Thursday, August 13, 2015

Break Just Another Little Piece Of My Heart-----The Lost Photos Of Janis Joplin's Last Concert

Break Just Another Little Piece Of My Heart-----The Lost Photos Of Janis Joplin's Last Concert 

The “Blues Mama” Of “The Generation Of ‘68”- The Music Of Janis Joplin 


CD REVIEW

Janis Joplin: 18 Essential Songs, Janis Joplin with Big Brother and The Holding Company, Columbia Records, 1995

It is virtually a truism that every generation has its own cultural icons, for better or worst. The 1960’s, the time of this reviewer’s “Generation of ‘68”, was no exception. Although there were no official creeds in the matter, in fact we scorned such thinking, a rough translation of what we thought we were about then could be summed up as follows- live fast, live young and live forever. Other, later generations have put their own imprint on that theme although I sense without our basically naïve and hopeful expectations of that phrase. All this is by way of saying that the artist under review, urban white blues and soul singer Janis Joplin, was one of our icons. That she crashed and burned well before her time, and well before forever, only adds poignancy to her fate.

The role of “blues mama” for a generation is certainly no task for the faint-hearted, as Janis’s life, life style, and fame attest to. That she was able to translate the black blues idiom and style of the likes of her idol “Big Mama” Thornton, of necessity, had to take its toll on that tiny hard scrabble Texas-raised body. But that is the fundamental tragedy (and beauty) of the blues. Not only must you ‘pay your dues’ but this genre cannot be faked. If you have not lived a hard scrabble existence, faced the depths of what society has to offer and come out swinging you flat-out cannot convey that message the way it is suppose to be done. Janis could. Other white women blues singers as fine performers as they are, like Tracey Nelson and Rory Block, approximate that sound but there is just a little too much “refinement” in the voice to pass this test.

So what did Janis (and her fellow musicians of Big Brother and The Holding Company who generally rose to the occasion and created great sounds to go with that Joplin voice) leave us? Well, as contained in this above average CD compilation of her work, most of the essential woman’s blues numbers of the 1960’s that will stand the test of time. Not bad, right? Start off, as always, with ‘Big Mama’s” “Ball and Chain” (that blew them away at the Monterrey Pops Festival). Move on to the classic Gershwin tune “Summertime”. Feast on her own “I Need A Man To Love” and “Kozmic Blues”. And close out with Kris Kristofferson’s 1960’s traveling anthem “Me And Booby McGee”. And in between a dozen more memorable tunes. I defy anyone to find a song in this compilation that is less than above average. And that kind of says it all. Janis Joplin’s star burned out far too quickly and those of us from her generation are now coming to terms with the fact that, despite our youthful beliefs, we will not live forever. Her music, however, will.

Ball And Chain lyrics

Sittin’ down by my window,
Honey, lookin’ out at the rain.
Oh, Lord, Lord, sittin’ down by my window,
Baby, lookin’ out at the rain.
Somethin’ came along, grabbed a hold of me, honey,
And it felt just like a ball and chain.
Honey, that’s exactly what it felt like,
Honey, just dragging me down.

And I say, oh, whoa, whoa, now hon’, tell me why,
Why does every single little tiny thing I hold on to go wrong ?
Yeah it goes wrong, yeah.
And I say, oh, whoa, whoa, now babe, tell me why,
Does every thing, every thing.
Hey, here you gone today, I wanted to love you,
I just wanted to hold you, I said, for so long,
Yeah! Alright! Hey!

Love’s got a hold on me, baby,
Feels like a ball and chain.
Now, love’s just draggin’ me down, baby,
Feels like a ball and chain.
I hope there’s someone out there who could tell me
Why the man I love wanna leave me in so much pain.
Yeah, maybe, maybe you could help me, come on, help me!

And I say, oh, whoa, whoa, now hon’, tell me why,
Now tell me, tell me, tell me, tell me, tell me, tell me why, yeah.
And I say, oh, whoa, whoa, whoa, when I ask you,
When I need to know why, c’mon tell me why, hey hey hey,
Here you’ve gone today,
I wanted to love you and hold you
Till the day I die.
I said whoa, whoa, whoa!!

And I say oh, whoa, whoa, no honey
It ain’t fair, daddy it ain’t fair what you do,
I see what you’re doin’ to me and you know it ain’t fair.
And I say oh, whoa whoa now baby
It ain’t fair, now, now, now, what you do
I said hon’ it ain’t fair what, hon’ it ain’t fair what you do.
Oh, here you gone today and all I ever wanted to do
Was to love you
Honey you can still hear me rock and roll the best,
Only it ain’t roll, no, no, no, no, no.

Sittin’ down by my window,
Lookin’ out at the rain.
Lord, Lord, Lord, sittin’ down by my window,
Lookin’ out at the rain, see the rain.
Somethin’ came along, grabbed a hold of me,
And it felt like a ball and chain.
Oh this can’t be in vain
And I’m gonna tell you one more time, yeah, yeah!

And I say oh, whoa whoa, now baby
This can’t be, no this can’t be in vain,
And I say no no no no no no no no, whoa,
And I say whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa
Now now now now now now now now now no no not in vain
Hey, hope there is someone that could tell me
Hon’, tell me why love is like
Just like a ball
Just like a ball
Baaaaaaalllll
Oh daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy
And a chain.
Yeah.

Call On Me lyrics

Well, baby, when times are bad,
Now call on me, darling, and I’ll come to you.
When you’re in trouble and feel so sad,
Well, call on me, darling, come on call on me, and I’ll help you.
Yeah!

A man and a woman have each other, baby,
To find their way in this world.
I need you, darling, like the fish needs the sea,
Don’t take your sweet, your sweet love from me.

Baby, when you’re down and feel so blue,
Well, no, you won’t drown, darling, I’ll be there too.
You’re not alone, I’m there too,
Whatever your troubles, honey, I don’t care.

A man and a woman have each other, baby,
To find their way in this world.
I need you, darling, like the fish needs the sea,
Don’t take your sweet, sweet love from me!

Please! So baby, when times are bad,
Call on me, darling, just call on me.

I Need A Man To Love lyrics

Whoa, I need a man to love me.
Don’t you understand me, baby ?
Why, I need a man to love.
I gotta find him, I gotta have him like the air I breathe.
One lovin’ man to understand can’t be too much to need.

You know it
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be this loneliness
Baby, surrounding me.

No, no, know it just can’t be
No it just can’t be
There’s got to be some kind of answer.
No it just can’t be
And everywhere I look, there’s none around
No it just can’t be
Whoa, it can’t be
No it just can’t be, oh no!
Whoa, hear me now.

Whoa, won’t you let me hold you ?
Honey, just close your eyes.
Whoa, won’t you let me hold you, dear ?
I want to just put my arms around ya, like the circles going ‘round the sun.
Let me hold you daddy, at least until the morning comes.

Because it
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be now
Oh no
Can’t be this loneliness
Baby, surrounding me.
No, no, no it just can’t be.
No it just can’t be
Oh, baby, baby, baby, baby, just can’t be.
No, no, no
No it just can’t be

And why can’t anyone ever tell me, now ?
No it just can’t be
I wake up one morning, I realize
No it just can’t be
Whoa, it can’t be.
No it just can’t be
Now go!

Whoa, I need a man to love me
Oh, maybe you can help me, please.
Why, I need a man to love.
But I believe that someday and somehow it’s bound to come along
Because when all my dreams and all my plans just cannot turn out wrong.

You know it
Can’t be now Oh no
Can’t be now Oh no
Can’t be now Oh no
Can’t be now Oh no
Can’t be now Oh no
Can’t be just loneliness
Baby, surrounding me

No, no, no, it just can’t be
No it just can’t be
Oh, baby, baby, baby, baby, it just can’t be
No it just can’t be
And who could be foolin’ me ?
No it just can’t be
I’ve got all this happiness
No it just can’t be
Come, come, come on, come on, come on, and help me now.
No it just can’t be
Please, can’t you hear my cry ?
No it just can’t be
Whoa, help ...






Newly Found Photos Show Janis Joplin's Final Concert — 45 Years Ago At Harvard

sounds

Peter Warrack's photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, August 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
Peter Warrack’s photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, Aug. 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
The evening of Aug. 12, 1970, was a warm one. Harvard Stadium had been transformed into a concert arena with the addition of rows upon rows of seats onto the field. An estimated 40,000 spectators were crammed inside. After it was discovered that some sound equipment had been stolen, the show was delayed. According to several accounts, the crowd was restless, near rioting.
They were waiting for Janis Joplin.

“Oddly, while we were sitting there—and the crowd was getting into something, it became very smoky and sweet there, let’s put it that way—we could see, straight ahead, the open-scaffolding stage,” says Kevin McElroy, who was seated near the front with his boyfriend, Peter Warrack. “Janis was underneath. And she had a bottle of Southern Comfort, and she was just in a world of her own there. She just was doing what she wanted to do in the moment. After another hour-and-a-half or so—it was really quite a delay—she literally burst onto the stage. It was just electric.”
Peter Warrack's photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, August 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
 
Peter Warrack’s photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, Aug. 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)

Two months later, Joplin was dead. That near-disaster concert at Harvard Stadium, it turned out, was her last public performance.

It was a special night for Warrack as well. An amateur photographer who liked to photograph celebrities and collect autographs, he shot almost a whole roll of film from down in the front, a telephoto lens aimed upward at the star as she threw herself across the stage. Concerts weren’t documented as thoroughly back then as they are now, thanks to Instagram and Twitter and a camera on every smartphone, so those 24 black-and-white close-ups are, seemingly, some of the few existing relics of the historic concert.

The Liverpool-born Warrack died in 2008, but nearly his entire collection of photographs—around 15,000—remained unpublished during his lifetime. Until recently they languished in a vast collection of binders in several closets at McElroy’s residence in Boston’s South End. House of Roulx—a Danvers-based operator of an online boutique selling celebrity photos, reproductions of funny sci-fi art and copies of curious old photos—acquired the entire collection this year. Individual prints as well as a limited edition box set of the Joplin series are available for purchase on the House of Roulx website.
Peter Warrack's photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, August 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
 
Peter Warrack’s photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, Aug. 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)

“This wasn’t just a guy who was celebrity star-struck who snapped pictures, he was actually a really good photographer,” says House of Roulx’s Jared Gendron. “Because there’s a difference between someone who just runs around snapping pictures paparazzi-style in the 1970s, versus somebody who has that artistic eye.”

Taken together, Warrack’s photographs of Joplin are like a flip-book of the 27-year-old singer that capture a few fleeting, candid moments onstage. They are portraits, really, set against a black background, zoomed in close enough to count the bracelets on her wrist. In one shot, she holds a finger pensively to her lips. In another, she radiates, smiling as she looks over her shoulder. One photo captures her in motion, a blur of sweat and song.

“She was feeling no pain, literally,” says McElroy. “She was interacting with the audience in almost a—well, it wasn’t almost, it was, it was a sexual banter back and forth. They were calling up to her, they wanted her, and she wanted them. At one point in time she says, ‘Yeah, I’ll take you on. One at a time. One at a time.’ That was part of who she was.”
Peter Warrack's photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, August 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
 
Peter Warrack’s photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, Aug. 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)

When Joplin died on Oct. 4, 1970, Reuters ran an obituary that spent as much time detailing her boozy, contentious persona as her actual musicianship. In the years since, she has become something of a feminist icon, in addition to a bona fide rock ‘n’ roll legend. Her voice—that gravelly, SoCo-soaked voice—epitomizes the capacity of a rare kind of greatness to translate pain into art.
“I think people today might not understand—you know, Janis was young, she was only 20-odd, and she was one of our current rock stars,” says McElroy. “She was just somebody who was touring, and somebody who was good, and somebody you wanted to see. Over the last 45 years, Janis has become something else, in a way most people who die young do become. And I think young people today would look at Janis and not see her in the same light that we did.”

In McElroy’s telling, Warrack’s work was driven by a fascination with both the glamour of celebrity as well as the humanity behind it. The photographs of Joplin, he says, show a side of her that has been largely erased by her iconic status and all that she symbolizes now.

“I think we see something different when we look back,” says McElroy. “I don’t think we see just Janis herself. [That night] was just Janis, performing. It was wonderful.”
Peter Warrack's photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, August 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)
Peter Warrack’s photo of Janis Joplin performing at Harvard Stadium, Aug. 12, 1970. (House of Roulx)

Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind

Got Them Down-Hearted Blues-With The Empress Of The Blues Bessie Smith In Mind  






Sure guys, black guys, on Mister’s 28,000 acres of the best bottomland in Mississippi or some such number, had plenty to have the blues about, especially how Mister and his Mister James Crow laws fitted him and his just fine at the expense of those black guys, their women and their righteous children (righteous when they and their children smote the dragon come freedom summer times but that is a story for their generations to tell I want to talk about the great-grand pa’s and ma’s and  their doings). Working all day for chump change in Mister’s fields or worse share-cropper and having Mister take the better portion and leaving the rest. Yeah, so there is no way that black guys could not have the blues back then (now too but that in dealt with by the step-child of the blues, via hip-hop nations) and add to Mister’s miseries, woman trouble, trouble with Sheriff Law, and trouble with Long Skinny Jones if you mess with his woman, get your own. Plenty of stuff to sing about come Saturday night after dark at Smilin’ Billy’s juke joint complete with his home-made brew which insured that everybody would be at Preacher Jack’s  Sunday service to have their sins from the night before (or maybe just minutes before) washed clean under the threat of damnation and worse, worse for listening to the devil’s music by a guy like Charley Patton, Son House (who had the worst of both worlds being a sinner and a preacher man), Lucky Quick, Sleepy John, Robert J, and lots of hungry boys who wanted to get the hell out from under Mister and his Mister laws by singing the blues and making them go away.          

That’s the guys, black guys and they had a moment, a country blues moment back in the 1920s and early 1930s when guys, white guys usually as far as I know, from record companies like RCA, the radio company. They were agents who were parlaying two ideas together getting black people, black people with enough money  (and maybe a few white hipsters if they were around and if they were called that before the big 1950s “beat” thing), buy, in this case, race records, that they might have heard on that self-same radio, nice economics, scoured the South looking for talent and found plenty in the Delta (and on the white side of that same coin plenty in the Southern hill-billy mountains too). But those black blues brothers were not what drove the race label action back then since the rural poor had no money for radios or records for the most part and it was the black women singers who got the better play, although they if you look at individual cases suffered under the same Mister James Crow ethos that the black guys did. There they were though singing barrelhouse was what it was called mostly, stuff with plenty of double meanings about sex and about come hither availability and too about the code that all Southern blacks lived under. And the subjects. Well, the subjects reflected those of the black guys in reverse, two-timing guys, guys who would cut their women up as soon as look at them, down-hearted stuff when some Jimmy took off with his other best girl leaving her flat-footed, the sins of alcohol and drugs (listen to Victoria Spivey sometime on sister cocaine and any number of Smiths on gin), losing your man to you best friend, some sound advice too like Sippy Wallace’s don’t advertise your man, and some bad advice about cutting up your no good man and taking the big step-off that awaited you, it is all there to be listened to.   

And the queen, the self-anointed queen, no, better you stay with the flow of her moniker, the empress, of barrelhouse blues was Bessie Smith, who sold more records than anybody else if nothing else. But there is more since she left a treasure trove of songs, well over two hundred before her untimely early death in the mid-1930s. Guys, sophisticated guys, city guys, black guys mainly, guys like Fletcher Henderson, would write stuff for her, big sax and trombone players would back here up and that was that. Sure Memphis Minnie could wag the dogs tail with her lyrics about every kind of working guy taking care of her need, and a quick listen to any of a dozen such songs will tell you what that need was or you can figure it out and if you can’t you had better move on, the various other Smiths could talk about down-hearted stuff, about the devil’s music get the best of them, Sippy Wallace could talk about no good men, Ivy Stone could speak about being turned out in the streets to “work” the streets when some guy left town, address unknown, and Victoria Spivey could speak to the addictions that brought a good girl down but Bessie could run it all. From down-hearted blues, killing her sorrows with that flask of gin, working down to bed-bug flop houses, thoughts of killing that no good bastard who left her high and dry, seeing a good Hustlin’ Dan man off to the great yonder, blowing high and heavy in the thick of the Jazz Age with the prince of wails, looking for a little sugar in her bowl, and every conceivable way to speak of personal sorrows.

Let me leave it like this for now with two big ideas. First if you have a chance go on YouTube and listen and watch while she struts her stuff on Saint Louis Woman all pain, pathos and indignity as he good man throws her over for, well, the next best thing. That will tell you why in her day she was the Empress. The other is this-if you have deep down sorrows, some man or woman left you high and dry, maybe you need a fixer man for what ails you, you have deep-dyed blues that won’t quite unless you have your medicine then you have to dust off your Billie Holiday records and get well. But if the world just has you by the tail for a moment, or things just went awry but maybe you can see the like of day then grab the old Bessie Vanguard Record or later Columbia Record multiple albums and just start playing you won’t want to turn the thing off once Bessie gets under your skin.                

In Boston-Committee for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing Meeting

In Boston-Committee for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing Meeting


Saturday,
August 15th | 2:00-5:00 PM
Encuentro5
| 9a Hamilton Place Boston


 
 
 
International
Labor Defense was an organization founded by the Communist Party USA in Chicago
in 1925 (when we were known as the Workers Party of America). By 1926 it had
20,000 dues-paying members. The ILD worked to build solidarity and unity in the
world labor movement. It mobilized to defend persecuted labor organizers and
members of oppressed nations under attack from the exploiters and their state.
Its defense of the Scottsboro Boys in the 1930s turned into a worldwide campaign
and also facilitated organizing the Sharecroppers Union.


Other
high profile ILD cases included the case of black communist Angelo Herndon
facing a death sentence for involvement with the Atlanta  Unemployed Council
(1932-1937); jailed west coast labor organizer Tom Mooney (1931-1939),
Massachusetts anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti facing execution
(1926-1930), the case of the Gallup, N. Mex., coal mine workers, (1933-1938),
and Los Angeles Times bomber John McNamara.  


Repression
breeds resistance.  As with the crises of the 1920s and '30s, capital's
deepening contradictions and crisis today is resulting in rising police
brutality and prison hells, in the US, Mexico, Colombia, indeed in most
capitalist countries. And as with the 1920s, this may be a good time to revive
International Labor Defense. It is certainly a necessary task of the
period.


Please
join us for a panel discussion on the history of International Labor Defense and
the need for similar mass organizations to defend political and class war
prisoners today. Following the panel discussion we will have an organizing
meeting for all who are interested in this organizing effort.


Meeting
Schedule-


2:00-4:00
PM Panel Discussion featuring organizers speaking on the history and current
necessity of International Labor Defense and similar efforts, participants in
struggles to free political and class war prisoners, and reports from
international efforts to revive ILD.


The
speakers on the panel are Wadi'h Halabi (Center for Marxist Education and
Economics Commission of CPUSA), Steve Kirschbaum ( United Steelworkers of
America Local 8751 Boston School Bus Drivers/Team Solidarity), and Tom Whitney
(political journalist, writes on Latin America, especially Cuba and Colombia,
member of Maine Veterans for Peace and Let Cuba life of Maine, formerly worked
as child health care worker).


4:00-5:00
PM Organizing Meeting will follow the Panel Discussion. All who are interested
in working towards a revived ILD are encouraged to attend and contribute ideas
that help in this effort.





ILD
Solidarity Statements



“Dear
brothers and sisters of the "International  Labor Defense" :
We
want to express our support and solidarity to the "International Labor Defense"
in this struggle for the freedom of our polítical prisoners all over the globe.
Please keep us updated and count on us always.
Five
big hugs!
"The
Cuban Five".
                         
Ramon
Labañino Salazar.



"The
murders, frame-ups, and repression of trade unionists today are just as vicious
as were in the days of Sacco and Vanzetti.  Sure, perhaps, the sites have
changed from Brockton, MA to the streets of Barrancas, Colombia, Tehran, Iran
and a myriad of other locales.  But the struggle for freedom of association and
to withhold one's labor continues.  For too long ideology has divided
international support for the defense of trade unionists.  I welcome the new
initiative to unite workers, regardless of ideology, in the global defense of
trade unionists in their struggle against the power of
corporations."


David
Campbell
Secretary-Treasurer
USW
Local 675



"International
Labor Defense not only allowed workers all over the world to join forces in the
face of repression but also get to know each other as allies, share our
knowledge, feel victories or defeats anywhere in the world as our own. Its
rebirth now reminds us of our history of solidarity."


Richard
Levins
Marxist
ecologist and one of the architects of the ecological transformation of
agriculture in Cuba in the 1990s.



“As
the bad old days for worker rights return, more vicious than ever, there is no
better time to revive the idea of international solidarity, international help
for our fellow workers. The catalyst is the outsourcing and shifting of jobs
from one country to another to increase massive profit, and to avoid the puny
labor laws that remain. We must reject the idea that workers are “stealing our
jobs”. If work has no borders, then all workers are brothers and sisters. And
all deserve fairness and support. It’s good to see the International Labor
Defense being revived so as to be ready with that support.”

Barbara
and Bob Ingalls
Detroit-area
labor and social justice activists.





Further
Reading-



Reviving
International Labor Defense - Wadi'h Halabi, Sandy Rosen, and Tom
Whitney*


International
Labor Defense was an organization founded by the Communist Party USA in Chicago
in 1925 (when we were known as the Workers Party of America). By 1926 it had
20,000 dues-paying members. The ILD worked to build solidarity and unity in the
world labor movement. It mobilized to defend persecuted labor organizers and
members of oppressed nations under attack from the exploiters and their state.
Its defense of the Scottsboro Boys in the 1930s turned into a worldwide campaign
and also facilitated organizing the Sharecroppers Union.


CPUSA
leader Sam Dlugin, the father of our comrade Lee Dlugin, participated in the
original ILD.  His agitational pamphlet, "Blood on the Sugar", written in
defense of Cuban workers, can be found on the web.  In fact, the Communist Party
of Cuba organized ILD branches in 1933.


Repression
breeds resistance.  As with the crises of the 1920s and '30s, capital's
deepening contradictions and crisis today is resulting in rising police
brutality and prison hells, in the US, Mexico, Colombia, indeed in most
capitalist countries. And as with the 1920s, this may be a good time to revive
International Labor Defense. It is certainly a necessary task of the
period.


Already,
there are many prisoner defense efforts around the world. Our own comrades have
participated in efforts in defense of Mumia and other African-American and
Puerto Rican political prisoners, the Cuba 5, Los Mineros and electrical workers
in Mexico, David Ravelo and other Colombian political prisoners, and many more.
In Massachusetts, a remarkable Jobs not Jails coalition has developed in recent
months.


In
addition, there are thousands of campaigns worldwide in defense of prisoners,
some large, some small. Reviving International Labor Defense can help join these
many campaigns and build international labor solidarity.


The
CPUSA was the organizing center of the original ILD. Today it may be best if an
international union federation or grouping of unions in an industry, such as
transport or metal, serves as the ILD's organizing center. CP leadership and
guidance of course remains essential.


As
Communists, we can build on our historic connections and special access to CPs
(and many unions) worldwide to help develop ILD. There are indications that the
CPs of China, Cuba, Portugal, Colombia, and several other states could lend
support to reviving ILD.


One
important task of the ILD will be selection of prisoners to be defended and the
corresponding class education. This is in part because the capitalist class is
certain to attempt to weaken or neutralize a revived ILD by promoting
anti-working class prisoners held in states such as Cuba, Vietnam and
China.


(*excerpt
from CPUSA 30th National Convention discussion document “Two ideas to Build the
Party Today: REVIVE INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE AND DEVELOP A YOUTH/UNION
ALLIANCE FOR GOOD UNION JOBS AND AGAINST DEBT SLAVERY” available here:
http://www.cpusa.org/convention-discussion-two-ideas-to-build-the-party/
)




Considerations
on forming a unified organization dedicated to the cause of political prisoners
worldwide. The model is International Labor Defense (ILD)  

From
Tom Whitney, May 12, 2014

ILD
will undertake to organize, publicity, political education, agitation,
facilitation of legal assistance, administrative capabilities, and recruitment
of supporters on behalf of selected political prisoners, especially those
victimized as members of the working class or in struggle to defend the working
class

Purposes:

1.
A revived ILD undertakes to respond to needs not presently being met due to many
difficulties. They include: waning socialist internationalism, reverses
affecting the labor movement, divisions among now tiny leftist political
parties, and residual impact of demagogic anti-communism. Currently, political
prisoner campaigns are often only as large as political parties, single issue
campaigns, and organizations they were affiliated with.  Advocacy and organizing
that cross international, political, and organizational borders would be an
advance.

2.
ILD, by its nature, implies political work broader than defense of political
prisoners alone. As such, and as long as its membership is drawn from a variety
of political groups, ILD should serve as a focus for recruitment of class –based
activists as yet undifferentiated by particular political groupings.

Methods:

1.
IWD will comprise national leadership formations and local chapters. They will
be joined by activists representing groups and campaigns already involved with
political prisoners.


2.
IWD may leave considerable autonomy to local chapters. Chapters would act under
the aegis of centralized and collective leadership.


3.
Prisoner selection would be an orderly and collective process.


4.
IWD activities will include: the gathering, analyzing, and dissemination of
relevant political news; public education and advocacy efforts; organizing of
appropriate direct action modalities, and active recruitment of
members


5.
Methods of prisoner selection, recruitment of leadership, organization of
chapters and central governance remain to be determined.

Assumptions:

1.
    ILD will provide support for other groups already involved with a particular
prisoner or prisoners, contributing political education, recruiting, publicity,
direct action, coordinating, and general advocacy. Important strategic decisions
ought to be left to the initiative of groups already involved.

2.
    Criteria for selecting prisoners ILD would support include the class-based
nature of their political struggles, the political significance of the fight for
which they were incarcerated, dangers threatening to prisoners or their cause,
special humanitarian needs, and prospects for their release.  

3.
    ILD’s contribution to the liberation of selected prisoners would be more to
encourage popular mobilization on their behalf than to join in their legal
fight, although IWD would, if necessary, help secure and maintain adequate legal
defense.


4.
    The role of ILD, in general, will be to facilitate, support, and coordinate
campaigns for prisoners. Usually ILD will not undertake primary direction of
individual campaigns for prisoners.

5.
    Advocacy on behalf of prisoners will, if possible, be integrated into the
larger struggles for which they were detained.

6.
    Taking pains to remain non-sectarian, ILD will endeavor to recruit members
and leaders from a variety of organizations working on behalf of the working
class.

Questions,
to begin with:

1.
Do material and personnel resources exist to begin an IWD? Where does money come
from?


2.
What is the constituency for IWD in terms of existing organizations,
campaigns?


3.
How does IWD steer clear of becoming sectarian amd promoting
division?


4.
How should ILD approach existing organizations and political prisoner campaigns
to benefit from their ideas and/or gain their eventual
participation?


5.
What categories of political prisoners are off limits for the
IWD?


6.
 How would IWD deal with political figures unjustly imprisoned by progressive or
left-leaning states?  


7.
 Are imprisoned members of objectionable labor unions candidates for ILD
support?


Commentary:


1.
In contrast to our present situation, ILD developed within the context of mass
left- leaning political movements and amidst ubiquitous labor mobilizations. It
was a situation providing plenty of victims. At the time, 1925 – 1940, many
popular resistance movements were aligned more or less with the rising
international communist movement. ILD materialized within that framework.  Lack
of mass political mobilization today is a handicap.


2.
The need addressed by ILD, of mobilizing large-scale support for victims
particularly of judicial abuse, remains. The need likewise remains for resources
being available in support of campaigns of political solidarity on their
behalf,


3.
Founders of the original ILD counted on mass support not necessarily attached to
participants’ primary political affiliations. They seemed to regard ILD as
itself a means for building a mass left-leaning political movement, that is to
say, a tool.


4.
Certain political developments of recent decades may be relevant to refashioning
an ILD, among them:  development and persistence of anti-communist bias against
class-based workers’ defense, the splintering of movement for democratic change
into single-issue mobilizations, pervasive fear of U. S. state security
apparatus, diminished understanding of historical antecedents of struggle,
weakening of both the U.S. labor movement and worldwide labor federations, and
responsibility for defending victims increasingly taken on by their own
organizations.


5.
Organizations purporting to defend political prisoners have proliferated
worldwide. They operate within circumscribed boundaries of action often defined
by national, religious, and/or political identification.


6.
Progress in forming a renewed ILD will depend, it seems, on engaging newer
generations of activists.
Considerations
of feasibility:


1.
    Existing organizations that defend political prisoners may resist
intervention presented as friendly but is perceived as
interfering.


2.
    People and financial resources are lacking essential for creating and
organizing a new ILD with ambitious goals.


3.
    Leadership capabilities presently seem thin.

Brief
Historical Addendum
 
The
Workers Party of America – later to become the Communist Party – formed the
International Labor Defense (ILD) in 1925 as a “consolidated legal defense mass
organization.” Its headquarters were in Chicago, Ill. The idea was a
“non-partisan body that would defend any member of the working class movement,
without regard to personal political views.” Victims “under the thumb of
persecution by the capitalist legal system would be supported legally, morally,
and financially.” Of note is that initial planning seemed to envision help for
members and non-members alike of the organized labor movement. And ILD would not
confine its help exclusively to victims of judicial processes.


“The
ILD was a membership organization [with] the holding of regular local meetings.
There were 20,000 dues-paying ILD members by late 1926, with 75,000 other
supporters of ILD goals and actions who were members of affiliated
organizations,. Local branches conducted mass meetings and fundraising events.
 ILD published a monthly magazine in Chicago called Labor Defender. The editor
was a Workers Party member, the business manger, a member of the Socialist
Party.  Circulation boomed, rising from about 1,500 paid subscriptions and 8,500
copies in bulk bundle sales in 1927 to about 5,500 paid subscriptions with a
bundle sale of 16,500 by the middle of 1928. Of 38 original National Committee
members, 12 of them belonged to the Workers (or Communist) Party. The nine –
member ILD Executive Committee included six party members.


According
to founding Executive Director James P. Cannon, reporting on a survey:  "There
were [initially] 106 class war prisoners in the United States -- scores of IWW
members railroaded in California, Kansas, Utah, and other states under the
criminal syndicalist laws. We located a couple of obscure anarchists in prison
in Rhode Island; a group of AFL coal miners in West Virginia; two labor
organizers in Thomaston, Maine -- besides the more prominent and better known
prisoners... They were not criminals at all, but strike leaders, organizers,
agitators, dissenters -- our kind of people. Not one of these 106 prisoners was
a member of the Communist Party! But the ILD defended and helped them
all."


High
profile ILD cases included the “Scottsboro Boys” 1931-1936,”  the case of black
communist Angelo Herndon facing a death sentence for involvement with the
Atlanta  Unemployed Council (1932-1937); jailed west coast labor organizer Tom
Mooney (1931-1939), Massachusetts anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo
Vanzetti facing execution (1926-1930), the case of the Gallup, N. Mex., coal
mine workers, (1933-1938), and Los Angeles Times bomber John McNamara.
 


ILD
backed labor organizing in southeastern United States:  “Working through a
variety of communist-led mass organizations, from the International Labor
Defense to the Congress of Spanish-Speaking Peoples, the Communist Party
eventually produced a noteworthy group of Mexican American women leaders.”
(Vargas, 2004). ILD in the late 1920’s defended striking coal miners in Ohio,
Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Illinois, also jailed textile workers in New
Bedford, MA.  According to Jules Robert Benjamin (1977), “the Communist Party of
Cuba established ILD branches there in 1933, as well as branches of the
anti-imperialist League.”  In 1946 the ILD was merged with the National
Federation for Constitutional Liberties to form the Civil Rights
Congress.


On Reviving The International Labor Defense-(ILD)- In Boston-Free All The Class-War Prisoners

On Reviving The International Labor Defense-(ILD)- In Boston-Free All The Class-War Prisoners  


Committee
for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing
Meeting


Saturday,
August 15th | 2:00-5:00 PM

Encuentro5
| 9a Hamilton Place Boston
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Some statements in support of reviving ILD, August 2015
 



Dear brothers and sisters of the International Labor Defense:




We want to express our support and solidarity to the International Labor Defense in this struggle for the freedom of our polítical prisoners all over the globe. Please keep us updated and count on us always.



 



Five big hugs!



 



"The Cuban Five"
Ramon Labañino Salazar



 



----------------



 



"The murders, frame-ups, and repression of trade unionists today are just as vicious as they were in the days of Sacco and Vanzetti.  Sure, perhaps, the sites have changed from Brockton, MA to the streets of Barrancas, Colombia, Tehran, Iran and a myriad of other locales.  But the struggle for freedom of association and to withhold one's labor continues.  For too long ideology has divided international support for the defense of trade unionists.  I welcome the new initiative to unite workers, regardless of ideology, in the global defense of trade unionists in their struggle against the power of corporations."



 



David Campbell
Secretary-Treasurer
USW Local 675
1200 E. 220th St.
Carson, CA 90745-3505



 



-------------------



 



"As the bad old days for worker rights return, more vicious than ever, there is no better time to revive the idea of international solidarity, international help for our fellow workers. The catalyst is the outsourcing and shifting of jobs from one country to another to increase massive profit, and to avoid the puny labor laws that remain. We must reject the idea that workers are “stealing our jobs”. If work has no borders, then all workers are brothers and sisters. And all deserve fairness and support. It’s good to see the International Labor Defense being revived so as to be ready with that support.     Barbara and Bob Ingalls, Detroit-area labor and social justice activists



 



(Barbara was the leader of the remarkable Detroit newspaper workers' struggle. She was known as 'Barbarian' for her relentlessness and courage; her husband Bob, a lifelong union auto worker, also played a big role in the strike. Through Jobs with Justice, Sandy and I worked on organizing labor support across New England for the Detroit workers, and we often hosted the workers at our house.)



 



-----------------------



 



"International Labor Defense not only allowed workers all over the world to join forces in the face of repression but also get to know each other as allies, share our knowledge, feel victories or defeats anywhere in the world as our own. Its rebirth now reminds us of our history of solidarity."  Richard Levins



 



(Richard Levins is the great Marxist ecologist, probably the most consistent scientist in the US. He was one of the architects of the ecological transformation of Cuba's agriculture. He is a strong supporter of ILD.)



 




***Damn It- Free Leonard Peltier Now-He Must Not Die In Jail!

***Damn It- Free Leonard Peltier Now-He Must Not Die In Jail!


Leonard Peltier in 1972

Click to Leonard Peltier Defense Committee site.

http://www.leonardpeltier.net/ 

Leonard Peltier is an internationally renowned class-war prisoner. Peltier’s incarceration for his activism in the American Indian Movement has come to symbolize this country’s racist repression of its native peoples, the survivors of centuries of genocidal oppression. Peltier was framed up for the 1975 deaths of two FBI agents marauding in what had become a war zone on the South Dakota Pine Ridge Reservation. Although the lead government attorney has admitted, “We can’t prove who shot those agents,” and the courts have acknowledged blatant prosecutorial misconduct, the 69-year-old Peltier is not scheduled to be reconsidered for parole for another eleven years! Peltier suffers from multiple serious medical conditions and is incarcerated far from his people and family.

Commentary

This entry is passed on from the Partisan Defense Committee. I need add little except to say that this man, a natural leader of the American Indian Movement (AIM), should never have spent a day in jail. Free him now.

"We, along with millions of others, do not believe that Leonard Peltier should have been incarcerated at all. We demand his unconditional release from prison."

************

QUICK FACTS
CASE OF LEONARD PELTIER


  • Leonard Peltier is an imprisoned Native American considered by Amnesty International, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, National Congress of American Indians, the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Rev. Jesse Jackson, among many others, to be a political prisoner who should be immediately released.
  • Leonard Peltier was convicted for the deaths of two FBI agents who died during a 1975 shoot-out on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. Mr. Peltier has been in prison for over 29 years.
  • The Wounded Knee occupation of 1973 marked the beginning of a three-year period of political violence on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. The tribal chairman hired vigilantes, self titled as “GOONS,” to rid the reservation of American Indian Movement (AIM) activity and sentiment. More than 60 traditional tribal members and AIM members were murdered and scores more were assaulted. Evidence indicated GOON responsibility in the majority of crimes but despite a large FBI presence, nothing was done to stop the violence. The FBI supplied the GOONS with intelligence on AIM members and looked away as GOONS committed crimes. One former GOON member reported that the FBI supplied him with armor piercing ammunition.
  • Leonard Peltier was an AIM leader and was asked by traditional people at Pine Ridge, South Dakota, to support and protect the traditional people being targeted for violence. Mr. Peltier and a small group of young AIM members set up camp on a ranch owned by the traditional Jumping Bull family.
  • On June 26, 1975 two FBI agents in unmarked cars followed a pick-up truck onto the Jumping Bull ranch. The families immediately became alarmed and feared an attack. Shots were heard and a shoot-out erupted. More than 150 agents, GOONS, and law enforcement surrounded the ranch.
  • When the shoot-out ended the two FBI agents and one Native American lay dead. The agents were injured in the shoot-out and were then shot at close range. The Native American, Joseph Stuntz, was shot in the head by a sniper’s bullet. Mr. Stuntz’s death has never been investigated, nor has anyone ever been charged in connection with his death.
  • According to FBI documents, more than 40 Native Americans participated in the gunfight, but only AIM members Bob Robideau, Darrell Butler, and Leonard Peltier were brought to trial.
  • Mr. Robideau and Mr. Butler were arrested first and went to trial. A federal jury in Iowa acquitted them on grounds of self-defense, finding that their participation in the shoot-out was justified given the climate of fear that existed on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Further, they could not be tied to the close-range shootings.
  • Leonard Peltier was arrested in Canada on February 6, 1976, along with Frank Blackhorse, a.k.a. Frank Deluca. The United States presented the Canadian court with affidavits signed by Myrtle Poor Bear who said she was Mr. Peltier’s girlfriend and allegedly saw him shoot the agents. In fact, Ms. Poor Bear had never met Mr. Peltier and was not present during the shoot-out. Soon after, Ms. Poor Bear recanted her statements and said the FBI threatened her and coerced her into signing the affidavits.
  • Mr. Peltier was extradited to the United States where he was tried in 1977. The trial was held in North Dakota before United States District Judge Paul Benson, a conservative jurist appointed to the federal bench by Richard M. Nixon. Key witnesses like Myrtle Poor Bear were not allowed to testify and unlike the Robideau/Butler trial in Iowa, evidence regarding violence on Pine Ridge was severely restricted.
  • An FBI agent who had previously testified that the agents followed a pick-up truck onto the scene, a vehicle that could not be tied to Mr. Peltier, changed his account, stating that the agents had followed a red and white van onto the scene, a vehicle which Mr. Peltier drove occasionally.
  • Three teenaged Native witnesses testified against Mr. Peltier, they all later admitted that the FBI forced them to testify. Still, not one witness identified Mr. Peltier as the shooter.
  • The U.S. Attorney prosecuting the case claimed that the government had provided the defense with all FBI documents concerning the case. To the contrary, more than 140,000 pages had been withheld in their entirety.
  • An FBI ballistics expert testified that a casing found near the agents’ bodies matched the gun tied to Mr. Peltier. However, a ballistic test proving that the casing did not come from the gun tied to Mr. Peltier was intentionally concealed.
  • The jury, unaware of the aforementioned facts, found Mr. Peltier guilty. Judge Benson, in turn, sentenced Mr. Peltier to two consecutive life terms.
  • Following the discovery of new evidence obtained through a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit, Mr. Peltier sought a new trial. The Eighth Circuit ruled, “There is a possibility that the jury would have acquitted Leonard Peltier had the records and data improperly withheld from the defense been available to him in order to better exploit and reinforce the inconsistencies casting strong doubts upon the government's case." Yet, the court denied Mr. Peltier a new trial.
  • During oral argument, the government attorney conceded that the government does not know who shot the agents, stating that Mr. Peltier is equally guilty whether he shot the agents at point-blank range, or participated in the shoot-out from a distance. Mr. Peltier’s co-defendants participated in the shoot-out from a distance, but were acquitted.
  • Judge Heaney, who authored the decision denying a new trial, has since voiced firm support for Mr. Peltier’s release, stating that the FBI used improper tactics to convict Mr. Peltier, the FBI was equally responsible for the shoot-out, and that Mr. Peltier's release would promote healing with Native Americans.
  • Mr. Peltier has served over 29 years in prison and is long overdue for parole. He has received several human rights awards for his good deeds from behind bars which include annual gift drives for the children of Pine Ridge, fund raisers for battered women’s shelters, and donations of his paintings to Native American recovery programs.
  • Mr. Peltier suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, and a heart condition. Time for justice is short.
  • Currently, Mr. Peltier’s attorneys have filed a new round of Freedom of Information Act requests with FBI Headquarters and all FBI field offices in an attempt to secure the release of all files relating to Mr. Peltier and the RESMURS investigation. To date, the FBI has engaged in a number of dilatory tactics in order to avoid the processing of these requests.

**************
THIS ARTICLE FROM PARTISAN DEFENSE NOTES WAS PASSED ON TO THE WRITER BY THE PARTISAN DEFENSE COMMITTTEE, P.O. BOX 99 CANAL STREET STATION, NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10013. 

THERE IS NOTHING THAT I NEED TO ADD EXCEPT THAT HISTORIANS OVER THE LAST GENERATION HAVE STEPPED OVER ALL OVER THEMSELVES TO CORRECT THE PREVIOUS FALSE ROLE ASSIGNED TO INDIGENOUS PEOPLES. THAT IS TO THE GOOD. BUT THE WRITER HAS ONE QUESTION –WHY IS THIS NATIVE AMERICAN LEADER STILL IN JAIL? ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.


Thirty years ago, on 6 February 1976, American Indian Movement (AIM) leader Leonard Peltier was seized by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in western Canada. Peltier had fled there after a massive U.S. government attack the previous June—by FBI and Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) agents, SWAT cops and white vigilantes—on South Dakota's Pine Ridge reservation during which two FBI agents were killed. After Canadian authorities held Peltier for ten months in solitary confinement in Oakalla Prison, he was extradited to the U.S. on the basis of fabricated FBI testimony. In 1977, Peltier, a member of the Anishinabe and Lakota Nations, was convicted and sentenced to two consecutive life sentences on frame-up murder charges stemming from the shooting of the two FBI agents.

While Peltier had sought refuge in Canada, two others charged in the agents' killings were acquitted in a federal court in Iowa. Jurors stated that they did not believe the government witnesses and that it seemed "pretty much a clear-cut case of self-defense" against the FBI invasion. In Peltier's trial the prosecution concealed ballistics tests showing that his gun could not have been used in the shooting, while the trial judge ruled out any chance of another acquittal on self-defense grounds by barring any evidence of government terror against the Pine Ridge activists. At a 1985 appeal hearing, a government attorney admitted, "We can't prove who shot those agents."

AIM had been in the Feds' gun sights because of its efforts to fight the enforced poverty of Native Americans and the continued theft of their lands by the government and energy companies, which were intent on grabbing rich uranium deposits under Sioux land in South Dakota. The Leonard Peltier Defense Committee stated in 2004: "Virtually every known AIM leader in the United States was incarcerated in either state or federal prisons since (or even before) the organization's formal emergence in 1968, some repeatedly." Between 1973 and 1976, thugs of the Guardians of the Oglala Nation (GOON), armed and trained by the hated BIA and FBI, carried out more than 300 attacks in and around Pine Ridge, killing at least 69 people.
As we wrote during the fight against Peltier's threatened deportation, "The U.S. case against Peltier is political persecution, part of a broader attempt by the FBI to smash AIM through piling up criminal charges against its leaders, just as was done against the Black Panthers" (PTFNo. 112, 4 June 1976). AIM and Peltier were targeted by the FBI's deadly Counter-intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) of disruption, frame-up and murder of the left, black militants and others. Under COINTELPRO, 38 Black Panthers were killed by the FBI and local cops. Panther leader Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt) spent 27 years in prison for a crime the FBI knew he could not have committed before finally winning release in 1997. Mumia Abu-Jamal—also an innocent man— remains on Pennsylvania's death row today.

In November 2003, a federal appeals court ruled, "Much of the government's behavior at the Pine Ridge Reservation and in its prosecution of Mr. Peltier is to be condemned. The government withheld evidence. It intimidated witnesses. These facts are not disputed." But the court still refused to open the prison doors for Peltier. Last year, U.S. District Court judge William Skretny turned down Peltier's request for documents suppressed by the government, even while acknowledging that he could have been acquitted had the government not improperly withheld them. Peltier attorney Michael Kuzma stated that the evidence withheld by the government amounts to a staggering 142,579 pages!

On February 24, Skretny again ruled that the FBI can keep part of its records secret in the name of "national security." Peltier noted in a message to the March 18 protests against the Iraq occupation, "Our government uses the words 'national security' and fighting the war on transnational terrorism as a smoke screen to cover up further crimes and misconduct by the FBI." Also this February, defense attorney Barry Bachrach argued in St. Louis federal court that the federal government had no jurisdiction in Peltier's case, since the shootings occurred on a reservation.

Millions of people have signed petitions for Peltier over the years, including by 1986 some 17 million people in the former Soviet Union. His frame-up, like that of Geronimo ji Jaga and Mumia Abu-Jamal, demonstrates that there is no justice in the capitalist courts of America. While supporting all possible legal proceedings on behalf of the class-war prisoners, we place no faith whatever in the "justice" of the courts and rely solely on the power of mass protest centered on the integrated labor movement.

After Peltier's third appeal for a new trial was denied in 1993, thousands of prominent liberals, celebrities and others—ranging from Willie Nelson to Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Mother Teresa—called for a presidential pardon. In a recent column titled "Free Leonard Peltier!" (5 February), Mumia Abu-Jamal wrote: "Many Peltier supporters put their trust in a politician named Bill Clinton, who told them that when he got elected he 'wouldn't forget' about the popular Native American leader. Their trust (like that of so many others) was betrayed once Clinton gained his office, and the FBI protested. In the waning days of his presidency, he issued pardons to folks like Marc Rich, and other wealthy campaign contributors. Leonard Peltier was left in his chains!"

Peltier is one of 16 class-war prisoners to whom the Partisan Defense Committee sends monthly stipends. For more information on his case, or to contribute to Peltier's legal defense, write to: Leonard Peltier Defense Committee, 2626 North Mesa #132, El Paso, TX 79902. Free Leonard Peltier and all class-war prisoners!