Friday, August 14, 2015

A MODEST PROPOSAL-RECRUIT, RUN INDEPENDENT LABOR MILITANTS FOR THE 2016 ELECTIONS (Updated)

From The American Left History Blog Archives (2008) - On American Political Discourse - A MODEST PROPOSAL-RECRUIT, RUN INDEPENDENT LABOR MILITANTS FOR THE 2016 ELECTIONS (Updated)


 

 

 

Markin comment:


In 2007-2008 I, in vain, attempted to put some energy into analyzing the then blossoming American presidential campaign, a changing of the guard election on the Democratic side, since it was to be, as advertised at least, a watershed election, for women, blacks, old white anglos, latinos, youth, etc. In the event I had to abandon the efforts in about May of 2008 when it became obvious, “in my face” obvious, that the election would be a watershed only for those few who really believed, who had talked themselves into, had a vested interest in touting that it would be a watershed election. That grim reality despite the hoopla, heavy cash and organizing of the thing, was that once again that election would essentially be a technician’s election, you know for armchair strategists and those who like to, for example, figure out how the Congressional race in the 26th District in Texas will impact the balance of power in the U.S. House. (I confess that early on in my life that kind of thing intrigued me too until I got “religion” and worried more about real live issues and political programs than wonk-ish concerns.)    


The subsequent “sleep-walk” four years of the Obama presidency, the non-watershed by anybody’s measurement 2012 American presidential election campaign, the banal mid-term elections of 2014 recently passed and the unending maelstrom of world politics have only confirmed in my eyes that that abandonment was essentially the right decision at the right time. In short, let the well- paid bourgeois commentators go on and on with their twitter. I, we, had (have) better things to do like fighting against the permanent wars, the permanent war economies, the struggle for more and better jobs, and for a workers’ party that fights for a workers government. More than enough to do, right?  


Part of my “alternative” offering then of the same old, same of the electoral cycle was a proposition that the labor movement and its supporters rather than spent another dime on what even a child can now see is a waste of good dues money on supporting this or that bourgeois candidate instead run our own independent candidates for appropriate offices in what for now would be exemplary campaigns. To that end I motivated my pitch with a few reasons and the outline of a program. Today as the non-watershed 2016 elections loom in our faces even before we have devoured the fact of the 2014 elections I offer an updated version of that program and the urgency to get out independent labors candidates.  


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1. FIGHT FOR THE IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL WITHDRAWAL OF U.S. TROOPS FROM THE MIDDLE EAST NOW (OR BETTER YET, YESTERDAY)! U.S. HANDS OFF THE WORLD! VOTE NO ON THE WAR BUDGET!


The never-ending and apparently soon to be resurrected, with or without “boots on the ground” quagmire in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere in the Middle East (Palestine, Iran, Syria you name it) is the fault line of American politics today. Every bourgeois politician has to have his or her feet put to the fire on this one. Not on some flimsy ‘sense of the Congress’ softball motion for withdrawal next, year, in two years, or (my favorite) when the situation is “stable.” Moreover, on the parliamentary level the only real vote that matters is the vote on the war budget. All the rest is fluff. Militant labor candidates should make a point of trying to enter Congressional contests where there are so-called known anti-war Democrats or Republicans (an oxymoron, I believe) running to make that programmatic contrast vivid.


But, one might argue, that would split the ‘progressive’ forces. Grow up, please! That argument has grown stale since it was first put forth in the “popular front” days of the 1930’s. If you want to end the war fight for this "no funding" position on the war budget. Otherwise the same people (yah, those progressive Democrats) who unanimously voted for the last war budget and are reliably foaming at the bit to vote for the next one (or in the same vein authorized millions for Israel’s 2014 massacre in Gaza bought and paid for with U.S. aid) get a free ride on the cheap. By rights this is our issue. Let us take it back.


2. FIGHT FOR A LIVING WAGE AND WORKING CONDITIONS-UNIVERSAL FREE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL.


It is a ‘no-brainer’ that no individual, much less families, can live on the minimum wage of $7/hr. (or proposed $10/hr). What planet do these politicians live on? We need an immediate fight for a living wage, full employment and decent working conditions. A step in the right direction and a fight that should be supported and funded is the recent “Fight for $15.” We need universal free health care for all. End of story. (Although Obamacare is inadequate and filled with pitfalls it must be defended against those who wish to dismantle the whole thing and leave millions without insurance again.) The organized labor movement must get off its knees and fight to organize Wal-Mart and the South. A boycott of Wal-Mart is not enough. A successful organizing drive will, like in the 1930’s, go a long way to turning the conditions of labor and unionization around.


3. FIGHT THE ATTACKS ON THE ENLIGHTENMENT.


Down with the Death Penalty! Full Citizenship Rights for All Immigrants who make it here! Stop the Deportations! For the Separation of Church and State! Defend abortion rights! Down with anti-same sex marriage legislation! Support gay marriage rights! Full public funding of education! Stop the ‘war on drugs’, basically a war on blacks and minority youth-decriminalize drugs! Defend political prisoners! This list of demands hardly exhausts the “culture war” issues we defend. It is hard to believe that over 200 years after the American Revolution and the French Revolution we are fighting desperately to preserve many of the same principles that militants fought for in those revolutions. But, so be it.


4. FIGHT FOR A WORKERS PARTY.


The Donkeys, Elephants and Greens have had their chance. Now is the time to fight for our own party and for the interests of our own class, the working class. Any campaigns by independent labor militants must highlight this point. And any campaigns can also become the nucleus of a workers’ party network until we get strong enough to form at least a small party. None of these other parties, and I mean none, are working in the interests of working people and their allies. The following great lesson of politic today must be hammered home. Break with the Democrats, Republicans and Greens!


5. FIGHT FOR A WORKERS AND XYZ GOVERNMENT.


THIS IS THE DEMAND THAT SEPARATES THE MILITANTS FROM THE FAINT-HEARTED REFORMISTS.


We need our own form of government. In the old days the bourgeois republic was a progressive form of government. Not so any more. That form of government ran out of steam about one hundred years ago and has been choking human process since then. We need a Workers Republic. We need a government based on workers councils with a ministry (I do not dare say commissariat in case any stray anarchists are reading this) responsible to it. Let us face it if we really want to get any of the good and necessary things listed above accomplished we are not going to get it with the current form of government.


Why the XYZ part? What does that mean? No, it is not part of an algebra lesson. What it reflects is that while society is made up mainly of workers (of one sort or another) there are other classes (and parts of classes) in society that we seek as allies and who could benefit from a workers government. Examples- small independent contractors, intellectuals, the dwindling number of small farmers, and some professionals like dentists. Yah, I like the idea of a workers and dentists government after many years in the dentist chair. The point is you have got to fight for it.


Obviously any campaign based on this program will be an exemplary propaganda campaign for the foreseeable future. But we have to start now. Continuing to support or not challenging the bourgeois parties does us no good now. That is for sure. While bourgeois electoral laws do not favor independent candidacies and make things difficult write-in campaigns are possible.
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A Five-Point Program As Talking Points

*Jobs For All Now!-“30 For 40”- A historic demand of the labor movement going back to the 1930s Great Depression the last time that unemployment, under-employment, and those who have just plain quit looking for work was this high in the American labor force, although it is admittedly down from the Great Recession highs. Thirty hours work for forty hours pay is a formula to spread the available work around. This is no mere propaganda point but shows the way forward toward a more equitable distribution of available work.


The basic scheme, as was the case with the early days of the longshoremen’s and maritime unions, is that the work would be divided up through local representative workers’ councils that would act, in one of its capacities, as a giant hiring hall where the jobs would be parceled out. This would be a simpler task now than when it was when first proposed in the 1930s with the vast increase in modern technology that could fairly accurately, via computers, target jobs that need filling and equitably divide up current work.


Without the key capitalist necessity of keeping up the rate of profit the social surplus created by that work could be used to redistribute the available work at the same agreed upon rate rather than go into the capitalists’ pockets. The only catch, a big catch one must admit, is that no capitalist, and no capitalist system, is going to do any such thing as to implement “30 for 40” –with the no reduction in pay proviso, although many low –end employers are even now under the “cover” of the flawed Obamacare reducing hours WITH loss of pay-so that to establish this work system as a norm it will, in the end, be necessary to fight for and win a workers government to implement this demand.


Organize the unorganized is a demand that cries out for solution today now that the organized sectors of the labor movement, both public and private, in America are at historic lows, just over ten percent of the workforce. Part of the task is to reorganize some of the old industries like the automobile industry, now mainly unorganized as new plants come on line and others are abandoned, which used to provide a massive amount of decent jobs with decent benefits but which now have fallen to globalization and the “race to the bottom” bad times. The other sector that desperately need to be organized is to ratchet up the efforts to organize the service industries, hospitals, hotels, hi-tech, restaurants and the like, that have become a dominant aspect of the American economy. Support the recent militant efforts, including the old tactic of civil disobedience, by service unions and groups of fast-food workers to increase the minimum socially acceptable wage in their Fight For 15.


Organize the South-this low wage area, this consciously low-wage area, where many industries land before heading off-shore to even lower wage places cries out for organizing, especially among black and Hispanic workers who form the bulk of this industrial workforce. A corollary to organizing the South is obviously to organize internationally to keep the “race to the bottom” from continually occurring short of being resolved in favor of an international commonwealth of workers’ governments. Hey, nobody said it was going to be easy.


Organize Wal-Mart- millions of workers, thousands of company-owned trucks, hundreds of distribution centers. A victory here would be the springboard to a revitalized organized labor movement just as auto and steel lead the industrial union movements of the 1930s. The key here is to organize the truckers and distribution workers the place where the whole thing comes together. We have seen mostly unsuccessful organizing of retail stores. To give an idea of how hard this task might be though someone once argued that it would be easier to organize a workers’ revolution that organize this giant. Well, that’s a thought.


Defend the right of public and private workers to unionize. Simple-No more defeats like in Wisconsin in 2011, no more attacks on collective bargaining the hallmark of a union contract. No reliance on labor boards, arbitration, courts or bourgeois recall elections either. Unions must keep their independent from government interference. Period.


* Defend the independence of the working classes! No union dues for Democratic (or the stray Republican) candidates. In 2008 and 2012 labor, organized labor, spent over 450 million dollars respectively trying to elect Barack Obama and other Democrats (mainly). The “no show, no go” results speak for themselves as the gap between the rich and poor has risen even more in this period. For those bogus efforts the labor skates should have been sent packing long ago. The idea in those elections was that the Democrats (mainly) were “friends of labor.” The past period of cuts-backs, cut-in-the-back give backs should put paid to that notion. Although anyone who is politically savvy at all knows that is not true, not true for the labor skates at the top of the movement.


The hard reality is that the labor skates, not used to any form of class struggle or any kind of struggle, know no other way than class-collaboration, arbitration, courts, and every other way to avoid the appearance of strife, strife in defense of the bosses’ profits. The most egregious recent example that I can recall- the return of the Verizon workers to work after two weeks in the summer of 2011 when they had the company on the run and the subsequent announcement by the company of record profits. That sellout strategy may have worked for the bureaucrats, or rather their “fathers” for a time back in the 1950s “golden age” of labor, but now we are in a very hard and open class war. The rank and file must demand an end to using their precious dues payments for bourgeois candidates all of whom have turned out to be sworn enemies of labor from Obama on down.


This does not mean not using union dues for political purposes though. On the contrary we need to use them now more than ever in the class battles ahead. Spent the dough on organizing the unorganized, organizing the South, organizing Wal-Mart, and other pro-labor causes. Think, for example, of the dough spent on the successful November, 2011 anti-union recall referendum in Ohio. That type of activity is where labor’s money and other resources should go. And not on recall elections against individual reactionaries, like in Wisconsin, as substitutes for class struggle (and which was overwhelmingly unsuccessful to boot-while the number of unionized public workers has dwindled to a precious few).  


*End the endless wars!- As the so-called draw-down of American and Allied troops in Iraq reached its final stages back in 2011, the draw- down of non-mercenary forces anyway, I argued that we must recognize that we anti-warriors had failed, and failed rather spectacularly, to affect that withdrawal after a promising start to our opposition in late 2002 and early 2003 (and a little in 2006).As the endless American-led wars (even if behind the scenes, as in Libya, Yemen, Somalia, and other proxy wars) continue now with a new stage against ISIS (Islamic State) in Iraq we had better straighten out our anti-war, anti-imperialist front quickly if we are to have any effect on the U.S. troop escalation we know is coming before that fight is over. Not Another War In Iraq! No Intervention In Syria! Stop The Arms Shipments To The Middle East! Stop The Bombing Campaign! Defend The Palestinian People-End The Blockade of Gaza. And as always since 2001 Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S./Allied Troops (And Mercenaries) From Afghanistan!  


U.S. Hands Off Iran! Hands Off Syria!- American (and world) imperialists have periodically ratcheted up their propaganda war (right now) and increased economic sanctions that are a prelude to war well before the dust has settled on the now unsettled situation in Iraq and well before they have even sniffed at an Afghan withdrawal of any import. We will hold our noses, as we did with the Saddam leadership in Iraq and on other occasions, and call for the defense of Iran against the American imperial monster. A victory for the Americans (and their junior partner on this issue, Israel) in Iran is not in the interests of the international working class. Especially here in the “belly of the beast” we are duty-bound to call not just for non-intervention but for defense of Iran. We will, believe me we will, deal with the mullahs, the Revolutionary Guards, and the Islamic fundamentalist in Iran in our own way in our own time.


U.S. Hands Off The World! And Keep Them Off!- With the number of “hot spots” that the American imperialists, or one or another of their junior allies, have their hands on in this wicked old world this generic slogan would seem to fill the bill.


Down With The War Budget! Not One Penny, Not One Person For The Wars! Honor World War I German Social-Democratic Party MP, Karl Liebknecht, who did just that in 1915 in the heat of war and paid the price unlike other party leaders who were pledged to stop the war budgets by going to prison. The only play for an honest representative of the working class under those conditions. The litmus test for every political candidate must be first opposition to the war budgets (let’s see, right now no new funding in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran preparations, China preparations, etc. you get my drift). Then that big leap. The whole damn imperialist military budget. Again, no one said it would be simple. Revolution may be easier that depriving the imperialists of their military money. Well….okay.


*Fight for a social agenda for working people! Free Quality Healthcare For All! This would be a no-brainer in any rationally based society. The health and welfare of any society’s citizenry is the simple glue that holds that society together. It is no accident that one of the prime concerns of workers states like Cuba, whatever their other political problems, has been to place health care and education front and center and to provide to the best of their capacity for free, quality healthcare and education for all. Even the hide-bound social-democratic-run capitalist governments of Europe have, until recently anyway, placed the “welfare state” protections central to their programs. Be clear Obamacare is not our program and has been shown to be totally inadequate and wasteful however we will defend that program against those who wish to dismantle it and leave millions once again uninsured and denied basic health benefits.  


Free, quality higher education for all! Nationalize the colleges and universities under student-teacher-campus worker control! One Hundred, Two Hundred, Many Harvards!


This would again be a no-brainer in any rationally based society. The struggle to increase the educational level of a society’s citizenry is another part of the simple glue that holds that society together. Today higher education is being placed out of reach for many working-class and minority families. Hell, it is getting tough for the middle-class as well.


Moreover the whole higher educational system is increasing skewed toward those who have better formal preparation and family lives leaving many deserving students from broken homes and minority homes in the wilderness. Take the resources of the private institutions and spread them around, throw in hundreds of billions from the government (take from the military budget and the bank bail-out money if you want to find the money quickly to do the job right), get rid of the top heavy and useless college administration apparatuses, mix it up, and let students, teachers, and campus workers run the thing through councils on a democratic basis.


Forgive student debt! The latest reports indicate that college student debt is something like a trillion dollars, give or take a few billion but who is counting. The price of tuition and expenses has gone up dramatically while low-cost aid has not kept pace. What has happened is that the future highly educated workforce that a modern society, and certainly a socialist society, desperately needs is going to be cast in some form of indentured servitude to the banks or other lending agencies for much of their young working lives. Let the banks take a “hit” for a change!


Stop housing foreclosures and aid underwater mortgages now! Although the worst of the crunch has abated there are still plenty of problems and so this demand is still timely if not desperately timely like in the recent past. Hey, everybody, everywhere in the world not just in America should have a safe, clean roof over their heads. Hell, even a single family home that is part of the “American dream,” if that is what they want. We didn’t make the housing crisis in America (or elsewhere, like in Ireland, where the bubble has also burst). The banks did. Their predatory lending practices and slip-shot application processes were out of control. Let them take the “hit” here as well.


*We created the wealth, let’s take it back. Karl Marx was right way back in the 19th century on his labor theory of value, the workers do produce the social surplus appropriated by the capitalists. Capitalism tends to beat down, beat down hard in all kinds of ways the mass of society for the benefit of the few. Most importantly capitalism, a system that at one time was historically progressive in the fight against feudalism and other ancient forms of production, has turned into its opposite and now is a fetter on production. The current multiple crises spawned by this system show there is no way forward, except that unless we push them out, push them out fast, they will muddle through, again.


Take the struggle for our daily bread off the historic agenda. Socialism is the only serious answer to the human crisis we face economically, socially, culturally and politically. This socialist system is the only one calculated to take one of the great tragedies of life, the struggle for daily survival in a world that we did not create, and replace it with more co-operative human endeavors.


Build a workers’ party that fights for a workers government to unite all the oppressed. None of the nice things mentioned above can be accomplished without as serious struggle for political power. We need to struggle for an independent working-class-centered political party that we can call our own and where our leaders act as “tribunes of the people” not hacks. The creation of that workers party, however, will get us nowhere unless it fights for a workers government to begin the transition to the next level of human progress on a world-wide scale.


As Isaac Deutscher said in his speech “On Socialist Man” (1966):


“We do not maintain that socialism is going to solve all predicaments of the human race. We are struggling in the first instance with the predicaments that are of man’s making and that man can resolve. May I remind you that Trotsky, for instance, speaks of three basic tragedies—hunger, sex and death—besetting man. Hunger is the enemy that Marxism and the modern labour movement have taken on.... Yes, socialist man will still be pursued by sex and death; but we are convinced that he will be better equipped than we are to cope even with these.” 


Emblazon on our red banner-Labor and the oppressed must rule!

ROLL UP YOUR SHEEVES! GET THOSE ELECTION BALLOT PETITIONS SIGNED! PRINT OUT THE LEAFLETS! PAINT THOSE BANNERS! GET READY TO SHAKE HANDS AND KISS BABIES
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News Flash: A. F. Markin Will Not Run For President In 2016    

From The American Left History Blog-June 2015

“Apparently Mister Markin is the only politician in America, or at least in the Democratic or Republican Party, who has not thrown his or her hat, or tried to throw his or her hat,  into the ring this election cycle for a chance at the brass ring, or Hillary Rodham Clinton’s big target. He must be a rare bird.”-John Stewart, WDJA News

When asked about endorsing Hilary Rodham Clinton for President A.F. Markin, at his press conference in New York City announcing his decision new where he had just announced that he would not run for the office this cycle, quoted one of his favorite old time bluesman, a man who had many problems with, wine, women and song-“I’d rather be the devil that to be that woman’s man.” Enough said.       

Media Flash: A. F. Markin, long time anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, pro-socialist activist and the evil genius behind the blog American Left History, has announced today that under no conditions will he be a candidate for President of the United States in 2016. In prior election cycles he has run for the office as an Independent Social-Democrat (2004) and after nomination on the Green Wave Party ticket (2008, although he waged an opportunistic low-level campaign because according to one campaign worker he did not want to ruin then Senator Barack Obama’s chances at the White House expecting some kind of job offer for doing so. To once again prove that opportunism does not pay, especially for so-called principled socialists like him and Senator Bernard Sanders of Vermont, he was never offered any position in that administration). In 2012 he got “religion” and sat out the campaign not because of any thought of ruining the chances of that “miserable sell-out bastard Obama” (Markin’s words) but because he had read an obscure document based on the tenets of the Communist International (Vladimir Lenin’s old-time operation to create world revolution established in 1919 and went out of business in 1943) in a left-wing socialist newspaper which stated that socialists should not seek, not even run for, the executive offices (President, Governor, sheriff) of what they called the “bourgeois capitalist state.” Chastised, thoroughly chastised by that obscure odd-ball reference he is again sitting the 2016 election cycle out.     

At the press conference held in New York City’s Best Eastern Hotel making the announcement Markin, paraphrasing the great 19th century Northern Civil War general, William Tecumseh Sherman (hero of “Billy’s bummers traipsing through Georgia and its environs and scourge of the rebels) stated that “if drafted I will not run and if elected I will not serve” in that post. He, however, did not rule out the possibility of running for some legislative office like the United States Senate or U.S. House of Representatives. –Josh Breslin, Portland Free Press

A.F. Markin commentary on the American Politics Today website expanding on his decision not to run (originally posted on the American Left History blog on June 6, 2015):      

“I know that the long suffering readers of this blog have been waiting breathlessly for me to announce my intentions for the presidential campaign of 2016. Wait a minute! What kind of madness is this on my part to impose on readers who I am sure are still recovering from the shell-shock of that seemingly endless and mendacious 2012 presidential campaign. Well… Okay, as usual I want to, for good or ill, make a little point about running for the executive offices of the bourgeois state now that I have gotten ‘religion’ about the necessary of radicals and revolutionaries, even garden variety socialists like me, NOT to do so. I think this point can really be driven home today now that we have a ‘progressive’ Democratic president, one Barack Obama, as a foil.

I have detailed elsewhere the controversy and checkered history in the international workers movement, and especially in the Communist International in its heroic days in the early 1920's, surrounding the question of whether radicals and revolutionaries, on principle, should run for these executive offices of the bourgeois state. I need not repeat that argument here. (See June 2008 Archives, "If Drafted I Will Not Run, If Elected I Will Not Serve-Revolutionaries and Running For Executive Offices," American Left History blog, dated June 15, 2008). I have also noted there the trajectory of my own conversion to the position of opposition to such runs.
Previously I had seen such electoral efforts as good propaganda tools and/or basically harmless attempts to intersect political reality at times when the electorate is tuned in. Always under the assumption made clear during the campaign that, of course, if elected one would not assume the office.

In any case, I admit to a previously rather cavalier attitude toward the whole question, even as I began to see the wisdom of opposition. But having gone through the recent presidential campaign and, more importantly, the inauguration and installation of a ‘progressive’ black man to the highest office attainable under the imperium I have begun to wipe that smirk off my face.

Why? I have hardly been unaware throughout my leftist political career that Social Democratic and Communist (Stalinist/Maoist varieties especially) Party politicians have, individually or in popular front alliances with capitalist parties, wreaked havoc on working people while administrating the bourgeois state. I have, in particular, spent a good part of my political career fighting against the notion of popular front strategies as they have been forged in the past, disastrously in places like Spain during the Civil War in the 1930’s and Chile in 1973 or less disastrously in France in the 1980’s. However this question of the realities of running the imperial state in America really hit home with the coming into office of Barack Obama.

Certainly, Obama did not have, and in the course of such things could not have any qualms about administering the bourgeois state, even if such toilsome work contradicted his most basic principles. Assuming, for the sake of argument here, that Obama is not the worst bourgeois politician, progressive or not, that has come down the pike. Already, in a few short weeks in office, he has escalated the troop levels in Afghanistan. He is most earnestly committed to bailing out the financial heart of the imperial system, at the long term expense of working people. Where is the room for that vaunted ‘progressive’ designation in all of this? Oh yes he has is against torture and illegal torture centers. That, dear readers might have passed for progressive action- in the 17th century. Jesus, is there no end to this madness in taking grandstanding kudos for stuff that Voltaire would have dismissed out of hand. So the next time someone asks you to run for President of the United States (or governor of a state or mayor of a city) take the Markin pledge - Just say NO!

 
 

 

He Saw Starlight On The Rails-With The Irascible Bruce “Utah” Phillips in Mind

He Saw Starlight On The Rails-With The Irascible Bruce “Utah” Phillips in Mind

 
 
 
 

From The Pen Of Bart Webber

 

Jack Dawson was not sure when he had heard that the old long-bearded son of a bitch anarchist hell of a songwriter, hell of a story-teller Bruce “Utah” Phillips caught the westbound freight, caught that freight around 2007 he found out. That “Utah” moniker not taken by happenstance since Phillips struggled through the wilds of Utah on his long journey, played with a group called the Utah Valley boys, put up with, got through a million pound of Mormon craziness and, frankly, wrote an extraordinary number of songs in his career by etching through the lore as he found it from all kinds of Mormon sources, including some of those latter day saints. For those who do not know the language of the road, not the young and carefree road taken for a couple of months and then back to the grind but the serious hobo “jungle” road like Jack had been on for several years before he sobered up after he came back from ‘Nam, came back all twisted and turned when he got discharged from the Army back in 1971 and could not adjust to the “real world” of his Carver upbringing in the East and had wound up drifting, drifting out to the West, hitting California and when that didn’t work out sort of ambled back east on the slow freight route through Utah taking the westbound freight meant passing to the great beyond, passing to a better place, passing to hard rock candy mountain in some versions.

Of course everybody thinks that if you wind up in Utah the whole thing is Mormon, and a lot of it is, no question, but when Jack hit Salt Lake City he had run into a guy singing in a park. A guy singing  folk music stuff like that he had remembered that Sam Lowell had been crazy for back in the days when he would take his date and  Jack and his date over to Harvard Square and they would listen to guys like that guy in the park singing in coffeehouses. Jack had not been crazy about the music then and some of the stuff the guy was singing seemed odd too but back then it either amounted to a cheap date, or the girl actually like the stuff and so he went along with it. So Jack, nothing better to do, sat in front of guy and listened. Listened more intently when the guy, who turned out to be Utah (who was using the moniker Pirate Angel then, as Jack was using Daddy Carver, monikers a good thing on the road just in case the law, bill-collectors or ex-wives were trying to reach you and you do not want to reached), told the few bums, tramps and hoboes who were the natural residents of the park that if they wanted to get sober, if they wanted to turn things around a little that they were welcome, no questions asked, at the Joe Hill House. (No questions asked was right but everybody was expected to at least not tear the place up, which some nevertheless tried to do.)                   

Jack, not knowing anybody, not being sober much, and maybe just a tad nostalgic for the old days when hearing bits of folk music was the least of his worries, went up to Utah and said he would appreciate the stay. And that was that. Although not quite “that was that” since Jack knew nothing about the guys who ran the place, didn’t know who Joe Hill was until later (although he suspected after he found out that Joe Hill had been a IWW organizer [Wobblie, Industrial Worker of the World] framed and executed in that very state of Utah that his old friend the later Peter Paul Markin who lived to have that kind of information in his head would have known). See this Joe Hill House unlike the Sallies (Salvation Army) where he would hustle a few days of peace was run by this Catholic Worker guy, Ammon Hennessey, who Utah told him had both sobered him up and made him some kind of anarchist although Jack was fuzzy on what that was all about. So Jack for about the tenth time tried to sober up, liquor sober up this time out in the great desert (later it would be drugs, mainly cocaine which almost ripped his nose off he was so into it that he needed sobering up from). And it took, took for a while.        

Whatever had been eating at Jack kept fighting a battle inside of him and after a few months he was back on the bottle. But during that time at the Joe Hill House he got close to Utah, as close as he had gotten to anybody since ‘Nam, since his friendship with Jeff Crawford from up in Podunk Maine who saved his ass, and that of a couple of other guys in a nasty fire-fight when Charley (G.I. slang for the Viet Cong originally said in contempt but as the war dragged on in half-hearted admiration) decided he did indeed own the night in his own country. Got as close as he had to his corner boys like Sam Lowell from hometown Carver. Learned a lot about the lure of the road, of drink and drugs, of tough times (Utah had been in Korea) and he had felt bad after he fell off the wagon. But that was the way it was. 

Several years later after getting washed clean from liquor and drugs, at a time when Jack started to see that he needed to get back into the real world if he did not want to wind up like his last travelling companion, Denver Shorty, whom he found face down one morning on the banks of the Charles River in Cambridge and had abandoned his body fast in order not to face the police report, he noticed that Utah was playing in a coffeehouse in Cambridge, a place called Passim’s which he found out taken over from the Club 47 where Sam had taken Jack a few times. So Jack and his new wife (his and her second marriages) stepped down into the cellar coffeehouse to listen up. As Jack waited in the rest room area a door opened from the other side across the narrow passageway and who came out but Utah. As Jack started to grab his attention Utah blurred out “Daddy Carver, how the hell are you?” and talked for a few minutes. Later that night after the show they talked some more in the empty club before Utah said he had to leave to head back to Saratoga Springs in New York where he was to play at the Café Lena the next night.         

That was the last time that Jack saw Utah in person although he would keep up with his career as it moved along. Bought some records, later tapes, still later CDs just to help the brother out. In the age of the Internet he would sent occasional messages and Utah would reply. Then he heard Utah had taken very ill, heart trouble like he said would get the best of him. And then somewhat belatedly Jack found that Utah had passed on. The guy of all the guys he knew on the troubled hobo “jungle” road who knew what starlight on the rails meant to the wanderers he sang for had cashed his ticket. RIP, brother.

In Boston-Committee for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing Meeting

In Boston-Committee for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing Meeting


Saturday,
August 15th | 2:00-5:00 PM
Encuentro5
| 9a Hamilton Place Boston


 
 
 
International
Labor Defense was an organization founded by the Communist Party USA in Chicago
in 1925 (when we were known as the Workers Party of America). By 1926 it had
20,000 dues-paying members. The ILD worked to build solidarity and unity in the
world labor movement. It mobilized to defend persecuted labor organizers and
members of oppressed nations under attack from the exploiters and their state.
Its defense of the Scottsboro Boys in the 1930s turned into a worldwide campaign
and also facilitated organizing the Sharecroppers Union.


Other
high profile ILD cases included the case of black communist Angelo Herndon
facing a death sentence for involvement with the Atlanta  Unemployed Council
(1932-1937); jailed west coast labor organizer Tom Mooney (1931-1939),
Massachusetts anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti facing execution
(1926-1930), the case of the Gallup, N. Mex., coal mine workers, (1933-1938),
and Los Angeles Times bomber John McNamara.  


Repression
breeds resistance.  As with the crises of the 1920s and '30s, capital's
deepening contradictions and crisis today is resulting in rising police
brutality and prison hells, in the US, Mexico, Colombia, indeed in most
capitalist countries. And as with the 1920s, this may be a good time to revive
International Labor Defense. It is certainly a necessary task of the
period.


Please
join us for a panel discussion on the history of International Labor Defense and
the need for similar mass organizations to defend political and class war
prisoners today. Following the panel discussion we will have an organizing
meeting for all who are interested in this organizing effort.


Meeting
Schedule-


2:00-4:00
PM Panel Discussion featuring organizers speaking on the history and current
necessity of International Labor Defense and similar efforts, participants in
struggles to free political and class war prisoners, and reports from
international efforts to revive ILD.


The
speakers on the panel are Wadi'h Halabi (Center for Marxist Education and
Economics Commission of CPUSA), Steve Kirschbaum ( United Steelworkers of
America Local 8751 Boston School Bus Drivers/Team Solidarity), and Tom Whitney
(political journalist, writes on Latin America, especially Cuba and Colombia,
member of Maine Veterans for Peace and Let Cuba life of Maine, formerly worked
as child health care worker).


4:00-5:00
PM Organizing Meeting will follow the Panel Discussion. All who are interested
in working towards a revived ILD are encouraged to attend and contribute ideas
that help in this effort.





ILD
Solidarity Statements



“Dear
brothers and sisters of the "International  Labor Defense" :
We
want to express our support and solidarity to the "International Labor Defense"
in this struggle for the freedom of our polítical prisoners all over the globe.
Please keep us updated and count on us always.
Five
big hugs!
"The
Cuban Five".
                         
Ramon
Labañino Salazar.



"The
murders, frame-ups, and repression of trade unionists today are just as vicious
as were in the days of Sacco and Vanzetti.  Sure, perhaps, the sites have
changed from Brockton, MA to the streets of Barrancas, Colombia, Tehran, Iran
and a myriad of other locales.  But the struggle for freedom of association and
to withhold one's labor continues.  For too long ideology has divided
international support for the defense of trade unionists.  I welcome the new
initiative to unite workers, regardless of ideology, in the global defense of
trade unionists in their struggle against the power of
corporations."


David
Campbell
Secretary-Treasurer
USW
Local 675



"International
Labor Defense not only allowed workers all over the world to join forces in the
face of repression but also get to know each other as allies, share our
knowledge, feel victories or defeats anywhere in the world as our own. Its
rebirth now reminds us of our history of solidarity."


Richard
Levins
Marxist
ecologist and one of the architects of the ecological transformation of
agriculture in Cuba in the 1990s.



“As
the bad old days for worker rights return, more vicious than ever, there is no
better time to revive the idea of international solidarity, international help
for our fellow workers. The catalyst is the outsourcing and shifting of jobs
from one country to another to increase massive profit, and to avoid the puny
labor laws that remain. We must reject the idea that workers are “stealing our
jobs”. If work has no borders, then all workers are brothers and sisters. And
all deserve fairness and support. It’s good to see the International Labor
Defense being revived so as to be ready with that support.”

Barbara
and Bob Ingalls
Detroit-area
labor and social justice activists.





Further
Reading-



Reviving
International Labor Defense - Wadi'h Halabi, Sandy Rosen, and Tom
Whitney*


International
Labor Defense was an organization founded by the Communist Party USA in Chicago
in 1925 (when we were known as the Workers Party of America). By 1926 it had
20,000 dues-paying members. The ILD worked to build solidarity and unity in the
world labor movement. It mobilized to defend persecuted labor organizers and
members of oppressed nations under attack from the exploiters and their state.
Its defense of the Scottsboro Boys in the 1930s turned into a worldwide campaign
and also facilitated organizing the Sharecroppers Union.


CPUSA
leader Sam Dlugin, the father of our comrade Lee Dlugin, participated in the
original ILD.  His agitational pamphlet, "Blood on the Sugar", written in
defense of Cuban workers, can be found on the web.  In fact, the Communist Party
of Cuba organized ILD branches in 1933.


Repression
breeds resistance.  As with the crises of the 1920s and '30s, capital's
deepening contradictions and crisis today is resulting in rising police
brutality and prison hells, in the US, Mexico, Colombia, indeed in most
capitalist countries. And as with the 1920s, this may be a good time to revive
International Labor Defense. It is certainly a necessary task of the
period.


Already,
there are many prisoner defense efforts around the world. Our own comrades have
participated in efforts in defense of Mumia and other African-American and
Puerto Rican political prisoners, the Cuba 5, Los Mineros and electrical workers
in Mexico, David Ravelo and other Colombian political prisoners, and many more.
In Massachusetts, a remarkable Jobs not Jails coalition has developed in recent
months.


In
addition, there are thousands of campaigns worldwide in defense of prisoners,
some large, some small. Reviving International Labor Defense can help join these
many campaigns and build international labor solidarity.


The
CPUSA was the organizing center of the original ILD. Today it may be best if an
international union federation or grouping of unions in an industry, such as
transport or metal, serves as the ILD's organizing center. CP leadership and
guidance of course remains essential.


As
Communists, we can build on our historic connections and special access to CPs
(and many unions) worldwide to help develop ILD. There are indications that the
CPs of China, Cuba, Portugal, Colombia, and several other states could lend
support to reviving ILD.


One
important task of the ILD will be selection of prisoners to be defended and the
corresponding class education. This is in part because the capitalist class is
certain to attempt to weaken or neutralize a revived ILD by promoting
anti-working class prisoners held in states such as Cuba, Vietnam and
China.


(*excerpt
from CPUSA 30th National Convention discussion document “Two ideas to Build the
Party Today: REVIVE INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE AND DEVELOP A YOUTH/UNION
ALLIANCE FOR GOOD UNION JOBS AND AGAINST DEBT SLAVERY” available here:
http://www.cpusa.org/convention-discussion-two-ideas-to-build-the-party/
)




Considerations
on forming a unified organization dedicated to the cause of political prisoners
worldwide. The model is International Labor Defense (ILD)  

From
Tom Whitney, May 12, 2014

ILD
will undertake to organize, publicity, political education, agitation,
facilitation of legal assistance, administrative capabilities, and recruitment
of supporters on behalf of selected political prisoners, especially those
victimized as members of the working class or in struggle to defend the working
class

Purposes:

1.
A revived ILD undertakes to respond to needs not presently being met due to many
difficulties. They include: waning socialist internationalism, reverses
affecting the labor movement, divisions among now tiny leftist political
parties, and residual impact of demagogic anti-communism. Currently, political
prisoner campaigns are often only as large as political parties, single issue
campaigns, and organizations they were affiliated with.  Advocacy and organizing
that cross international, political, and organizational borders would be an
advance.

2.
ILD, by its nature, implies political work broader than defense of political
prisoners alone. As such, and as long as its membership is drawn from a variety
of political groups, ILD should serve as a focus for recruitment of class –based
activists as yet undifferentiated by particular political groupings.

Methods:

1.
IWD will comprise national leadership formations and local chapters. They will
be joined by activists representing groups and campaigns already involved with
political prisoners.


2.
IWD may leave considerable autonomy to local chapters. Chapters would act under
the aegis of centralized and collective leadership.


3.
Prisoner selection would be an orderly and collective process.


4.
IWD activities will include: the gathering, analyzing, and dissemination of
relevant political news; public education and advocacy efforts; organizing of
appropriate direct action modalities, and active recruitment of
members


5.
Methods of prisoner selection, recruitment of leadership, organization of
chapters and central governance remain to be determined.

Assumptions:

1.
    ILD will provide support for other groups already involved with a particular
prisoner or prisoners, contributing political education, recruiting, publicity,
direct action, coordinating, and general advocacy. Important strategic decisions
ought to be left to the initiative of groups already involved.

2.
    Criteria for selecting prisoners ILD would support include the class-based
nature of their political struggles, the political significance of the fight for
which they were incarcerated, dangers threatening to prisoners or their cause,
special humanitarian needs, and prospects for their release.  

3.
    ILD’s contribution to the liberation of selected prisoners would be more to
encourage popular mobilization on their behalf than to join in their legal
fight, although IWD would, if necessary, help secure and maintain adequate legal
defense.


4.
    The role of ILD, in general, will be to facilitate, support, and coordinate
campaigns for prisoners. Usually ILD will not undertake primary direction of
individual campaigns for prisoners.

5.
    Advocacy on behalf of prisoners will, if possible, be integrated into the
larger struggles for which they were detained.

6.
    Taking pains to remain non-sectarian, ILD will endeavor to recruit members
and leaders from a variety of organizations working on behalf of the working
class.

Questions,
to begin with:

1.
Do material and personnel resources exist to begin an IWD? Where does money come
from?


2.
What is the constituency for IWD in terms of existing organizations,
campaigns?


3.
How does IWD steer clear of becoming sectarian amd promoting
division?


4.
How should ILD approach existing organizations and political prisoner campaigns
to benefit from their ideas and/or gain their eventual
participation?


5.
What categories of political prisoners are off limits for the
IWD?


6.
 How would IWD deal with political figures unjustly imprisoned by progressive or
left-leaning states?  


7.
 Are imprisoned members of objectionable labor unions candidates for ILD
support?


Commentary:


1.
In contrast to our present situation, ILD developed within the context of mass
left- leaning political movements and amidst ubiquitous labor mobilizations. It
was a situation providing plenty of victims. At the time, 1925 – 1940, many
popular resistance movements were aligned more or less with the rising
international communist movement. ILD materialized within that framework.  Lack
of mass political mobilization today is a handicap.


2.
The need addressed by ILD, of mobilizing large-scale support for victims
particularly of judicial abuse, remains. The need likewise remains for resources
being available in support of campaigns of political solidarity on their
behalf,


3.
Founders of the original ILD counted on mass support not necessarily attached to
participants’ primary political affiliations. They seemed to regard ILD as
itself a means for building a mass left-leaning political movement, that is to
say, a tool.


4.
Certain political developments of recent decades may be relevant to refashioning
an ILD, among them:  development and persistence of anti-communist bias against
class-based workers’ defense, the splintering of movement for democratic change
into single-issue mobilizations, pervasive fear of U. S. state security
apparatus, diminished understanding of historical antecedents of struggle,
weakening of both the U.S. labor movement and worldwide labor federations, and
responsibility for defending victims increasingly taken on by their own
organizations.


5.
Organizations purporting to defend political prisoners have proliferated
worldwide. They operate within circumscribed boundaries of action often defined
by national, religious, and/or political identification.


6.
Progress in forming a renewed ILD will depend, it seems, on engaging newer
generations of activists.
Considerations
of feasibility:


1.
    Existing organizations that defend political prisoners may resist
intervention presented as friendly but is perceived as
interfering.


2.
    People and financial resources are lacking essential for creating and
organizing a new ILD with ambitious goals.


3.
    Leadership capabilities presently seem thin.

Brief
Historical Addendum
 
The
Workers Party of America – later to become the Communist Party – formed the
International Labor Defense (ILD) in 1925 as a “consolidated legal defense mass
organization.” Its headquarters were in Chicago, Ill. The idea was a
“non-partisan body that would defend any member of the working class movement,
without regard to personal political views.” Victims “under the thumb of
persecution by the capitalist legal system would be supported legally, morally,
and financially.” Of note is that initial planning seemed to envision help for
members and non-members alike of the organized labor movement. And ILD would not
confine its help exclusively to victims of judicial processes.


“The
ILD was a membership organization [with] the holding of regular local meetings.
There were 20,000 dues-paying ILD members by late 1926, with 75,000 other
supporters of ILD goals and actions who were members of affiliated
organizations,. Local branches conducted mass meetings and fundraising events.
 ILD published a monthly magazine in Chicago called Labor Defender. The editor
was a Workers Party member, the business manger, a member of the Socialist
Party.  Circulation boomed, rising from about 1,500 paid subscriptions and 8,500
copies in bulk bundle sales in 1927 to about 5,500 paid subscriptions with a
bundle sale of 16,500 by the middle of 1928. Of 38 original National Committee
members, 12 of them belonged to the Workers (or Communist) Party. The nine –
member ILD Executive Committee included six party members.


According
to founding Executive Director James P. Cannon, reporting on a survey:  "There
were [initially] 106 class war prisoners in the United States -- scores of IWW
members railroaded in California, Kansas, Utah, and other states under the
criminal syndicalist laws. We located a couple of obscure anarchists in prison
in Rhode Island; a group of AFL coal miners in West Virginia; two labor
organizers in Thomaston, Maine -- besides the more prominent and better known
prisoners... They were not criminals at all, but strike leaders, organizers,
agitators, dissenters -- our kind of people. Not one of these 106 prisoners was
a member of the Communist Party! But the ILD defended and helped them
all."


High
profile ILD cases included the “Scottsboro Boys” 1931-1936,”  the case of black
communist Angelo Herndon facing a death sentence for involvement with the
Atlanta  Unemployed Council (1932-1937); jailed west coast labor organizer Tom
Mooney (1931-1939), Massachusetts anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo
Vanzetti facing execution (1926-1930), the case of the Gallup, N. Mex., coal
mine workers, (1933-1938), and Los Angeles Times bomber John McNamara.
 


ILD
backed labor organizing in southeastern United States:  “Working through a
variety of communist-led mass organizations, from the International Labor
Defense to the Congress of Spanish-Speaking Peoples, the Communist Party
eventually produced a noteworthy group of Mexican American women leaders.”
(Vargas, 2004). ILD in the late 1920’s defended striking coal miners in Ohio,
Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Illinois, also jailed textile workers in New
Bedford, MA.  According to Jules Robert Benjamin (1977), “the Communist Party of
Cuba established ILD branches there in 1933, as well as branches of the
anti-imperialist League.”  In 1946 the ILD was merged with the National
Federation for Constitutional Liberties to form the Civil Rights
Congress.

On Reviving The International Labor Defense-(ILD)- In Boston-Free All The Class-War Prisoners

On Reviving The International Labor Defense-(ILD)- In Boston-Free All The Class-War Prisoners  


Committee
for International Labor Defense Panel Discussion and Organizing
Meeting


Saturday,
August 15th | 2:00-5:00 PM

Encuentro5
| 9a Hamilton Place Boston
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Some statements in support of reviving ILD, August 2015
 



Dear brothers and sisters of the International Labor Defense:




We want to express our support and solidarity to the International Labor Defense in this struggle for the freedom of our polítical prisoners all over the globe. Please keep us updated and count on us always.



 



Five big hugs!



 



"The Cuban Five"
Ramon Labañino Salazar



 



----------------



 



"The murders, frame-ups, and repression of trade unionists today are just as vicious as they were in the days of Sacco and Vanzetti.  Sure, perhaps, the sites have changed from Brockton, MA to the streets of Barrancas, Colombia, Tehran, Iran and a myriad of other locales.  But the struggle for freedom of association and to withhold one's labor continues.  For too long ideology has divided international support for the defense of trade unionists.  I welcome the new initiative to unite workers, regardless of ideology, in the global defense of trade unionists in their struggle against the power of corporations."



 



David Campbell
Secretary-Treasurer
USW Local 675
1200 E. 220th St.
Carson, CA 90745-3505



 



-------------------



 



"As the bad old days for worker rights return, more vicious than ever, there is no better time to revive the idea of international solidarity, international help for our fellow workers. The catalyst is the outsourcing and shifting of jobs from one country to another to increase massive profit, and to avoid the puny labor laws that remain. We must reject the idea that workers are “stealing our jobs”. If work has no borders, then all workers are brothers and sisters. And all deserve fairness and support. It’s good to see the International Labor Defense being revived so as to be ready with that support.     Barbara and Bob Ingalls, Detroit-area labor and social justice activists



 



(Barbara was the leader of the remarkable Detroit newspaper workers' struggle. She was known as 'Barbarian' for her relentlessness and courage; her husband Bob, a lifelong union auto worker, also played a big role in the strike. Through Jobs with Justice, Sandy and I worked on organizing labor support across New England for the Detroit workers, and we often hosted the workers at our house.)



 



-----------------------



 



"International Labor Defense not only allowed workers all over the world to join forces in the face of repression but also get to know each other as allies, share our knowledge, feel victories or defeats anywhere in the world as our own. Its rebirth now reminds us of our history of solidarity."  Richard Levins



 



(Richard Levins is the great Marxist ecologist, probably the most consistent scientist in the US. He was one of the architects of the ecological transformation of Cuba's agriculture. He is a strong supporter of ILD.)



 

Thursday, August 13, 2015

Happy Birthday David Crosby-From The Summer Of Love Alumni

Happy Birthday David Crosby-From The Summer Of Love Alumni


 
 
 
 
 
 

On The Fiftieth Anniversary Of The Jefferson Airplane's First Album -From The Archives-From The Pen Of Joshua Lawrence Breslin- Out In The Seals Rock Inn Frisco Town Night –Take Two

On The Fiftieth Anniversary Of The Jefferson Airplane's First Album -From The Archives

 
 
 
 
 
From The Pen Of Joshua Lawrence Breslin- Out In The Seals Rock Inn Frisco Town Night –Take Two
 
Funny he, Adam Evans, thought, a little sweaty and overheated from the turned too high thermostat put on earlier to ward off the open- eyed chill of the room, as he laid in his toss and turn early morning Seals Rock Inn, San Francisco bed, the rain pouring down in buckets, literally buckets, at his unprotected door, the winds were howling against that same door, and the nearby sea was lashing up its fury, how many times the sea stormy night, the sea fury tempest day, the, well, the mighty storm anytime, had played a part in his life. He was under no circumstances, as he cleared his mind for a think back, a think back that was occupying his thoughts more and more of late, trying to work himself into a lather over some metaphorical essence between the storms that life had bestowed on him and the raging night storm within hearing distance. No way, too simple. Rather he was just joy searching for all those sea-driven times, times when a storm, a furious storm like this night or maybe just an average ordinary vanilla storm passing through and complete in an hour made him think of his relationship with his homeland the sea and with its time for reflection. And so on that toss and turn bed he thought.

Funny, although not humorously funny like his nymph tryst with Terry that he had just finish thinking about, or ironically funny like his bonding with the sea from birth that got him started on this think, but kind of sad sack funny how he and Diana had met, met in Harvard Square in the summer of love, 1967 (check it out on Wikipedia for the San Francisco version of that same year but basically, in both cases although more flagrantly in ’Frisco, it was the winds blowing the right way for once when make love not war, make something, make your dreams come true with sex, drugs, music had its minute, has its soon faded minute via self –imposed hubris and the death-dealing, fag-hating, nigger-hating, women-hating, self-hating bad guys with the guns and the dough leading, and still leading, a vicious counter-attack), she from Podunk Mid-West (Davenport out in the Iowas if you need to know) far from ocean waters, but thrilled by the prospect of meeting an ocean boy (okay, okay man, twenty- three, she twenty-one)who actually had been there, to the ocean that is.

Oh yah, how they met in that Harvard Square good night for the curious, simplicity itself (his version), she was sitting about half way across the room, the cafeteria room, the old Hayes-Bickford awful dish- water coffee out of necessarily sturdy ceramic mugs , runny eggs, steamy to perdition everything else room, although the food and its conditions was not why you hung out there, just up from the old Harvard Square subway stop (and no longer there, long gone and missed, nor is that subway stop the end of the Red Line), if that name helps (and it did , did help that is, if you had any pretensions to some folkie literary career, some be-bop blessed poet life, or just wanted to rub elbows with what might be the next big thing after that folk minute expired of a British invasion of sexed-up moppets and wet dream bad boys and poetry died of T.S. Eliot and rarified air, or, maybe just a two in the morning coffee, hard pressed sudsy coffee, but coffee, enough to keep a seat in the place, after a tough night at the local gin mills, and hadn’t caught anybody’s attention), sitting by herself, writing furiously, on some yellow notepad, and she looked up. He, just that moment looked up as well (although he had taken about six previous peeks in her direction but she ignored them, studiously ignored, with her furious pen), and smiled at her. And she gave him a whimsical, no a melt smile, a smile to think about eternities over, about maybe chasing some windmills about, about, about walking right over and asking about the meaning of, well, that smile. And he did, and she did, she told him that is. And in the telling, told him, that she had half seen (her version) him peeking and wondered about it.

All this peeking, half- peeking(her version, remember) , got him a seat at her table, and her a cup of awful coffee and a couple of hours, where are you from, what do you like, what is the meaning of existence and what the hell are you writing so furiously about at two o’clock on Sunday morning. And one thing led to another and eventually the sea came in, although, damn age against he couldn’t for the life of him remember how that subject came up, except maybe something triggered when she mentioned Iowa, and he said please don’t bury me there but near some seaside bluff, or something.

And what did she look like, for the male reader in need of such detail, especially since she was sitting alone writing furiously at two in the morning, maybe she was, ah, ah, a dog. Nah, she was kind of slender, but not skinny, slender in that fresh as sweet cream Midwestern corn-fed way that started to happen after the womenfolk, not prairie fire pioneer women any longer, had been properly fed for a couple of generations after those hard Okie/Arkie push on days of eating chalk dust and car smoke trailing dreams. With the long de riguer freshly- ironed (really, after the Joan Baez fashion or just some college girl fad) brown hair pulled back from her face (otherwise she would have constantly had to interrupt her furious writing to keep it out of her face as she wrote). And a pleasing face, bright blue eyes, good nose, and nice lips, kissable lips. Nice legs from what he could see when he went over. But who was he kidding, it was that whimsical, no, melt, smile, that smile that spoke of eternities, although what it spoke of at two in the morning was gentle breezes, soft pillows, of that Midwestern what you see is what you get and what you get, well, you better hang on, and hang on tight, and be ready to take some adversity, to keep around that smile. But that was later, later really, when he had figured it out better about why he tossed and turned all that night (really morning) and that smile thought would not let him be.

Memory bank of their first time up in ocean’s kingdom, the next day actually she was so anxious to see the ocean, or maybe anxious to see it with him, they talked about it being that way too but let’s just memory call it her anxiety, the rugged cross salvation rocks that make up Perkin’s Cove in southern Maine, up there by Ogunquit. There are stories to be told of his own previous meetings with Mother Perkin’s but this is Diana’ s story and those stories, his stories, involved other women, other treacheries, other immense treacheries, and other angel-sized delights too. That day thought she flipped out, flipped out at the immensity of it, of the majestic swells (and of her swaying, gently, but rhythmically to the rise and fall of each wave) of the closeness of a nature that she, she of wind- swept wheat oceans, of broken-back bracero wet back labor to bring in the crop, of fights against every form of land injury, dust, bugs, fire, drought had not dreamed of. And as if under some mystic spell, or some cornfield ocean mistake, she actually plunged fully-clothed (not having been told of the need for a swimsuit since the ocean itself was the play, the hugeness of it, the looking longingly back to primordial times of it, the reflection in the changings winds of it), in to the ocean at that spot where there is just enough room if the tide is right, just ebbing enough to create a sand bar to do so (today there is no problem getting down there as the Cove trustees have provided a helpful stairs, concrete-reinforced, against old time lumber steps breakaway and lost in some snarled sea) and promptly was almost carried out by a riptide.

He saved her, saved her good that day. Saved her with every ounce of energy he had to take her like some lonesome sailor saving his shipmate, save just to be saving, saving from the sea for a time anyway, or better, saving like the guy, that long gone daddy, who did or said some fool thing to his woman and she flipped out and make a death pact with old King Neptune (and wouldn’t you know want to bring long gone daddy along for the ride) from that song Endless Sleep by Jody Reynolds. But get this, and get it from him straight just in case you might have heard it from her. That day she was so sexed-up, there is no other way to say it, and there shouldn’t be, what with the first look ocean swells and her swaying , and her getting dunked good (with wet clothes and a slight feverish chill), and her being so appreciative of him saving her (the way she put it, his version anyway, was that save, that unthinking save, meant that whatever might come that she knew, knew after one day, and knew she was not wrong, that he would not forsake her for some trivial) that she wanted to have sex with him right there, right in the cove. (In those days there was a little spot that he knew, a little spot off a rutted dirt path that was then not well known, was unmarked , and was protected by rows of shrubbery so there was no problem about “doing the do” there and frankly that thought got him sexed-up too. Today there are so many touristas per square inch in high season and that old rutted path now paved so that the act would be impossible. It would have to wait hard winter and frozen asses, if that same scenario came up again.)

Here’s the thing thought she, Diana, from the sticks, from the Iowa fresh-mown fields, new to Harvard Square summer of love and Boston college scene school didn’t take birth control pills or have any other form of protection that day, although she was fairly sexually experienced (some wheat field farmer boy and then the usual assortment of colleges guys, some honest, some, well, one- night stands). And he, he not expecting to be a savior sailor that day carried no protection, hell, condoms (and, truth, his circle, the guys anyway, and really the girls knowing what the guys expected too, left it up to their partners to protect themselves. Barbarians, okay). So before they could hit the bushes, before they could lose themselves in the stormy throes of love he had to run up (yes, he ran, so you knew he was sexed-up too) to Doc’s Drugstore (no longer there, since Doc passed away many years ago and his sons became lawyers and not pharmacists) on U.S. 1 right in the center of Ogunquit. And red- faced purchased their “rubbers” (and wouldn’t you know there was some young smirky high school sales girl behind the counter when he paid for his purchase, jesus, with that knowing look of I know what you are up, mister). So as the sun started blue –pink setting in the west and to the sound, the symphony really, of those swells clanging on those rugged cross rocks they made love for the first time, not beautiful sultry night pillow love in some high-end hotel (like later), or fearfully (fearful that her prudish dorm roommate would bust in on them) in her dorm room but fiercely, fiercely like those ocean waves crashing mercilessly to shore. The time for exotic, genteel, gentle love-making (“making it,” out of some be-bop hipster lexicon their want to way of expressing that desire) would could later, later intermingled with the seventeen differences and sixteen almost reconciliations.

Funny too in that same sad sack love way they early on had vowed, secular vowed (no, not that Perkin’s Cove love day, sex is easier to agree to, to make and unmake than vows, religious, secular, or blasphemous), that they would not, like their parents fight over every stupid thing.. That night in her dorm room after that full day of activity they stayed up half the night (hell with a little benny that wasn’t hard, and perhaps they stayed up all night, and although her roommate never showed that night they did not, his version, did not make love) remembering his Velcro Ma wars and, as she related that night and many night after, her Baptist father repent sinners weird wars. He related in detail his various wars, wars to the death that left him with no option, no he option except to leave the family house and strike it on his own, on his summer of love terms if possible, since he had sensed that wind that storm swell coming for a while and was as ready as any “hippie” (quaint term, although he did not, and never did, consider himself a hippie but rather traced his summer of love yearnings to beat times, to be-bop boys and girls with shaded eyes and existential desires). She related in detail her devil father, with seven prayer books in all his hands on Sunday and a thwarted creep up to her room every other day, and of his bend bracero hatred short-changing the wages of the wetbacks who came via train smoke and dreams to bring in the crop (or have the complaisant county sheriff kick them out wage-less, or with so many deductions for cheap- jack low rent shack barely held together against the fury of prairie winds room and board, food just shy of some Sally (Salvation Army) hand out in some desolate back street town (and Adam knew of such foods, and of kindly thanks yous but that was give away food not sweated labor food) that it made the same thing. Justified of course by some chapter and verse about the heathens (Catholic heathens and he, the father , still fighting those 16th century religious wars out on prairie America and, and, winning against hard luck ,move on to the next shack and hand-out worthy food harvest stop, endlessly), and their sorrows .


And they didn’t , didn’t act like their parents, their he and she parents, that summer of love, that overblown ,frantic , wind-changing summer of love, when they sensed that high tide rolling in, hell, more than sensed it, could taste it, taste in the their off-hand love bouts not reserved for downy billows (and he glad, glad as hell, that she, his little temptress she, had freely offered herself to him up on those rugged cross rocks so that he, when he needed a reason, coaxed her to some landlocked bushes, or some river, some up river ,Charles River, of course hide-out and she, slightly blushing, maybe, with the thought of it, followed along),taste it is the sweet wines handmade in some friend experiment , hey try this (and experiment yogurts, ice cream, dough bread, and on and on, too) , taste it in the tea, ganga, herb, hemp smoke curling through their lungs and moment peace, or later, benny high to keep sleep from their eyes on the hitchhike road, or later too, sweet cousin cocaine, cheap, cheap as hell, and exotic to snuffed noses to take away the minute blues creeping in, taste it in the new way that their brethren, that small crowd (after all not everybody got caught up in the summer of love minute, some went jungle-fighting, some went wall street back-biting, some went plain old ordinary nine to five- routining, some went same old same, old love and marriage and here come X and Y with a baby carriage , and mortgages , and saving for junior’s college and ,and, and…, offered this and that, free, this and that help, this and that can I have this free, taste it in, well, if you don’t want to do that, hell, don’t and not face Ma, or kin, or professional wrath (or she father fire and brimstone), taste it out in those friendly streets, no not Milk Street, not Wall Street, not the Loop, but Commonwealth Avenue, Haight Street, Division Street, many Village streets, many Brattle streets, many Taos streets, Venice Beach streets, all the clots that make the connections, the oneness of it all, the grandness of it all, the free of it all.

They, they made the kindness, the everyday kindness of it, the simple air-filled big balloon kindness of it like some Peter Max cartoonish figure, and when they filled that balloon with enough kindness and against the sluttiness remarks of high Catholic Ma disapproving of heathens (see not all bigots were out in the prairie wheat field strung out on the lord and, wheat profits) and she Pa disapproving of hippie (never was , beat, beat, yes) they married , justice of the peace high wind Perkin’s Cove consummated married, she all garlanded up like some Botticelli doll model picture (Botticelli’s mistress, his whore, from what they had heard, and she blushed at that knowledge), flowered, flowing garment, free hair in the wind and he some black robe throw around , and feasting, feasting on those rugged cross rocks . Too much.

And for as long as they could see some new breeze blowing that they felt part of they were kind to each other (and others, of course). Then the winds of change shifted, and like the tides the ebbs set in, maybe not obvious at first, maybe not that first series of defeats, that Loop madness in ’68, that first bust for some ill-gotten dope and some fool snitch to save his ass from stir turned on him, some brethren (he hated snitch, the very word snitch, from that time down in that rolling barrel slope in the water episode as a kid with his older brother, and he didn’t snitch on his older brother now name etched in black marble in Washington along with other old neighborhood names), that first Connecticut highway hitchhike bust as they headed to D.C. for one more vain and futile attempt to stop the generation’s damn war, that several hour wait in Madison for some magnificent Volkswagen bus to stop and get them from point C to point D on their journey to this very storm- driven San Francisco spot (a few blocks up over in North Beach the old beat blocks, Haight Street hippie having turned into a free-fire zone, that” no that is six dollars for those candles , not free anymore brother” sea-change, and the decline of kindness, first casualty their own kindnesses, their own big balloon kindnesses more less frequently evoked, more tired from too much work, more “sorry but I have a headache ,”he too, and less thoughts about trysts in hidden bushes, or downy billows for that matter. Worse, worse still, he went his way, and she went hers, trying to make it (no longer their “make it” signal to chart love’s love time) in the world, hell, nine to five routining it but it was the kindnesses, those big ball kindnesses that went (and that they both spoke of marriage counselor spoke of missing), and seventeen differences, substantial differences, and sixteen almost reconciliations, they grew older and apart, and…

She left him for another man, another non-sea driven man, a man who hated the outdoors, hated the thought of the ocean (he grew up in lobstertown Maine and had his fill of oceans, of fierce winds, of rubber hip boots, and of rugged cross rocks thank you, she told him non-ocean man had told her) when she called it seventeen times was enough quits after they had spent a couple of months up in that storm-ravaged Maine cottage that he insisted they go to reconcile after the last difference bout where she, quote, was tired as hell of the sea, of the wind, of the stuff that the wind did to her sensitive skin ( big old sadness at that remark by him for he never said, kindness, said anything about that, or never said he could stop the ravages of time), and, and, tired of him playing out some old man of the seas, some man against nature thing with her in his train, unquote. Yah, she up and left him. Damn, and he had had thoughts of eternity, of always being around that smile, that quizzical smile, or the possibility of that smile, that he first latched onto that first Harvard Square night when he had smiled at her across the room, and she had smiled that smile right between his eyes at him.
 

On The Fiftieth Anniversary Of The Jefferson Airplane's First Album-From The Archives

On The Fiftieth Anniversary Of The Jefferson Airplane's First Album -From The Archives