of [The Late]Peter Paul Markin (1972)  

 

Scene: Brought to mind by one of the songs in an old second-hand   compilation album found in a North Beach cheapo record store, Leslie Gore’s 1960s classic teen dream theme (girl division) song, That’s The Way Boys Are. The album itself, done in the plain pre-psychedelic style when the cover would be little more than an off-kilter photograph of the performer and the title of the album unlike later when the covers would be works of art in their own right, featured a young white female singer in front of a band, maybe a trio, guitar, bass, drums, microphone in hand looking for all the world like the second coming of Peggy Lee. All blonde and farm-fresh, ready to sway once the guys behind her come up to speed and maybe  getting ready to sing Cry Me A River, How Little We Know, Am I Blue, Salty Tears or some lust-filled song to wipe away some deep sorrows in the crowd or in her own heart. That singing taking sorrows away, maybe her sorrows too, for a while. Here is how the sorrows played out one time in our old town:

I, Diana Nelson, am going to be a big singing star just watch out, watch out and don’t blink because then you will miss it and have to go to the back of the line like all the others. Maybe a big time singer on Broadway starring in the musical hit “hot ticket” show of the season, if I feel like it, maybe for the movies with some Tin Pan Alley guys writing stuff with me in mind, just me although like lots of things everybody will want to cover the songs after I make hits out of them, have people on the streets humming on their way to work. Maybe in the swanky New York or Los Angeles nightclubs which I think would show my voice, my instrument to best effect, for weeks on end at big money and my own private dressing room to attend to my admirers.

Hey, don’t take my word for it, it is written in the stars, my stars and I don’t mean some fortune-teller’s crystal ball but whatever makes the universe go round and round. Proof? I have just this spring won the 1962 edition of the annual Adamsville Female Vocalist Contest. Hands down! There was no way that any of those other girls could match (and one guy who dressed up as a girl, weird right, although he did a good job on Mary Wells’ Two Lovers and I was a little worried until they found out he was a guy and gave him the boot). Even Emma Johns and her smoky version of old hat Peggy Lee’s Fever got left behind when I went deep, deep down almost to my soul on Brenda Lee’s I’m Sorry. See that is what the judges were looking for, not smoldering sexy stuff but act of contrition stuff. And the girls who filled up the audience seats and gave their thumbs up and down only wanted to hear stuff that they could listen to when they cry on their pillows around midnight after they have finally realized that their Johnny isn’t going to call, is out with what Timmy Riley, the star football player for the Red Raiders, our school, a guy I used to go out with, called the corner boys over at Jimmy Jack’s Diner. Goes cheap on some corny date at Rich’s Drive-In theater with that cardboard hamburger and acidic soda, or cheats on them, cheats on them with their best girlfriend, usually, or worse out with the next best thing girl who will give him what he wants. You can figure “the what he wants” part out. I’ve got it all figured out.

Sure, like I was telling my good friend, Peter Paul Markin, P.P. as he likes me to call him, although everybody but his mother calls him Markin and has since about third grade when I first met him and Allan Johnston in ninth grade and we have got along okay ever since, the other day during class I was glad to get the one thousand dollar scholarship money that was one of the prizes offered. I can use it if I decide to go to college after we graduate next year. But the big thing for me is to get to sing, sing featured, along with the guys from the Rockin’ Ramrods to back me up, at the Falling Leaves Dance to be held late in September. That dance is always sponsored by the senior class and it will give me a thrill to go out to please that crowd of fellow seniors, especially P.P. who shares my love of music (although he is not a very good singer, sings off-key and even I have a hard time covering up for that when we do harmonies, sorry if you see this P.P.) and likes to talk about politics and stuff like I do. The big, big thing though, and I haven’t even told P.P about this is that a recording agent, Jerry Rice, yes, that Jerry Rice, from Ducca Records, the one that signed Connie what’s-her name, has promised to be there and if he likes what he hears, well, like I say it in my stars. Don’t blink, okay.

 

By the way don’t get thrown off by that good friend P.P. thing, especially if you know my own true love boyfriend Bobby Swann. There’s nothing to it whatever he may kid the guys with Monday mornings when they compare notes and he lies that he was with me in that “what he wants” way when we just go to Adamsville Beach and talk when Bobby is not around (sorry again, P. P.). Bobby couldn’t be at the contest because he was studying for his finals at State University. He is finishing up his freshman year and so he had to study hard. P. P.  and I met like I said met in ninth grade and we have been good friends ever since. That’s it, no more. Oh, I suppose I can tell you now, now that I have my handsome blue-eyed Bobby, that if he wasn't such a “stup” P.P could have had his chances with me but all he ever did was stare at my ass in class, and in the corridors. If you don’t believe me ask Emma Johns, she’s the one that noticed him doing it first, although I had an idea. Better yet, ask P.P. he’ll tell you, maybe. The thing was that I couldn’t wait forever for him to get up the nerve to ask me out and then Bobby came along and swooped me up in tenth grade and then I didn’t care for younger guys anymore, except as good friends.

I guess I should tell you since I am telling you everything else that I had a dream when I was very young, maybe seven or eight, that I was going to be a singing star. Maybe it was my mother always playing women singers on the family record like that Peggy Lee when she was young and sprightly with Benny Goodman, Teresa Brewer, and Billie Holiday that got me going because I would sing along all day with the radio on. Later Ma had me take singing lessons and I have been going strong ever since. P. P. said he went crazy when he first heard me do Brenda’s I Want To Be Wanted and Patsy Cline’s Crazy, although she, Patsy, seemed a little to ah, shucks, countrified when I first heard her. She has gotten less so since she has started turning to more a more popular style. I sure wish I could hit her high notes but Miss French, my vocals teacher, says I will get there soon enough and then I will have to, get this word, “husband” my valuable resource. See, I am a cinch.

Did I tell you that I told, no ordered (and I can do that to him, and he jumps like a puppy dog, sorry again P.P.) to be at the Falling Leaves Dance solo, so we can talk between sets. It looks like Bobby won’t be coming. According to him no big time State University sophomore would be caught dead at a high school dance and also his cross-country team is having a big meet in New York City that weekend. You know, and I hope you won’t tell Bobby, if you know him, because I do love him so, every once in a while I wish P. P. would have done more than just look at my ass in ninth grade.

[Tell me, damn it, try to tell me this is not an elegy worthy of a fallen corner boy, yeah, go on and tell me. BW]

Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind  






Sure guys, black guys, on Mister’s 28,000 acres of the best bottomland in Mississippi or some such number, had plenty to have the blues about, especially how Mister and his Mister James Crow laws fitted him and his just fine at the expense of those black guys, their women and their righteous children (righteous when they and their children smote the dragon come freedom summer times but that is a story for their generations to tell I want to talk about the great-grand pa’s and ma’s and  their doings). Working all day for chump change in Mister’s fields or worse share-cropper and having Mister take the better portion and leaving the rest. Yeah, so there is no way that black guys could not have the blues back then (now too but that in dealt with by the step-child of the blues, via hip-hop nations) and add to Mister’s miseries, woman trouble, trouble with Sheriff Law, and trouble with Long Skinny Jones if you mess with his woman, get your own. Plenty of stuff to sing about come Saturday night after dark at Smilin’ Billy’s juke joint complete with his home-made brew which insured that everybody would be at Preacher Jack’s  Sunday service to have their sins from the night before (or maybe just minutes before) washed clean under the threat of damnation and worse, worse for listening to the devil’s music by a guy like Charley Patton, Son House (who had the worst of both worlds being a sinner and a preacher man), Lucky Quick, Sleepy John, Robert J, and lots of hungry boys who wanted to get the hell out from under Mister and his Mister laws by singing the blues and making them go away.          

That’s the guys, black guys and they had a moment, a country blues moment back in the 1920s and early 1930s when guys, white guys usually as far as I know, from record companies like RCA, the radio company. They were agents who were parlaying two ideas together getting black people, black people with enough money  (and maybe a few white hipsters if they were around and if they were called that before the big 1950s “beat” thing), buy, in this case, race records, that they might have heard on that self-same radio, nice economics, scoured the South looking for talent and found plenty in the Delta (and on the white side of that same coin plenty in the Southern hill-billy mountains too). But those black blues brothers were not what drove the race label action back then since the rural poor had no money for radios or records for the most part and it was the black women singers who got the better play, although they if you look at individual cases suffered under the same Mister James Crow ethos that the black guys did. There they were though singing barrelhouse was what it was called mostly, stuff with plenty of double meanings about sex and about come hither availability and too about the code that all Southern blacks lived under. And the subjects. Well, the subjects reflected those of the black guys in reverse, two-timing guys, guys who would cut their women up as soon as look at them, down-hearted stuff when some Jimmy took off with his other best girl leaving her flat-footed, the sins of alcohol and drugs (listen to Victoria Spivey sometime on sister cocaine and any number of Smiths on gin), losing your man to you best friend, some sound advice too like Sippy Wallace’s don’t advertise your man, and some bad advice about cutting up your no good man and taking the big step-off that awaited you, it is all there to be listened to.   

And the queen, the self-anointed queen, no, better you stay with the flow of her moniker, the empress, of barrelhouse blues was Bessie Smith, who sold more records than anybody else if nothing else. But there is more since she left a treasure trove of songs, well over two hundred before her untimely early death in the mid-1930s. Guys, sophisticated guys, city guys, black guys mainly, guys like Fletcher Henderson, would write stuff for her, big sax and trombone players would back here up and that was that. Sure Memphis Minnie could wag the dogs tail with her lyrics about every kind of working guy taking care of her need, and a quick listen to any of a dozen such songs will tell you what that need was or you can figure it out and if you can’t you had better move on, the various other Smiths could talk about down-hearted stuff, about the devil’s music get the best of them, Sippy Wallace could talk about no good men, Ivy Stone could speak about being turned out in the streets to “work” the streets when some guy left town, address unknown, and Victoria Spivey could speak to the addictions that brought a good girl down but Bessie could run it all. From down-hearted blues, killing her sorrows with that flask of gin, working down to bed-bug flop houses, thoughts of killing that no good bastard who left her high and dry, seeing a good Hustlin’ Dan man off to the great yonder, blowing high and heavy in the thick of the Jazz Age with the prince of wails, looking for a little sugar in her bowl, and every conceivable way to speak of personal sorrows.

Let me leave it like this for now with two big ideas. First if you have a chance go on YouTube and listen and watch while she struts her stuff on Saint Louis Woman all pain, pathos and indignity as he good man throws her over for, well, the next best thing. That will tell you why in her day she was the Empress. The other is this-if you have deep down sorrows, some man or woman left you high and dry, maybe you need a fixer man for what ails you, you have deep-dyed blues that won’t quite unless you have your medicine then you have to dust off your Billie Holiday records and get well. But if the world just has you by the tail for a moment, or things just went awry but maybe you can see the like of day then grab the old Bessie Vanguard Record or later Columbia Record multiple albums and just start playing you won’t want to turn the thing off once Bessie gets under your skin.                
A Voice From The Left-The Latest From The Steve Lendman Blog





 A link below to link to the Steve Lendman Blog



From The Pen Of Frank Jackman

Over the years that I have been presenting political material in this space I have had occasion to re-post items from some sites which I find interesting, interesting for a host of political reasons, although I am not necessarily in agreement with what has been published. Two such sites have stood out, The Rag Blog, which I like to re-post items from because it has articles by many of my fellow Generation of ’68 residual radicals and ex-radicals who still care to put pen to paper and the blog cited here, the Steve Lendman Blog.  The reason for re-postings from this latter site is slightly different since the site represents a modern day left- liberal political slant. That is the element, the pool if you will, that we radicals have to draw from, have to move left, if we are to grow. So it is important to have the pulse of what issues motivate that milieu and I believe that this blog is a lightning rod for those political tendencies. 

I would also add that the blog is a fountain of rational, reasonable and unrepentant anti-Zionism which became apparent once again this summer of 2014 when defense of the Palestinian people in Gaza was the pressing political issue and we were being stonewalled and lied to by the bourgeois media in service of American and Israeli interests. This blog was like a breath of fresh air.

A Jackman disclaimer:

I place some material in this space which I believe may be of interest to the radical public that I do not necessarily agree with or support. One of the worst aspects of the old New Left back in the 1970s as many turned to Marxism after about fifty other theories did not work out (mainly centered on some student-based movements that were somehow to bring down the beast without a struggle for state power) was replicating the worst of the old Old Left and freezing out political debate with other opponents on the Left to try to clarify the pressing issues of the day. That freezing out , more times than I care to mention including my own behavior a few times, included physical exclusion and intimidation. I have since come to believe that the fight around programs and politics is what makes us different, and more interesting. The mix of ideas, personalities and programs, will sort themselves out in the furnace of the revolution as they have done in the past. 

Off-hand, as I have mentioned before, I think it would be easier, infinitely easier, to fight for the socialist revolution straight up than some of the “remedies” provided by the commentators in these various blogs and other networking media. But part of that struggle for the socialist revolution is to sort out the “real” stuff from the fluff as we struggle for that more just world that animates our efforts. So read on. 

An additional Jackman comment (Fall 2014):

The left-liberal/radical arena in American politics has been on a steep decline since I was a whole-hearted denizen of that milieu in my youth somewhere slightly to the left of Robert Kennedy back in 1968 say but still emerged in trying put band-aids on the capitalist system. That is the place where Steve Lendman with his helpful well informed blog finds himself. It is not an enviable place to be for anyone to have a solid critique of bourgeois politics, hard American imperial politics in the 21st century and have no ready source in that milieu to take on the issues and make a difference  (and as an important adjunct to that American critique a solid critique of the American government acting as front-man for every nefarious move the Israeli government makes toward increasing the oppression of the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank). 

Of course  I had the luxury, if one could call it that, which a look at Mr. Lendman's bio information indicates that he did not have, was the pivotal experience in the late 1960s of being inducted, kicking and screaming but inducted, into the American army in its losing fight against the heroic Vietnamese resistance. That signal event disabused me, although it took a while to get "religion." on the question of the idea of depending on bourgeois society to reform itself. On specific issues like the fight against the death penalty, the fight for the $15 minimum wage, immigration reform and the like I have worked with that left-liberal/ radical milieu, and gladly, but as for continuing to believe against all evidence that the damn thing can be reformed that is where we part company. Still Brother Lendman keep up the good work and I hope you find a political home worthy of your important work.                  


Save the Date - UNAC National Conference, May 8 - 10, 2015


 


In Honor Of Russian Revolutionary Vladimir Lenin’s Birthday (April 1870-January 1924)-The Struggle Continues 



 

From The Pen Of Frank Jackman 

 

For a number of years I have been honoring various revolutionary forbears, including the subject of this birthday tribute, the Russian Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin architect (along with fellow revolutionary Leon Trotsky) of the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 in each January under the headline-Honor The Three L’s –Lenin, Luxemburg , Liebknecht. My purpose then was (and still is) to continue the traditions established by the Communist International in the early post-World War I period in honoring revolutionary forbears. That month has special significance since every January  

Leftists honor those three leading revolutionaries who died in that month, V.I. Lenin of Russia in his sleep after a long illness in 1924, and Karl Liebknecht of Germany and Rosa Luxemburg of Poland in 1919 murdered in separate incidents after leading the defeated Spartacist uprising in Berlin.

 

I have made my political points about the heroic Karl Liebknecht and his parliamentary fight against the German war budget in World War I in which he eventually wound up in prison only to be released when the Kaiser abdicated (correctly went to jail when it came down to it once the government pulled the hammer down on his opposition), on some previous occasions. The key point to be taken away today, still applicable today as in America we are in the age of endless war, endless war appropriations and seemingly endless desires to racket up another war out of whole cloth every change some ill-begotten administration decides it needs to “show the colors”, one hundred years later in that still lonely and frustrating struggle to get politicians to oppose war budgets, to risk prison to choke off the flow of war materials.  

 

I have also made some special point in previous years about the life of Rosa Luxemburg, the “rose of the revolution.” About her always opposing the tendencies in her adopted party, the German Social-Democracy, toward reform and accommodation, her struggle to make her Polish party ready for revolutionary opportunities, her important contributions to Marxist theory and her willing to face and go to jail when she opposed the first World War. This month, the month of his birth, it is appropriate, at a time when the young needs to find, and are in desperate need of a few good heroes, a few revolutionaries who contributed to both our theoretical understandings about the tasks of the international working class in the age of imperialism (the age, unfortunately, that we are still mired in) and to the importance of the organization question in the struggle for revolutionary power, to highlight the early struggles of Vladimir Lenin, the third L, in order to define himself politically. It is rather a truism that nobody is born a revolutionary and that was the case with Lenin as well although the hagiography surrounding his name by the Stalinists later would attempt to make one believe that was the case. But, Lenin, not unlike many of us who took part in the 1960s political upheavals and had gone pillar to post from one political perspective to another before understanding that Marxism held some promise about creating that “world turned upside down,” that search for the newer world” that animated many of us, also when through various strategies before coming to that same conclusion. Probably the best way to see that process is to look at Lenin’s experiences through the prism of his fellow revolutionary, early political opponent, and eventual co-leader of the Bolshevik Revolution Leon Trotsky. Although Trotsky was some ten years Lenin’s junior he had been just as caught up in the revolutionary times of pre-World War I Russia and he too had gone through some transitions before coming to his life-long adherence to the spirit of Marxist doctrine.    

 

A Look At The Young Lenin By A Fellow Revolutionary

The Young Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Doubleday and Co., New York, 1972

The now slightly receding figure of the 20th century Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, founder and leader of the Bolshevik Party and guiding light of the October 1917 Russian Revolution and the first attempt at creating a socialist society, has been the subject of many biographies (maybe more than slightly receding in some quarters in the West although still actively and vociferously anathema among the so-called liberal political intelligentsia as if the past twenty-five years after the demise of the Soviet Union had not buried the idea of that style of communism in the popular imagination). Some of those efforts undertaken during the time of the Soviet government which was dismantled in 1991-92, especially under the Stalin regime, bordered on or were merely the hagiographic. Others, reflecting the ups and downs of the post-World War II Cold War, painted an obscene diabolical picture, excluding only Lenin’s horns, and in some cases not even attempting to exclude those. In virtually all cases these effort centered on Lenin’s life from the period of the rise of the Bolshevik Social Democratic faction in 1903 until his early death in 1924. In short, the early formative period of his life in the backwaters of provincial Russia rate a gloss over. Lenin’s fellow revolutionary Leon Trotsky, although some ten years younger than him, tries to trace that earlier stage of his life in order to draw certain lessons. It is in that context that Trotsky’s work contains some important insights about the development of revolutionary figures and their common beginnings.


Although Trotsky’s little work, originally intended to be part of a full biography of Lenin, never served its purpose of educating the youth during his lifetime, a politically active anti-Stalinist life cut short by a Stalinist axe, and the story of its subsequent discovery is rather interesting one should note that this is neither a scholarly work in the traditional sense nor is it completely free from certain fawning over Lenin by Trotsky. Part of that fawning may have been a hang-over from certain past disputes before World War I in which generally Trotsky had been wrong.  Part also, as always, determined by the vicissitudes of the furious Trotsky-Stalin fights in the 1920s and 1930s for the soul of the Russian Revolution as Trotsky tried to uncover the layers of misinformation about Lenin’s early life. Part of it resulted from Trotsky’s status as junior partner to Lenin and also to his late coming over to Bolshevism. And part of it is, frankly, to indirectly contrast Lenin’s and his own road to Marxism.


That said, this partial biography stands up very well as an analysis of the times that the young Lenin lived in, the events that affected his political development, and the idiosyncrasies of his own personality that drove Lenin toward revolutionary conclusions. In short, Trotsky’s work is a case study in the proposition that revolutionaries are made not born.

To a greater extent than would be true today in a celebrity-conscious world with a media explosion ready to delve into every part of a person’s pre-celebrity life many parts of Lenin’s early life are just not verifiable. Partially that is due to the nature of record keeping in the Russia of the 19th century. Partially it is because of the necessity to rely on not always reliable Tsarist police records. Another part is that the average youth, and here Lenin was in some ways no exception, really have a limited noteworthy record to present for public inspection. That despite the best efforts of Stalinist hagiography to make it otherwise.

Nevertheless Trotsky does an admirable job of detailing the high and low lights of agrarian Russian society and the vagaries of the land question in the second half of the 19thcentury. One should note that Trotsky grew up on a Ukrainian farm (what would later be called derogatorily a “kulak” farm) and therefore was no stranger to many of the same kind of problems that Lenin had to work through concerning the solution to the agrarian crisis, the peasant question. Most notably, is that the fight for the Russian revolution that everyone knew was coming could only be worked out through the fight for influence over the small industrial working class and in the name of some socialist construct of the new society.

I note that for the modern young reader that two things Trotsky analyzes are relevant. The first is the relationship between Lenin and his older brother Alexander who, when he became politicized, joined a remnant of the populist People’s Will terrorist organization and attempted to assassinate the sitting Tsar in the late 1800s. For his efforts Alexander and his co-conspirators were hanged. I have always been intrigued by the effect that this event had on Lenin’s development.

On the one hand, as a budding young intellectual, would Lenin have attempted to avenge his brother’s fate with his same revolutionary intellectual political program? Or would Lenin go another way to intersect the coming revolutionary wave that everybody knew was coming (except maybe the person of the Czar himself as Trotsky famously told it in an early chapter in his seminal History of the Russian Revolution) either through its agrarian component or the budding Marxist Social Democratic element? We know the answer but Trotsky provides a nicely reasoned analysis of the various influences that were at work in the young Lenin. That alone is worth the price of admission here.

The other point I have already alluded to above. Revolutionaries are made not born, although particular life circumstances may create certain more favorable conditions. Soviet historians in their fawning heyday tried to make of Lenin a superhuman phenomenon- a fully formed Marxist intellectual from his early youth. Trotsky once again distills the essence of Lenin’s struggle to make sense of the world, the Russian world in the first instance, as he tries to find a way out the Russian political impasse. Trotsky’s work only goes up to 1892-93, the Samara period, the period before Lenin took off for Petersburg and greener pastures. He left Samara a fully committed Marxist but it would be many years, with many polemics and by using many political techniques before he himself became a Bolshevik, as we know it. And that, young friends, is a cautionary tale that can be taken into the 21st century. Read on.
A View From The Left-Syriza Tries to Appease EU Imperialists-Greece: European Union Turns Screws-Why Greek Trotskyists Said “No Vote to Syriza!”

Workers Vanguard No. 1065
3 April 2015
 
Syriza Tries to Appease EU Imperialists
Greece: European Union Turns Screws
Why Greek Trotskyists Said “No Vote to Syriza!”
 
On February 20, less than a month after being propelled to victory in the Greek elections on the basis of its anti-austerity rhetoric, the Syriza-led government of Alexis Tsipras caved in to the diktat of the imperialist European Union (EU) and accepted a four-month extension of the EU’s extortionate “bailout.” Syriza agreed to come up with a new package of austerity measures, but more than a month has passed without any new austerity agreement being reached. Instead there is a tense stand-off and Greece’s relationship with Germany in particular has grown increasingly venomous. The European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)—the rapacious Troika (now called “the institutions” as a face-saving concession to Syriza)—are increasingly frustrated with Athens, leading to renewed speculation about a Greek exit from the euro single currency.
In the January 25 elections, our comrades of the Trotskyist Group of Greece opposed on principle any vote for Syriza—which pledged from the outset to keep Greece within the EU—because it is a capitalist party. The “radical” Greek government’s conciliation of the Troika fully vindicates our characterization of this bourgeois, pro-EU party. In a January 15 statement for the elections, our comrades explained that “the EU’s purpose is to enable the imperialist powers of Europe, led by Germany, to subordinate weaker capitalist countries like Greece and impose savage austerity on working people throughout Europe, including in Germany” (see “Greece: European Union Austerity Elections,” WV No. 1060, 23 January).
We reprint below a presentation by a TGG spokesman at a February 21 forum in London held by the Spartacist League/Britain, which published it in Workers Hammer, No. 230, Spring 2015.
*   *   *
I will be speaking about the recent Greek elections and what the rise of Syriza means for the working class and oppressed in Greece and Europe. Despite what you might have heard, Syriza’s election does not represent any kind of step towards socialism. We in the TGG called for no vote to Syriza. As we explained in our statement for the Greek elections, our perspective is the fight for workers revolution in Greece and internationally. We opposed Syriza because it is committed to keeping Greece in the imperialist European Union (EU), which is a pledge for more hunger and joblessness; moreover Syriza is not a workers party and does not in any way represent the interests of the working class. Its programme is bourgeois and its base is among the petty-bourgeoisie—shopkeepers, farmers and professionals—a layer with no independent class interests that is generally drawn behind the bourgeoisie under capitalism. We called instead for a vote to the Communist Party (KKE), a party which is based in the working class but which has a reformist programme. The KKE opposed the imperialist EU and any support to Syriza.
In the 25 January election, Syriza achieved an overwhelming victory, winning 36 per cent of the vote. The key factor was that Syriza promised to ease up on the grinding austerity faced by Greek working people since the world economic crisis began in 2007-2008. This austerity has been imposed by the imperialists who dominate the EU. They have demanded savage attacks on the workers and poor in exchange for loans to bail out the bloodsucking banks. The pro-EU Syriza seeks merely to renegotiate the terms of imperialist oppression of Greece, by getting a break on the terms of repayment of the massive government debt.
Nonetheless, there are real illusions in Syriza among layers of the workers and the oppressed who are desperate for any form of relief. Furthermore, the fact that an election was won by a party other than the two main capitalist parties, PASOK (the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement) and New Democracy (ND), who have shared power for 40 years, is seen as a blow to the Greek oligarchs and their system of patronage and corruption. There is also a sense of national pride that a party the German government explicitly did not want in power won an election in Greece.
Since 2012, Syriza has been abandoning many of its more left-sounding demands and currying favour with industrialists and bankers. Before the election, Syriza jettisoned its opposition to NATO and dropped its call for a debt write-off. Since the election, it has promised not to renationalise any of the industries privatised by the previous government. Two years ago Syriza demanded the rejection of the austerity memorandum of the Troika. Now it is willing to accept 70 per cent of the austerity measures. While I was on my way to London to give this forum, the Syriza government capitulated to the EU’s demands. It has now agreed to extend the hated bailout in exchange for implementing even more austerity, the very thing it was elected to overturn.
In Greece the TGG is the only organisation outside of the Communist Party that describes itself as revolutionary Marxist and opposes the new capitalist Syriza government. The Socialist Workers Party of Greece (SEK), co-thinkers of the party of the same name here in Britain, argues that this government is a “big step forward” for the working class (socialistworker.co.uk, 6 January). The fake-Trotskyist Greek Workers Revolutionary Party (EEK) called before the election for a “powerful United Front” from the KKE to Syriza and including everyone in-between, in order to “smash...imperialist domination” and open the way to “universal human emancipation” (eek.gr, 28 December 2014). In other words, for them a Syriza government represents a transition to socialism. The Xekinima group, which is affiliated with Britain’s Socialist Party [and Socialist Alternative in the U.S.], said that Syriza “can open a new epoch for the working people” and begin the “counterattack of the workers movement” against Greek and international capital (xekinima.org, 26 January). These leftists are now salivating at the prospect of parties similar to Syriza coming to power elsewhere in Europe, especially Podemos in Spain.
I read in the paper last week that Kenneth Clarke, British former Tory chancellor, called Syriza “latter-day Trotskyites.” He intended this to be a derisive statement about Syriza’s extreme radicalism. But as a supporter of a genuine Trotskyist organisation, I really was insulted to be compared with these pro-EU liberals. You don’t need to know very much about the new Greek government to know that Syriza is not about to form workers defence militias, suppress the fascist-infested police, expropriate the key sectors of the Greek economy, and begin to rule through soviets. Syriza is very open about what it seeks to do: it wants to work within the bounds of the EU and Greek parliament. It wants to make Greek capitalism profitable again and it wants to protect the interests of the shipowners and banks. Syriza thinks the best way to do this is to put a more humanitarian facade on the imperialist EU and system of capitalist exploitation.
Most of the Greek left has jumped onto the Syriza bandwagon. Some are inside Syriza, including the Greek comrades of Socialist Appeal, which is part of the International Marxist Tendency founded by the late Ted Grant. Others, like the SEK, belong to Antarsya, a coalition that ran its own candidates in the election but seeks to be the pressure on the streets that will push Syriza to the left. In addition to the SEK, Antarsya is also home to other ex-Trotskyists, ex-Stalinists and Maoists. In the January elections, Antarsya ran in a bloc with Plan B, a small split from Syriza. Plan B is no more socialist than Syriza. What passes for radicalism in Plan B’s programme is a request that the parliament consider adopting direct democracy—to make Greece more like Switzerland. Of course, we know that Switzerland is a paradise—for the super-wealthy! While Antarsya and Plan B ran their own candidates, they were very careful not to oppose a vote to Syriza. That is why we said “no vote to Antarsya!”
One particular anecdote stands out to me. During the election campaign we were distributing our “Vote KKE” leaflet at a busy street corner in central Athens. Antarsya and the Communist Party also had leafleters. There was a Syriza office just a block away, and they were very hostile to our leaflet. I noticed, in contrast, that one of the Antarsya members was over with the Syriza guys chatting and laughing and being very comradely. So when she came back I made a snarky comment about their supposed “independence from Syriza” and she shoots back: “Well, just watch, we’ll be striking in the streets right after the election.”
Today Antarsya is indeed in the streets, but they aren’t striking against the government, they’re supporting it. They’ve mobilised for pro-government, national unity protests in the last couple of weeks, where thousands rallied under Greek flags. Under the guise of opposing the Troika, these protests line up Greek working people in “solidarity” with their class enemy at home—the Greek capitalists. When Syriza talks about seeking European solidarity it is talking about solidarity with the bourgeois regimes of Italy, France, and Spain—once Podemos is in power. It is not referring to international working class solidarity—which must be forged around Europe-wide opposition to the EU.
Down With the EU!
We of the International Communist League have opposed the EU since its formation. Dominated primarily by Germany, the EU exists centrally to advance the interests of these imperialist powers. Together with their junior partners, they use the EU to subordinate dependent states, such as Greece and many East European countries. Equally important to remember is that the EU is a means of increasing the rate of exploitation of the workers in imperialist European countries as well. Workers in Germany have seen their wages slashed and living conditions undercut in the name of profitability. Today the French working class is facing EU-mandated austerity carried out by the Socialist Party government of François Hollande. In Britain, which is in the EU but not the currency bloc, the government has launched massive cuts to healthcare, welfare and housing. In Greece the attacks have been extreme. The healthcare system is so inadequate that Doctors Without Borders is operating in major cities like Athens. In the capital, 25 per cent of school children go hungry, and the universities are so strapped that they lack the cash to pay even basic operating costs. Any Guardian or New York Times article will tell you: mass unemployment, mothers too poor to give birth in a hospital, children and pensioners rummaging through rubbish bins for food.
The unions have been a special target of the EU imperialists and of the Greek bourgeoisie. Collective bargaining was shredded under the EU/IMF memorandum, and key sectors of union power have been weakened, most famously the port of Piraeus, half of which was privatised and where there is no union. The years-long economic depression has decimated the already small Greek working class. When I first visited Greece in 2012, I visited a picket line of striking workers at a steel plant outside Athens. When we met with them they had already been on strike for over 200 days. We talked to the workers there about their strike and published solidarity statements in our international press [see WV No. 1005, 6 July 2012]. The strike was launched after the plant’s owner, a major Greek industrialist, threatened mass layoffs and wage cuts that were permitted under the EU-IMF memorandum. PAME, the KKE’s trade-union front, helped organise the strike and the workers had led a long, militant and popular strike. However, they were isolated and threatened with state repression. About a month after our visit riot cops launched a massive attack on the picket lines and broke the strike. Crucial in the strike’s defeat was that there were no sympathy strikes in other steel plants, nor was there an attempt to broaden their struggle to other layers of the working class. As of 2014 the plant was closed, and the remaining workers had been laid off. The attacks on workers in Greece should serve as a warning. The workers of Europe must recognise that the EU is using Greece as a test case for what it has in store for all of them.
One of the reasons we offered critical support to the KKE is that it opposes the EU. But the Greek Stalinists’ opposition to the EU comes from their nationalist perspective. Indeed, much of the left in Greece has some rhetoric about Greece being better off outside the eurozone and EU, even as their comrades in other parts of Europe explicitly promote the idea of a reformed, democratic EU—a “social Europe.” In contrast our opposition to the EU is internationalist—we are for revolutionary struggle by workers across Europe against this imperialist consortium.
Recognising that the euro would be an instrument of the EU imperialists, we opposed its introduction. We noted that a common European currency was not viable in the long-term. Ordinarily, each country has its own currency, and a debtor country can get some relief and regain competitiveness by devaluing its currency. But this is not possible in a currency union like the eurozone. The imperialists, centrally the German bourgeoisie, demand that debtor countries slash wages, pensions and welfare in return for aid to the banks. There is no way out for debtor countries under this setup. In the eurozone, Greece is akin to a patient on life support, and the machine keeping it breathing is the cash provided by the Troika. Mass unemployment and hunger were deliberate policies enacted by the Troika and local rulers to cow the working class and to attempt to make Greece “profitable” again, which means driving up the rate of exploitation. The EU imperialists, centrally Germany, have treated Greece like a colony, even getting rid of bourgeois politicians like former PM George Papandreou, who made the mistake of proposing to get a popular mandate for massive austerity. For years domestic political decisions have been vetoed by Berlin and Brussels.
The sharp cuts in public spending have had a predictable effect—the Greek economy has contracted by 25 per cent since the beginning of the crisis. A smaller economy means less tax revenue, thereby increasing the deficit and prompting demands for more austerity. As we pointed out in our election statement, a Greek exit from the EU as the result of workers struggles would be a step forward, but not a solution in itself. The economic crisis of the imperialist system cannot be resolved within the borders of one country, particularly in small, dependent Greece with its low level of industry and resources. International socialist revolution is the only solution to unemployment, wage cuts, imperialist war and the other depredations of decaying capitalism.
Nationalism: Poison for Workers Struggle
Don’t be fooled by Syriza’s name, which stands for Coalition of the Radical Left. It is anything but that, both in its current incarnation and in its origins. It originated, in part, from a right-wing split from the Communist Party by anti-Soviet elements. The forces that became Syriza spent the last decade immersed in the Social Forums, student struggles and populist “indignados” protests—the last of which were explicitly anti-working class. In 2004 Syriza was formed as a coalition including bourgeois and petit-bourgeois political forces like environmentalists and ex-PASOK members.
As for Syriza’s transformation into a party, its founding conference in 2013 adopted a resolution, which is a dead letter today, where one of the most radical demands was to nationalise the banks. It proclaims itself to be for the laos, the people, of which the working class is only one sector. It was not built by workers organisations, unions, but rather emerged as a voice for the petty bourgeoisie.
In our January statement we called Syriza a petty-bourgeois party because it had not yet gained ruling-class support. That is no longer the case. Before the elections the main bourgeois daily newspaper Kathimerini ran editorials about “dealing with the Syriza virus” (ekathimerini.com, 24 September 2014) and accused Syriza of gambling with the country’s economic development. But a few days after the elections, Kathimerini warned right-wing New Democracy, its former favourite, that it “must throw its support behind any government decisions that are for the overall good.” Syriza worked very hard to win the support of a wing of the bourgeoisie. In 2013 Tsipras promised to maintain the notorious tax scheme whereby the monumentally wealthy Greek shipowners pay little tax. He also met with leaders of Greek industry last year, promising them a better business climate with fewer obstacles to profit-making.
Much of the left in Greece and internationally expressed dismay at Syriza’s alliance with the right-wing nationalist Independent Greeks (ANEL). Such surprise has to be deeply cynical. Syriza and the Independent Greeks have been courting each other for some time. They had an ongoing parliamentary alliance stretching back to 2013. That year, Syriza sent a representative to the Independent Greeks congress, and they agreed to a common front to bail out little brother (Greek) Cyprus. This alliance is useful for Syriza and its boosters, as it allows them to blame their backtracking and lies on the coalition. But, actually, there is no conflict of class interest between the Independent Greeks and Syriza, because both parties share a desire to promote Greek nationalism and national interests. For the Independent Greeks this means expelling immigrants from the country, accusing the tiny Jewish population of Greece (descendants of survivors of the Holocaust) of not paying taxes, and otherwise promoting horrible nationalism and anti-gay bigotry.
Knowing that its promises are largely empty, Syriza uses nationalist populism as an ideological prop for its rule. For years, Greece has been swept by almost daily strikes and protests against the government and its policies. But today you have flag-waving, pro-government protests, a confirmation of Syriza’s usefulness to the Greek capitalists in deflecting anger away from them. One of our comrades noted that this is the first time in her life she has ever seen pro-government demonstrations.
Tsipras has denounced Turkey for infringing on Cyprus’ sovereignty, and the Greek military announced last week that it will be carrying out military exercises with Cyprus, Israel and Egypt. Fascist Golden Dawn announced that they will support Syriza measures against privatisations as well as anything Syriza does to oppose sanctions against Russia. While Greece’s subordination to the imperialists understandably whips up national sentiment against the Troika, the solution for working people is not nationalism, in which is expressed the lie that there is a common interest between Greek workers and their capitalist exploiters at home.
Rather than pointing out to the working class that the Syriza-Independent Greek nationalist alliance is simply an alliance of left and right bourgeois populists, the left has turned its fire against the Greek Communist party for refusing to ally with Syriza. We called for a vote to the KKE not least because it had refused in advance to rule with Syriza. The KKE correctly said: “Reject the blackmail and lies of ND-Syriza, the people have bled enough for the EU-plutocracy.” An electoral alliance between the KKE and Syriza would be a classic popular front, or alliance between a reformist workers party (the KKE) and a bourgeois party (Syriza). When the workers are tied to the capitalists by their misleaders, as in China in the 1920s, Spain and France in the 1930s and Chile in the early 1970s, the result is not socialism but the disillusionment and disarmament of socialist-minded workers, the defeat of revolutionary opportunities and, very often, the rise of extreme right-wing reaction.
The workers movement of Greece has its own bitter memories of such betrayals. In the Second World War the Communist Party’s military forces led a successful resistance struggle against the German occupation and controlled nearly the whole country by 1944. However, the KKE, following Stalin’s diktat, handed power back to the British-backed capitalist forces. The Greek bourgeoisie murdered thousands of Communists after winning the years-long civil war, and the KKE remained more or less underground until after the fall in 1974 of the military dictatorship. I urge you to read the current issue of the ICL’s theoretical journal Spartacist, which has an in-depth article explaining the origins of the KKE’s popular-frontism and Stalin’s nationalist programme of “socialism in one country.”
There is a mass reformist workers party in Greece with tens of thousands of working-class members and deep trade-union links. It is the Communist Party, not Syriza, that maintains the allegiance of militant Greek workers. The KKE is one of the few remaining mass Stalinist parties that has refused to dissociate itself from the Soviet Union. Today, the KKE claims to have turned its back on “coalitions” with the bourgeoisie and to have studied and corrected what it calls “mistakes” made when it did participate in bourgeois governments at various junctures. We called for critical support to the KKE, meaning that although we urged people to vote for it, we didn’t shy away from or disappear our differences with its Stalinist programme. We sought to use the tactic of critical support as a way to expose the reformist programme of the KKE. Our critical support allowed us to argue with KKE workers and youth against the party’s nationalism and populism. And we had lots to argue about.
The KKE views as sacrosanct the Greek borders, which were extended a hundred years ago in a series of fratricidal wars. Back in 2013 the Communist Party newspaper ran an article calling to strengthen the war industries in the name of national defence. In the last election the KKE ran NATO admiral Giannis Douniadakis as a candidate. This was an act of fealty to the capitalist state, and we said: “No Vote to Douniadakis!” The KKE denies that there is a Slav Macedonian minority in Greece, never mind that it should have the right to separate. But the democratic demand for the right of self-determination for national minorities is vital for a revolutionary party in Greece to uphold, and we raise it prominently. Because of the national conflicts in the Balkans and the imperialist subordination of the region, for the working class a Socialist Federation of the Balkans is the only way forward.
The KKE and the Capitalist State
The Communist Party’s pronouncements can sound like Marxism. In the latest issue of its theoretical journal Communist Review the KKE wrote, “The new power must smash the bourgeois state. No organ and its mechanism can be reformed and transferred to the conditions of socialist construction.” There was also a very interesting letter by the KKE in a recent issue of the Morning Star, newspaper of the British Communist Party. The letter was a rebuttal of the international fake left’s criticism of the KKE for not joining with Syriza in government. The KKE makes a number of correct arguments against Syriza and its left tails, including that Syriza “accepts the strategy of the EU and Capitalism” (morningstaronline.co.uk, 23 January).
The KKE’s current posture can only partially obscure what is at bottom a class-collaborationist Stalinist programme. In fact, despite its left rhetoric, in practice the KKE does administer the capitalist state on the local level. There is a KKE mayor of Patras, Greece’s third-largest city, for example. Our international views it as a communist principle not to run for or accept executive office—mayor, president, sheriff etc. These are offices where, if in power, a communist would be responsible for the day-to-day administration of the capitalist state, including the local police, of course.
We distributed thousands of copies of our critical support statement, including to rallies and marches of the KKE and its youth group. We had a range of reactions from KKEers, some thanked us while others found it almost unbelievable that a Trotskyist group would be voting for the KKE. The Douniadakis candidacy, which I mentioned earlier, was a hot topic of debate, as were the democratic rights of national minorities in Greece and the question of the police, who the KKE has argued can be won to the side of the working class. We discussed with KKE students who asked us to sit down with them and explain what we meant by our criticisms of the KKE’s populism and nationalism. These youth were impressed with our organisation’s principled defence of the USSR and East Germany during counterrevolution, and our call in 1979, “Hail Red Army in Afghanistan!”
You might think that every so-called socialist organisation in Greece has an orientation to the KKE, with its mass support in the working class, left-sounding Stalinist politics and mass demonstrations of tens of thousands. But they don’t. In fact, when our comrades distributed our critical support statement to an Antarsya election meeting, SEK leaders expressed disgust that we would call for a vote for Stalinists. That’s right, the Cliffites, who have voted for everyone from Greece’s bourgeois PASOK to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, were horrified by the idea of voting for the Communist Party. The left complains constantly of the KKE’s sectarianism. In fact, it is anti-Communism that holds Antarsya together, with its hodgepodge membership of ex-Stalinist, fake-Trotskyist and Maoist organisations. None of these groups defended the Soviet Union against capitalist counterrevolution in 1991-1992. We did! We fought on the ground there, and earlier in East Germany, for unconditional military defence against imperialism and internal counterrevolution and for workers political revolution to oust the Stalinist bureaucracy and install regimes of workers democracy.
For Workers Struggle Against Fascism!
I would like to conclude with some comments on the rise of the fascist Golden Dawn, and the strategy needed to stop them. Golden Dawn now holds the third most seats in parliament, behind only Syriza and New Democracy. As you may know, one of its supporters stabbed and killed the leftist rapper Pavlos Fyssas in September 2013, and fascists are also responsible for other brutal killings and assaults on immigrants and leftists. Golden Dawn, with its Nazi symbolism and extreme nationalism, is seen by many lumpen and petty bourgeois as the only “radical” alternative to the system that brought on the economic crisis. In many working-class areas once dominated by the KKE, such as the port area of Athens, Golden Dawn has fed off years of hunger and unemployment.
This situation urgently cries out for mass, united-front mobilisations centred on the power of the organised proletariat to stop the fascists. The capitalist state keeps the fascists in reserve in order to use them to crush the workers when bourgeois class rule is threatened. It is therefore suicidal for leftists and workers to have any illusions that the institutions of the capitalist state can be used to stop the fascists. While the left hailed the arrest of more than a dozen Golden Dawn leaders in 2013, we warned that the very laws used by the state to go after the fascists would eventually be used to suppress the working class and oppressed.
The struggle for a workers united front against fascism does not mean that revolutionaries should ditch their programme to lash up with reformists and bourgeois forces. We advocate a united front premised on full freedom of criticism and political independence for the various organisations involved. In this way, revolutionaries seek to expose the reformist misleaders and win workers to the revolutionary programme. This is how Trotsky advocated the use of the united-front tactic in the early 1930s in Germany. The German Communist Party’s refusal to demand that the reformist Social Democracy join them in a workers united front against the Nazis allowed Hitler to come to power without a shot being fired.
The KKE itself has been attacked by Golden Dawn, but its leaders have offered no sustained resistance to the fascist threat. Shortly after Fyssas’ murder there was a large demonstration organised by the KKE’s union front PAME that stopped Golden Dawn from rallying. But this was essentially a one-off event. The KKE’s programme against fascism is expressed in its newspaper Rizospastis, where it has appealed to “isolate” the fascists ideologically and to use the “weapon of the vote” against them. The demo after Fyssas’ murder hinted at the real strength of the working class, but this strength has been held in check by the KKE’s leadership. The KKE argues that only socialism can stop fascism. It is true that ultimately only the workers in power can end the conditions that give rise to fascism, but for the KKE this is just a cover for its refusal to mobilise against the fascists, and encourages passivity in the working class towards the deadly threat the fascists pose today.
In the fall of 2013, shortly before Fyssas’ murder, I witnessed the largest working-class demonstration I have ever seen. There were tens of thousands of workers, mobilised by the Communist Party and its trade-union front PAME. Many were waving red hammer-and-sickle flags, marching in close military formation through the streets of Athens to the U.S. Embassy to protest what seemed like the imminent bombing of Syria. Two months after Fyssas was killed, more than a thousand Hiter-loving scum marched right up to the Greek parliament in central Athens and rallied there unopposed. Had tens of thousands of workers been mobilised in the streets by the unions and the left, this fascist provocation could have been stopped. So our propaganda for a united front is not abstract in the least. One must only remember that this year is the 70th anniversary of the end of the Nazi Holocaust to be aware of what is at stake.
The SEK in Greece is a prominent organiser of KEERFA, an anti-fascist front group. We attended a KEERFA meeting during last year’s November 17th commemoration. This event is held annually to commemorate the students killed by the ruling military junta during a pro-democracy protest at the Athens Polytechnic in 1973. The commemoration draws thousands of Greeks from all walks of life, from schoolchildren with their teachers to aged veterans of the Civil War. Every left organisation in the country sets up literature tables inside the campus. We attended the event held by KEERFA to discuss the progress of their anti-fascist campaign. The main speaker, a public leader of KEERFA, spoke at length about the nature of fascism, the struggle for immigrant rights, etc. All of this led to a final, resounding crescendo: we must march in the streets—to pressure the government to throw the fascists in jail!
There can be no greater expression of illusions in the capitalist state than this demand. It is suicidal in any capitalist country to rely on the state to deal with the fascists, but in Greece it should be even more apparent because it is widely known that half of the cops support Golden Dawn. The last government’s health minister was known for using a homemade axe to hunt down leftist students when he was a leader of a right-wing youth group. A supporter of the TGG intervened in the meeting from the floor. She really shook the room up. She explained why we call for the united front and then exposed the illusions in the cops and courts pushed by the SEK and KEERFA. She went after the SEK for being anti-Communist, and for being so repelled by our call for a workers united front with the Communist Party. She got a fair bit of applause after her remarks.
Well, of course KEERFA and the SEK are absolutely thrilled that Syriza was elected, because now they really push illusions that the state will take care of the fascist threat. The SEK calls on Syriza to continue the trials of Golden Dawn, root out their supporters in the state apparatus, and “disarm the police.” A recent anti-Turkey provocation launched by the new government illustrates the depth of these reformist illusions. Days after the election Panos Kammenos, the new defence minister, staged a nationalist anti-Turkey provocation by lowering a wreath over the Imia islets, where three Greek soldiers died in a helicopter crash in 1996. These are pieces of rock whose ownership is disputed by Greece and Turkey, and every year the fascists hold an Imia rally on 31 January.
This year’s counter-demonstration in Athens against the fascist rally was a crystallisation of the toothless, liberal, anti-fascist “common front” against fascism hailed by Antarsya and KEERFA. This demo, the first since the election of Syriza, saw the left rally hours before and in a different location from the fascists, obviously with no intention of stopping Golden Dawn. Everyone from the Syriza youth to Antarsya to anarchists was represented. Much was made of the fact that there was a minimal police presence. Of course, had this been a serious mobilisation to stop the fascists, you can be sure that hundreds of riot cops would have been dispatched to protect Golden Dawn.
For a Leninist-Trotskyist Party
No capitalist government, including one led by Syriza, will be able to satisfy the desperate demands of the Greek masses for jobs, healthcare and pensions. In these conditions, the fascists will continue to grow. It is necessary for the Greek working class to come to the fore in militant struggle of all those facing ruin by the capitalist crisis. A class-struggle response to the populist demagogy of the fascists is needed. In a country where the unionised working class has been decimated by the economic crisis, a massive campaign to organise the unorganised is needed. In Greece, immigrants are murdered in the street, detained in squalid camps, or pushed into the sea to drown before even reaching Europe’s shores. Against deportations and state repression against undocumented migrants, we call for full citizenship rights for all immigrants. In response to massive, sustained unemployment in a society where a whole generation has never held a job, we demand jobs for all through a shorter workweek with no loss in pay! In a society where the pitiful minimum wage leaves the working poor to burn firewood to heat their apartments, have their electricity cut off, and send their children hungry to school, we demand a sliding scale of wages to keep up with the cost of living! In contrast to Syriza’s timid begging for scraps from the imperialists, we say: Repudiate the debt! Nationalise the banks!
This struggle would point to the need for the working class to completely expropriate the bourgeoisie and establish its own government through socialist revolution. It will be necessary to extend any revolution in a dependent European country like Greece to the imperialist centres of Berlin, Paris, and London. Our programme is for the Socialist United States of Europe. I would like to conclude by quoting from an article written by our German comrades. They wrote: “The Socialist United States of Europe, in conjunction with the conquest of proletarian power in the U.S., Japan and throughout the world, would lay the basis for a real international division of labour in a planned economy, thus enormously increasing the productivity of society. Establishing the genuine equality of the peoples of Europe, it would eradicate the source of the imperialist wars that have brought Europe so many times near extinction” [“Economic Crisis Rips Europe,” WV No. 992, 9 December 2011]. Central to our perspective as Trotskyists is the reforging of the Fourth International as the world party of proletarian revolution, the task the International Communist League has set for itself.