Workers Vanguard No. 1070
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12 June 2015
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From the Archives of Marxism
James P. Cannon on the Legacy of the IWW
To mark the 110th anniversary of the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), we excerpt below James P. Cannon’s critical tribute to the revolutionary syndicalist IWW, first published by the Socialist Workers Party in the Fourth International (Summer 1955). Cannon recounted a history he knew well, having served his political apprenticeship as a “Wobbly” before becoming a founding member of the American Communist and later Trotskyist movements.
Formed in direct opposition to the craft unionism of the American Federation of Labor, the IWW drew its membership largely from young workers who took to the road to find work where they could—as railroad construction workers, lumberjacks, metal miners and seamen. Taught by harsh experience that the bosses could not be overpowered at the ballot box, those who formed the IWW called for “One Big Union” that would serve as the instrument to seize the means of production from the capitalist class. This reflected healthy disdain for the parliamentary reformism dominating many of the parties of the Second International. But it confused the role of the unions, which must embrace the mass of the workers, with that of a programmatically-based revolutionary party.
The IWW’s conception was transcended by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, which demonstrated that what the working class needs to overthrow capitalism is a Leninist vanguard party. Following the 1917 Revolution, some of the best elements of the IWW and other left-syndicalist organizations were recruited to the newly founded parties of the Third (Communist) International, although most did not make the leap.
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The Bold Design
When the Founding Convention of the IWW—the Industrial Workers of the World—assembled in Chicago in June, 1905, the general strike movement initiating the first Russian revolution was already under way, and its reverberations were heard in the convention hall. The two events coincided to give the world a preview of its future. The leaders at Chicago hailed the Russian revolution as their own. The two simultaneous actions, arising independently with half a world between them, signalized the opening of a revolutionary century. They were the anticipations of things to come.
The defeated Russian revolution of 1905 prepared the way for the victorious revolution of 1917. It was the “dress rehearsal,” as Lenin said, and that evaluation is now universally recognized. The Founding Convention of the IWW was also a rehearsal; and it may well stand out in the final account as no less important than the Russian action at the same time.
The founders of the IWW were indubitably the original inspirers and prime movers of the modern industrial unions in the mass production industries. That is commonly admitted already, and that’s a lot. But even such a recognition of the IWW, as the precursor of the present CIO [Congress of Industrial Organizations], falls far short of a full estimate of its historic significance. The CIO movement, at its present stage of development, is only a small down payment on the demands presented to the future by the pioneers who assembled at the 1905 Convention to start the IWW on its way.
The Founding Convention of the IWW brought together on a common platform the three giants among our ancestors—[Eugene] Debs, [Big Bill] Haywood and [Daniel] De Leon. They came from different backgrounds and fields of activity, and they soon parted company again. But the things they said and did, that one time they teamed up to set a new movement on foot, could not be undone. They wrote a Charter for the American working class which has already inspired and influenced more than one generation of labor militants. And in its main essentials it will influence other generations yet to come.
They were big men, and they all grew taller when they stood together. They were distinguished from their contemporaries, as from the trade-union leaders of today, by the immensity of their ambition which transcended personal concerns, by their far-reaching vision of a world to be remade by the power of the organized workers, and by their total commitment to that endeavor.
The great majority of the other delegates who answered the call to the Founding Convention of the IWW were people of the same quality. They were the non-conformists, the stiff-necked irreconcilables, at war with capitalist society. Radicals, rebels and revolutionists started the IWW, as they have started every other progressive movement in the history of this country.
In these days when labor leaders try their best to talk like probationary members of the Junior Chamber of Commerce, it is refreshing to turn back to the reports of men who spoke a different language. Debs, Haywood and De Leon, and those who stood with them, did not believe in the partnership of capital and labor, as preached by [American Federation of Labor head Samuel] Gompers and Co. at the time. Such talk, they said in the famous “Preamble” to the Constitution of the IWW, “misleads the workers.” They spoke out in advance against the idea of the permanent “co-existence” of labor unions and the private ownership of industry, as championed by the CIO leaders of the present time.
The men who founded the IWW were pioneer industrial unionists, and the great industrial unions of today stem directly from them. But they aimed far beyond industrial unionism as a bargaining agency recognizing the private ownership of industry as right and unchangeable. They saw the relations of capital and labor as a state of war.
Brissenden puts their main idea in a nutshell in his factually correct history of the movement: “The idea of the class conflict was really the bottom notion or ‘first cause’ of the IWW. The industrial union type was adopted because it would make it possible to wage this class war under more favorable conditions.” (The I.W.W.: A Study of American Syndicalism, by Paul Frederick Brissenden, p. 108.)
The founders of the IWW regarded the organization of industrial unions as a means to an end; and the end they had in view was the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement by a new social order. This, the heart and soul of their program, still awaits its vindication in the revolution of the American workers. And the revolution, when it arrives, will not neglect to acknowledge its anticipation at the Founding Convention of the IWW. For nothing less than the revolutionary goal of the workers’ struggle was openly proclaimed there 50 years ago.
The bold design was drawn by Bill Haywood, General Secretary of the Western Federation of Miners, who presided at the Founding Convention of the IWW. In his opening remarks, calling the convention to order, he said:
“This is the Continental Congress of the working class. We are here to confederate the workers of this country into a working class movement that shall have for its purpose the emancipation of the working class from the slave bondage of capitalism.” (Proceedings of the First Convention of the Industrial Workers of the World, p. 1.)
The trade unions today are beginning to catch up with the idea that Negroes are human beings, that they have a right to make a living and belong to a union. The IWW was 50 years ahead of them on this question, as on many others. Many of the old Gompers unions were lily-white job trusts, barring Negroes from membership and the right to employment in their jurisdictions. Haywood, in his opening speech, indignantly denounced the policy of those unions “affiliated with the A. F. of L., which in their constitution and by-laws prohibit the initiation of or conferring the obligation on a colored man.” He followed, in his speech at the public ratification meeting, with the declaration that the newly-launched organization “recognizes neither race, creed, color, sex or previous condition of servitude.” (Proceedings, p. 575.)
And he wound up with the prophetic suggestion that the American workers take the Russian path. He said he hoped to see the new movement “grow throughout this country until it takes in a great majority of the working people, and that those working people will rise in revolt against the capitalist system as the working class in Russia are doing today.” (Proceedings, p. 580.)...
The Duality of the IWW
One of the most important contradictions of the IWW, implanted at its first convention and never resolved, was the dual role it assigned to itself. Not the least of the reasons for the eventual failure of the IWW—as an organization—was its attempt to be both a union of all workers and a propaganda society of selected revolutionists—in essence a revolutionary party. Two different tasks and functions, which, at a certain stage of development, require separate and distinct organizations, were assumed by the IWW alone; and this duality hampered its effectiveness in both fields. All that, and many other things, are clearer now than they were then to the leading militants of the IWW—or anyone else in this country.
The IWW announced itself as an all-inclusive union; and any worker ready for organization on an everyday union basis was invited to join, regardless of his views and opinions on any other question. In a number of instances, in times of organization campaigns and strikes in separate localities, such all-inclusive membership was attained, if only for brief periods. But that did not prevent the IWW agitators from preaching the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism in every strike meeting.
The strike meetings of the IWW were in truth “schools for socialism.” The immediate issues of the strike were the take-off point for an exposition of the principle of the class struggle, for a full-scale indictment of the capitalist system all up and down the line, and the projection of a new social order of the free and equal.
The professed “non-political” policy of the IWW doesn’t stand up very well against its actual record in action. The main burden of its energies was devoted to agitation and propaganda—in soap-box speeches, press, pamphlets and songbooks—against the existing social order; to defense campaigns in behalf of imprisoned workers; and to free-speech fights in numerous localities. All these activities were in the main, and in the proper meaning of the term, political.
The IWW at all times, even during strikes embracing masses of church-going, ordinarily conservative workers, acted as an organization of revolutionists. The “real IWW’s,” the year-round activists, were nicknamed Wobblies—just when and why nobody knows—and the criterion of the Wobbly was his stand on the principle of the class struggle and its revolutionary goal; and his readiness to commit his whole life to it.
In truth, the IWW in its time of glory was neither a union nor a party in the full meaning of these terms, but something of both, with some parts missing. It was an uncompleted anticipation of a Bolshevik party, lacking its rounded-out theory, and a projection of the revolutionary industrial unions of the future, minus the necessary mass membership. It was the IWW....
The Turning Point
The whole record of the IWW—or at any rate, the best part of it, the positive revolutionary part—was all written in propaganda and action in its first 15 years. That is the enduring story. The rest is anti-climax.
The turning point came with the entrance of the United States into the First World War in the spring of 1917, and the Russian Revolution in the same year. Then “politics,” which the IWW had disavowed and cast out, came back and broke down the door.
These two events—again coinciding in Russia and America, as in 1905—demonstrated that “political action” was not merely a matter of the ballot box, subordinate to the direct conflict of the unions and employers on the economic field, but the very essence of the class struggle. In opposing actions of two different classes the “political state,” which the IWW had thought to ignore, was revealed as the centralized power of the ruling class; and the holding of the state power showed in each case which class was really ruling.
From one side, this was shown when the Federal Government of the United States intervened directly to break up the concentration points of the IWW by wholesale arrests of its activists. The “political action” of the capitalist state broke the back of the IWW as a union. The IWW was compelled to transform its principal activities into those of a defense organization, striving by legal methods and propaganda, to protect the political and civil rights of its members against the depredations of the capitalist state power.
From the other side, the same determining role of political action was demonstrated positively by the Russian Revolution. The Russian workers took the state power into their own hands and used that power to expropriate the capitalists and suppress all attempts at counter-revolution. That, in fact, was the first stage of the revolution, the pre-condition for all that was to follow. Moreover, the organizing and directing center of the victorious Revolution had turned out to be, not an all-inclusive union, but a party of selected revolutionists united by a program and bound by discipline.
The time had come for the IWW to remember Haywood’s prophetic injunction at the Founding Convention in 1905: that the American workers should look to Russia and follow the Russian example. By war and revolution, the most imperative of all authorities, the IWW was put on notice to bring its theoretical conceptions up to date; to think and learn, and change a little.
First indications were that this would be done; the Bolshevik victory was hailed with enthusiasm by the members of the IWW. In their first reaction, it is safe to say, they saw in it the completion and vindication of their own endeavors. But this first impulse was not followed through.
Some of the leading Wobblies, including Haywood himself, tried to learn the lessons of the war and the Russian Revolution and to adjust their thinking to them. But the big majority, after several years of wavering, went the other way. That sealed the doom of the IWW. Its tragic failure to look, listen and learn from the two great events condemned it to defeat and decay.
The governing role of theory here asserted itself supremely, and in short order. While the IWW was settling down in ossification, converting its uncompleted conceptions about the real meaning of political action and political parties into a sterile anti-political dogma, the thinking of others was catching up with reality, with the great new things happening in the world. The others, the young left-wing socialists, soon to call themselves Communists, lacked the battle-tested cadres of the IWW. But they had the correct program. That proved to be decisive.
The newly formed Communist Party soon outstripped the IWW and left it on the sidelines. It was all decided within the space of two or three years. By the time of its fifteenth anniversary in 1920 the IWW had already entered the irreversible road of decline. Its strength was spent. Most of its cadres, the precious human material selected and sifted out in heroic struggle, went down with the organization. They had borne persecution admirably, but the problems raised by it, and by all the great new events, overwhelmed them. The best militants fell into inactivity and then dropped out. The second-raters took over and completed the wreck and the ruin....
The Heritage
The working class can be really united only when it becomes a class for itself, consciously fighting the exploiters as a class. The ruling bureaucrats, who preach and practice class collaboration, constitute in effect a pro-capitalist party in the trade unions. The party of the socialist vanguard represents the consciousness of the class. Its organization signifies not a split of the class movement of the workers, but a division of labor within it, to facilitate and effectuate its unification on a revolutionary basis; that is, as a class for itself.
As an organization of revolutionists, united not simply by the immediate economic interests which bind all workers together in a union, but by doctrine and program, the IWW was in practice, if not in theory, far ahead of other experiments along this line in its time, even though the IWW called itself a union and others called themselves parties.
That was the IWW’s greatest contribution to the American labor movement—in the present stage of its development and in those to come. Its unfading claim to grateful remembrance will rest in the last analysis on the pioneering role it played as the first great anticipation of the revolutionary party which the vanguard of the American workers will fashion to organize and lead their emancipating revolution.
This conception of an organization of revolutionists has to be completed and rounded out, and recognized as the most essential, the most powerful of all designs in the epoch of imperialist decline and decay, which can be brought to an end only by a victorious workers’ revolution. The American revolution, more than any other, will require a separate, special organization of the revolutionary vanguard. And it must call itself by its right name, a party.
The experimental efforts of the IWW along this line remain part of the permanent capital of those who are undertaking to build such a party. They will not discard or discount the value of their inheritance from the old IWW; but they will also supplement it by the experience and thought of others beyond our borders.
The coming generation, which will have the task of bringing the class struggle to its conclusion—fulfilling the “historic mission of the working class,” as the “Preamble” described it—will take much from the old leaders of the IWW—Debs, Haywood, De Leon and [Vincent] St. John, and will glorify their names. But in assimilating all the huge experiences since their time, they will borrow even more heavily from the men who generalized these experiences into a guiding theory. The Americans will go to school to the Russians, as the Russians went to school to the Germans, Marx and Engels.
Haywood’s advice at the Founding Convention of the IWW still holds good. The Russian way is the way to our American future, to the future of the whole world. The greatest thinkers of the international movement since Marx and Engels, and also the greatest men of action, were the Russian Bolsheviks. The Russian Revolution is there to prove it, ruling out all argument. That revolution still stands as the example; all the perversions and betrayals of Stalinism cannot change that.
The Russian Bolsheviks—Lenin and Trotsky in the first place—have inspired every forward step taken by the revolutionary vanguard in this country since 1917. And it is to them that the American workers will turn for guidance in the next stages of their evolving struggle for emancipation. The fusion of their “Russian” ideas with the inheritance of the IWW is the American workers’ prescription for victory.
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On The 110th Anniversary- When The Wobblies Bloomed
Sam Eaton comment:
Everybody, or practically everybody,
knows the story of how my old friend Ralph Morris from Troy, New York and I met
on May Day 1971 so I will just give the highlights since what I want to really
talk about is what we discussed and decided to do as a result of what happened that
day. See I had gone down to Washington D.C. with several groups (collectives,
was what we called them) of red-hot “reds” and radicals from Cambridge in order
to “capture” the White House. That is not as weird as it sounds now since what
we were trying to do along with thousands of others who opposed the Vietnam War
(and shared similar positions on other social questions as well) was to “shut down
the government, if it did not shut down the war.” We were angry, we were
desperate and some of us, not me then anyway, were acting under the impression that
we were opening a second front here in America in aid of the liberation fighters
in Vietnam.
Ralph, an ex-veteran with eighteen
months under his belt in Vietnam, had become totally disgusted with what he had
done there, what his buddies had done there, and what the American government
had made them do to people who were not bothering anybody, at least nobody in
America. He had joined the Vietnam
Veterans Against the War organization and had come down to Washington with a
group from New York state who were going to shut down their old boss, the Pentagon,
as part of that same May Day action. They at least had enough sense, unlike us,
to realize that this would be a symbolic action. In either case what we all got
for our troubles was tear-gassed, billy-clubbed and as Ralph put it once, sent
to the bastinado, the RFK football stadium then being used as a holding pen for
all those arrested that day. And there is where Ralph and I met when he saw I
had a VVAW supporter button on (in respect for my friend Jeff Mullins from my
hometown of Carver, Massachusetts who got blown away in Vietnam and got me out
in the streets as a result).
Like I said what was important was
not so much that we met, although that did start a lifetime personal friendship
and politically active association, but that we began what would be a several years
stretch of activity and study in order to see what had gone wrong that day, and
what we really needed to do when the government went to war and we needed to
stop it in its tracks. After we left RFK and hitchhiked back up North we
continued to talk and to make study plans which due to one thing or another
didn’t get a big boost until the summer of 1972. That summer I had been living
in a Cambridge commune, a very common living arrangement during those years for
comradery and to share the bills among people who had little dough. I invited
Ralph over from Troy to stay with me and to join a study group/ action group
run by one of the many “red collectives” that were sprouting up around Cambridge
in those days. He came and spent the summer, although his father who ran a high
precision electrical shop was furious since Ralph had been cheap labor for him.
Not everything that we learned that
summer, or later when we studied with other groups or on our own, was etched in
gold, had a lot of relevance to what we were trying to do but a lot did. A grounding
in the basics of classical Marxism except for the book sealed with seven seals Das Capital, the experiences of the
Bolsheviks and the three Russian revolutions, the work of Che Guevara and Leon
Trotsky on colonial revolutions, closer to home the American Civil War, and the
early labor movement here. And of course a drill through of what were called
questions, questions with a big “Q” like the black question, the Russian
question, the women question, the gay question, the labor party question and so
on.
We wound up not joining any particular
group, including not joining the Socialist Workers Party that we were interested
in because of its connection with the heroic figure of Leon Trotsky and his
windmill facing tasks to save the Russian revolution and because of James P.
Cannon whose work in the political prisoner field, especially when he was with
the International Labor Defense and its central involvement in the Sacco and
Vanzetti case in the 1920s. While we had political disagreements with most
groups we were in contact with (and disagreements between us especially on the
Labor Party question since I was red-hot to try and use the Democratic Party as
a way to change things and Ralph would have none of that since it was a
Democrat, LBJ, who sent his “young ass” [his term] to Vietnam) would join and
unjoin various ad hoc groups around particular
issues much preferring that avenue to joining a hard political organization.
The real reason though was that sometime in the mid-1970s while we were still
deep in trying to figure things out the glow of the big 1960s jail break-out
was beginning to lose steam. And we were beginning to lose steam as well wanting
to get on with careers and starting families.
Ralph, who still lives in Troy as I
still live around Boston, since we are both practically retired and the kids are
grown have gotten together more recently when he makes periodic trips to Boston.
One night not long ago we were sitting in our favorite bar, Jack Higgins’
Grille down by the Financial District downtown, talking about this and that,
you know of course political this and that, when Ralph mentioned that he had run
into Hugo Gans, the old Industrial Workers of the World organizer (IWW,
Wobblies) who was out there trying to organize some small restaurant in Saratoga
Springs. That got us talking about those old study groups and about the process
we went through trying to figure out what group we would join in order to do
more effective political work (remember we wound up not joining any on-going
group).
No question we were under the sway
of Che and Leon Trotsky and that it would be hard to see ourselves in an organization
hostile to the work of either men but we paid very close attention in one study
class run by an anarchist who went root and branch through the virtues of the
old time Wobblies. We caught some of the fever he put out, if only as an historical
moment. We stood in thrall to guys like Big Bill Haywood and his Western miners
who went through hell to get what they wanted. We admired Frank Little and the others
who were martyred to the cause and the heroic struggle against great odds of the
IWWs opposition to World War I which put the organization right in the
cross-hairs of the government bent on war and which basically crushes organization
as an effective pole of attraction for young labor militants. We admired Jim
Cannon as well for making the big move from the Wobblies but shared his old time
sentimental feeling that the organization grabbed some very good cadre in the early
days.
And of course there was Hugo who
could always be counted on to bring whoever he could round-up to add bodies to
whatever protest we were planning. So it was something of a treat to pick up a
copy of a newspaper from one of the young earnest Marxists hocking their wares
at an anti-war Iraq and Syria rally that featured some words by Cannon on the
subject of the Wobblies. He had a good sense of their strengths in the early day
and their limitations when things changed and the deal went down.
