*****“Workers of The World Unite, You Have Nothing To Lose But Your Chains”-The Struggle For Trotsky's Fourth (Communist) International
From The Archives-Founding Conference of the Fourth International-1938
That same apprehensive attitude had prevailed when after about three meetings they began to study what the group leader, Jeremy, called classic Marxism, the line from Marx and Engels to Lenin and the Bolsheviks. A couple of the early classes dealt with the American Civil War and its relationship to the class struggle in America, and Marx’s views on what was happening, why it was necessary for all progressives to side with the North and the end of slavery, and why despite his personal flaws and attitudes toward blacks Abraham Lincoln was a figure to admire all of which both men knew little about except the battles and military leaders in American History classes. What caused the most fears and consternation was the need for revolution worked out in practice during the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. They could see that it was necessary in Russia during those times but America in the 1970s was a different question, not to speak of the beating that they had taken for being “uppity” in the streets in Washington, D.C. in 1971 when they didn’t think about revolution (maybe others had such ideas but if so they kept them to themselves) and the state came crashing down on them.
Several years ago, when the question of an international, a new workers international, a fifth international, was broached by the International Marxist Tendency (IMT), faintly echoing the call issued during the presidency of the late Venezuelan caudillo, Hugo Chavez, I got to thinking a little bit more on the subject. Moreover, it must have been something in the air at the time (maybe caused by these global climatic changes that are hazarding our collective future) because I had also seen a spade of then recent commentary on the need to go back to something that looked very much like Karl Marx’s one-size-fits-all First International. Of course in the 21st century, after over one hundred and fifty years of attempts to create adequate international working-class organizations, just what the doctor by all means, be my guest, but only if the shades of Proudhon and Bakunin can join. Boys and girls that First International was disbanded in the wake of the demise of the Paris Commune for a reason, okay. Mixing political banners (Marxism and fifty-seven varieties of anarchism) was appropriate to a united front, not a hell-bent revolutionary International fighting, and fighting hard, for our communist future. Forward
With that caveat in mind this month, the September American Labor Day month, but more importantly the month in 1938 that the ill-fated Fourth International was founded I am posting some documents around the history of that formation, and its program, the program known by the shorthand, Transitional Program. If you want to call for a fifth, sixth, seventh, what have you, revolutionary international, and you are serious about it beyond the "mail-drop" potential, then you have to look seriously into that organization's origins, and the world-class Bolshevik revolutionary who inspired it. Forward.
Organize the South-this low wage area, this consciously low-wage area, where many industries land before heading off-shore to even lower wage places cries out for organizing, especially among black and Hispanic workers who form the bulk of this industrial workforce. A corollary to organizing the South is obviously to organize internationally to keep the “race to the bottom” from continually occurring short of being resolved in favor of an international commonwealth of workers’ governments. Hey, nobody said it was going to be easy.
Defend the right of public and private workers to unionize. Simple-No more defeats like in Wisconsin in 2011, no more attacks on collective bargaining the hallmark of a union contract. No reliance on labor boards, arbitration, courts or bourgeois recall elections either. Unions must keep their independent from government interference. Period.
From The Archives-Founding Conference of the Fourth International-1938
Click below to link to documents of the early 4th International.
http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/document/fi/
Late one night in
2014 Ralph Morris and Sam Eaton had been sitting at a bar in Boston, Jack
Higgin’s Grille, down a few streets from the financial district toward Quincy
Market talking about various experiences, political experiences in their lives
as they were wont to do these days since they were both mostly retired. Ralph
having turned over the day to day operation of his specialty electronics shop
in Troy, New York to his youngest son as he in his turn had taken over from his
father Ralph, Sr. when he had retired in 1991 (the eldest son, Ralph III, had
opted for a career as a software engineer for General Electric still a force in
the local economy although not nearly as powerful as when Ralph was young and
it had been the largest private employer in the Tri-City area) and Sam had sold
off his small print shop business in Carver down about thirty miles south of
Boston to a large copying company when he had finally seen a few years before
the writing on the wall that the day of the small specialty print shop
specializing in silk-screening and other odd job methods of reproduction was
done for in the computerized color world.
So they had time for remembrances back to the days in the early 1970s when they had first met and had caught the tail-end of the big splash 1960s political and social explosion that stirred significant elements of their generation, “the generation of ’68” so-called by Sam’s friend from New York City Fritz Jasper although neither of them had been involved in any of the cataclysmic events that had occurred in America (and the world) that year. Sam had that year fitfully been trying to start his own small printing business after working for a few years for Mr. Snyder the premier printer in town and he was knee-deep in trying to mop up on the silk-screen craze for posters and tee shirts and had even hired his old friend from high school Jack Callahan who had gone to the Massachusetts School of Art as his chief silk-screen designer, and later when he moved off the dime politically his acting manager as well. Ralph’s excuse was simpler, simplicity itself for he was knee-deep in the big muddy in the Central Highlands of Vietnam trying to keep body and soul together against that damn Charlie who wouldn’t take no for an answer.
Occasionally over the years Ralph would come to Boston on trips at Sam’s invitation and they almost always would go have a few at Jack Higgin’s during his stay talking mainly family matters before Ralph would head back to Troy and his family but more frequently of late they would go back over the ground of their youth, would go over more that ground more than one time to see if something they could have done, or something they did not do, would have made a difference when the “counter-revolution,” when the conservative push-back reared its head, when the cultural wars began in earnest with the ebbing of that big good night 1960s explosion. Sam would return the favor by going out to Albany, or more frequently to Saratoga Springs where he, they could see who from the old days, Utah Phillips before he passed away, Rosalie Sorrels before she left the road, Ronnie Gilbert and Pete Seeger before they passed but you get the picture, the old folk minute of the early 1960s that Sam had been very interested in when he started to hang around Cambridge later in that decade, were still alive enough to be playing at the famous coffeehouse still going from the 1960s, the Café Lena, although minus founder Lena for quite a while now. Sam had never lost the bug, never lost that longing for the lost folk minute that in his mind connected in with him hanging around the Hayes-Bickford in Harvard Square on lonesome weekends nights seeing what was to be seen. Sam had dragged Ralph, who despite living on about less than an hour away had never heard of the Café Lena since he had been tuned to the AM stations playing the awful stuff that got air time after the classic period of rock went into decline and before rock became acid-tinged, along with him and he had developed a pretty fair appreciation for the music as well.
The conversation that night in 2014 got going after the usual few whiskey and sodas used to fortify them for the night talkfest had begun to take effect had been pushed in the direction of what ever happened to that socialist vision that had driven some of their early radical political work together (in the old days both of them in these midnight gabfest would have fortified themselves with in succession grass, cocaine, speed and watch the sun come up and still be talking. These days about midnight would be the end point, maybe earlier.). The specific reason for that question coming up that night had been that Sam had asked Ralph a few weeks before to write up a little remembrance of when he had first heard the socialist-anarchist-communist-radical labor militant international working class anthem, the Internationale, for Fritz Jasper’s blog, American Protest Music.
Sam had noted that Ralph had with a certain sorrow stated that he no longer had occasion to sing the song. Moreover one of the reasons for that absence was that despite his and Sam’s continued “good old cause” left-wing political activism socialism as a solution to humankind’s impasses was deeply out of favor (that activism as Ralph mentioned to Sam on more than one occasion these days considerably shortened from the old frenzied 24/7 desperate struggles around trying unsuccessfully end the Vietnam War from the American side by getting the government to stop the damn thing although the Vietnamese liberation forces in the end and at great cost had had no trouble doing so).
People, intellectuals and working stiffs alike, no longer for the most part had that socialist vision goal that had driven several generations, or the best parts of those generations, since the mid-19th century to put their efforts into, did not have that goal on their radar, didn’t see a way out of the malaise through that route. Had moreover backed off considerably from that prospective since the demise of the Soviet Union and its satellites in the early 1990s if not before despite the obvious failure of capitalism to any longer put a dent in the vast inequalities and injustices, their suffered inequalities and injustices, in the world. Sam had had to agree to that sad statement, had had to agree that they, in effect, too had abandoned that goal in their own lives for all practical purposes even though they had been driven by that vision for a while once they got “religion” in the old days in the early 1970s, once they saw that the anti-war struggle that animated their first efforts was not going to get the war-makers to stop making war.
Maybe it was the booze, maybe it was growing older and more reflective, maybe it was that Ralph’s comments had stirred up some sense of guilt for losing the hard edge of their youthful dreams but that night Sam wanted to press the issue of what that socialist prospective meant, what they thought it was all about (both agreed in passing, almost as an afterthought that what had happened, what passed for socialism in the Soviet Union and elsewhere was NOT what they were dreaming of although they gave third world liberation struggles against imperialism like in Vietnam dependent on Soviet aid plenty of wiggle room to make mistakes and still retain their support).
Both men during the course of their conversation commented on the fact that no way, no way in hell, if it had not been for the explosive events of the 1960s, of the war and later a bunch of social issue questions, mainly third world liberation struggles internationally and the black liberation question at home they would not even be having the conversation they were having (both also chuckling a little at using the old time terms, especially the use of “struggle” and “question,” for example the black, gay, woman question since lately they had noticed that younger activists no longer spoke in such terms but used more ephemeral “white privilege,” “patriarchy,” “gender” terms reflecting the identity politics that have been in fashion for a long time, since the ebb flow of the 1960s).
No, nothing in the sweet young lives of Samuel Eaton to the Carver cranberry bog capital of world in Carver (then) working-class born (his father a “bogger” himself when they needed extra help) and Ralph Morris, Junior to the Troy General Electric plants-dominated working- class born would have in say 1967, maybe later, projected that almost fifty years later they would be fitfully and regretfully speaking about the their visions of socialism and it demise as a world driving force for social change.
Ralph and Sam had imbibed all the standard identifiable working-class prejudices against reds, some of those prejudices more widespread among the general population of the times, you know, like the big red scare Cold War “your mommy is a commie, turn her in,” “the Russians are coming get under the desk and hold onto your head,” anybody to the left of Grandpa Ike, maybe even him, communist dupes of Joe Stalin and his progeny who pulled the strings from Moscow and made everybody jumpy; against blacks (Ralph had stood there right next to his father, Ralph, Sr., when he led the physical opposition to blacks moving into the Tappan Street section of town and had nothing, along with his corner boys at Van Patten’s Drugstore, but the “n” word to call black people, sometimes to their faces and Sam’s father was not much better, a southerner from hillbilly country down in Appalachia who had been stationed in Hingham at the end of World War II and stayed, who never could until his dying breathe call blacks anything but the “n” word); against gays and lesbians (Ralph and his boys mercilessly fag and dyke baiting them whenever the guys and he went to Saratoga Springs where those creeps spent their summers doing whatever nasty things they did to each other and Sam likewise down in Provincetown with his boys, he helping, beating up some poor guy in a back alley after one of them had made a fake pass at the guy, Jesus; against uppity woman, servile, domestic child-producing women like their good old mothers and sisters and wanna-bes were okay as were “easy” girls ready to toot their whistles, attitudes which they had only gotten beaten out of them when they ran into their respective future wives who had both been influenced by the women’s liberation movement although truth to tell they were not especially political, but rather artistic. Native Americans didn’t even rate a nod since they were not on the radar, were written off in any case as fodder for cowboys and soldiers in blue. But mainly they had been red, white and blue American patriotic guys who really did have ice picks in their eyes for anybody who thought they would like to tread on old Uncle Sam (who had been “invented” around Ralph’s hometown way).
So they had time for remembrances back to the days in the early 1970s when they had first met and had caught the tail-end of the big splash 1960s political and social explosion that stirred significant elements of their generation, “the generation of ’68” so-called by Sam’s friend from New York City Fritz Jasper although neither of them had been involved in any of the cataclysmic events that had occurred in America (and the world) that year. Sam had that year fitfully been trying to start his own small printing business after working for a few years for Mr. Snyder the premier printer in town and he was knee-deep in trying to mop up on the silk-screen craze for posters and tee shirts and had even hired his old friend from high school Jack Callahan who had gone to the Massachusetts School of Art as his chief silk-screen designer, and later when he moved off the dime politically his acting manager as well. Ralph’s excuse was simpler, simplicity itself for he was knee-deep in the big muddy in the Central Highlands of Vietnam trying to keep body and soul together against that damn Charlie who wouldn’t take no for an answer.
Occasionally over the years Ralph would come to Boston on trips at Sam’s invitation and they almost always would go have a few at Jack Higgin’s during his stay talking mainly family matters before Ralph would head back to Troy and his family but more frequently of late they would go back over the ground of their youth, would go over more that ground more than one time to see if something they could have done, or something they did not do, would have made a difference when the “counter-revolution,” when the conservative push-back reared its head, when the cultural wars began in earnest with the ebbing of that big good night 1960s explosion. Sam would return the favor by going out to Albany, or more frequently to Saratoga Springs where he, they could see who from the old days, Utah Phillips before he passed away, Rosalie Sorrels before she left the road, Ronnie Gilbert and Pete Seeger before they passed but you get the picture, the old folk minute of the early 1960s that Sam had been very interested in when he started to hang around Cambridge later in that decade, were still alive enough to be playing at the famous coffeehouse still going from the 1960s, the Café Lena, although minus founder Lena for quite a while now. Sam had never lost the bug, never lost that longing for the lost folk minute that in his mind connected in with him hanging around the Hayes-Bickford in Harvard Square on lonesome weekends nights seeing what was to be seen. Sam had dragged Ralph, who despite living on about less than an hour away had never heard of the Café Lena since he had been tuned to the AM stations playing the awful stuff that got air time after the classic period of rock went into decline and before rock became acid-tinged, along with him and he had developed a pretty fair appreciation for the music as well.
The conversation that night in 2014 got going after the usual few whiskey and sodas used to fortify them for the night talkfest had begun to take effect had been pushed in the direction of what ever happened to that socialist vision that had driven some of their early radical political work together (in the old days both of them in these midnight gabfest would have fortified themselves with in succession grass, cocaine, speed and watch the sun come up and still be talking. These days about midnight would be the end point, maybe earlier.). The specific reason for that question coming up that night had been that Sam had asked Ralph a few weeks before to write up a little remembrance of when he had first heard the socialist-anarchist-communist-radical labor militant international working class anthem, the Internationale, for Fritz Jasper’s blog, American Protest Music.
Sam had noted that Ralph had with a certain sorrow stated that he no longer had occasion to sing the song. Moreover one of the reasons for that absence was that despite his and Sam’s continued “good old cause” left-wing political activism socialism as a solution to humankind’s impasses was deeply out of favor (that activism as Ralph mentioned to Sam on more than one occasion these days considerably shortened from the old frenzied 24/7 desperate struggles around trying unsuccessfully end the Vietnam War from the American side by getting the government to stop the damn thing although the Vietnamese liberation forces in the end and at great cost had had no trouble doing so).
People, intellectuals and working stiffs alike, no longer for the most part had that socialist vision goal that had driven several generations, or the best parts of those generations, since the mid-19th century to put their efforts into, did not have that goal on their radar, didn’t see a way out of the malaise through that route. Had moreover backed off considerably from that prospective since the demise of the Soviet Union and its satellites in the early 1990s if not before despite the obvious failure of capitalism to any longer put a dent in the vast inequalities and injustices, their suffered inequalities and injustices, in the world. Sam had had to agree to that sad statement, had had to agree that they, in effect, too had abandoned that goal in their own lives for all practical purposes even though they had been driven by that vision for a while once they got “religion” in the old days in the early 1970s, once they saw that the anti-war struggle that animated their first efforts was not going to get the war-makers to stop making war.
Maybe it was the booze, maybe it was growing older and more reflective, maybe it was that Ralph’s comments had stirred up some sense of guilt for losing the hard edge of their youthful dreams but that night Sam wanted to press the issue of what that socialist prospective meant, what they thought it was all about (both agreed in passing, almost as an afterthought that what had happened, what passed for socialism in the Soviet Union and elsewhere was NOT what they were dreaming of although they gave third world liberation struggles against imperialism like in Vietnam dependent on Soviet aid plenty of wiggle room to make mistakes and still retain their support).
Both men during the course of their conversation commented on the fact that no way, no way in hell, if it had not been for the explosive events of the 1960s, of the war and later a bunch of social issue questions, mainly third world liberation struggles internationally and the black liberation question at home they would not even be having the conversation they were having (both also chuckling a little at using the old time terms, especially the use of “struggle” and “question,” for example the black, gay, woman question since lately they had noticed that younger activists no longer spoke in such terms but used more ephemeral “white privilege,” “patriarchy,” “gender” terms reflecting the identity politics that have been in fashion for a long time, since the ebb flow of the 1960s).
No, nothing in the sweet young lives of Samuel Eaton to the Carver cranberry bog capital of world in Carver (then) working-class born (his father a “bogger” himself when they needed extra help) and Ralph Morris, Junior to the Troy General Electric plants-dominated working- class born would have in say 1967, maybe later, projected that almost fifty years later they would be fitfully and regretfully speaking about the their visions of socialism and it demise as a world driving force for social change.
Ralph and Sam had imbibed all the standard identifiable working-class prejudices against reds, some of those prejudices more widespread among the general population of the times, you know, like the big red scare Cold War “your mommy is a commie, turn her in,” “the Russians are coming get under the desk and hold onto your head,” anybody to the left of Grandpa Ike, maybe even him, communist dupes of Joe Stalin and his progeny who pulled the strings from Moscow and made everybody jumpy; against blacks (Ralph had stood there right next to his father, Ralph, Sr., when he led the physical opposition to blacks moving into the Tappan Street section of town and had nothing, along with his corner boys at Van Patten’s Drugstore, but the “n” word to call black people, sometimes to their faces and Sam’s father was not much better, a southerner from hillbilly country down in Appalachia who had been stationed in Hingham at the end of World War II and stayed, who never could until his dying breathe call blacks anything but the “n” word); against gays and lesbians (Ralph and his boys mercilessly fag and dyke baiting them whenever the guys and he went to Saratoga Springs where those creeps spent their summers doing whatever nasty things they did to each other and Sam likewise down in Provincetown with his boys, he helping, beating up some poor guy in a back alley after one of them had made a fake pass at the guy, Jesus; against uppity woman, servile, domestic child-producing women like their good old mothers and sisters and wanna-bes were okay as were “easy” girls ready to toot their whistles, attitudes which they had only gotten beaten out of them when they ran into their respective future wives who had both been influenced by the women’s liberation movement although truth to tell they were not especially political, but rather artistic. Native Americans didn’t even rate a nod since they were not on the radar, were written off in any case as fodder for cowboys and soldiers in blue. But mainly they had been red, white and blue American patriotic guys who really did have ice picks in their eyes for anybody who thought they would like to tread on old Uncle Sam (who had been “invented” around Ralph’s hometown way).
See Ralph, Sam too
for that matter, had joined the anti-war movement for personal reasons at first
which had to do a lot with ending the war in Vietnam and not a lot about
“changing the whole freaking world” (Ralph’s term). Certainly not creeping
around the fringes of socialism before the 1960s ebbed and they had to look to
the long haul to pursue their political dreams. Ralph’s story was a little bit
amazing that way, see, he had served in the military, served in the Army, in
Vietnam, had been drafted in early 1967 while he was working in his father’s
electrical shop and to avoid being “cannon fodder” as anybody could see what
was happening to every “drafted as infantry guy” he had enlisted (three years
against the draft’s two) with the expectation of getting something in the
electrical field as a job, something useful. But in 1967, 1968 what Uncle
needed, desperately needed as General Westmoreland called for more troops, was
more “grunts” to flush out Charlie and so Ralph wound up with a unit in the
Central Highlands, up in the bush trying to kill every commie he could get his
hands on just like the General wanted. He had extended his tour to eighteen
months to get out a little early from his enlistment not so much that he was
gung-ho but because he had become fed up with what the war had done to him,
what he had had to do to survive, what his buddies had had to do to survive and
what the American government had turned them all into, nothing but animals,
nothing more, as he told everybody who would listen. When he was discharged in
late 1969 he wound up joining the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), the
main anti-war veterans group at the time. Such a move by Ralph and thousands of
other soldiers who had served in ‘Nam a real indication even today of how
unpopular that war was when the guys who had fought the damn thing arms in
hand, mostly guys then, rose up against the slaughter, taking part in a lot of
their actions around Albany and New York City mainly.
Here is the way Ralph
told Sam in 1971 about how he came in contact with VVAW while they had plenty
of time to talk when they were being detained in RFK Stadium after being
arrested in a May Day demonstration. One day in 1970 Ralph was taking a high
compression motor to Albany to a customer and had parked the shop truck on Van
Dyke Street near Russell Sage College. Coming down the line, silent, silent as
the grave he thought later, were a ragtag bunch of guys in mismatched (on
purpose he found out later) military uniforms carrying individual signs but
with a big banner in front calling for immediate withdrawal from Vietnam and
signing the banner with the name of the organization-Vietnam Veterans Against
the War (VVAW). That was all, and all that was needed. Nobody on those still
patriotic, mostly government worker, streets called them commies or anything
like that but you could tell some guys in white collars who never came close to
a gun, except maybe to kill animals or something defenseless really wanted to.
One veteran as they came nearer to Ralph shouted out for any veterans to join them,
to tell the world what they knew first-hand about what was going on in Vietnam.
Yeah, that shout-out was all Ralph needed he said, all he needed to join his
“band of
brothers.”
Sam as he recalled
how he and Ralph had met in Washington had remembered that Ralph had first
noticed that he was wearing a VVAW supporter button and Ralph had asked if he
had been in ‘Nam. Sam, a little sheepishly, explained that he had been exempted
from military duty since he was the sole support for his mother and four
younger sisters after his father had passed away of a massive heart attack in
1965. (He had gone to work in Mister Snyder’s print shop where he had learned
enough about the printing business to later open his own shop which he kept
afloat somehow during the late 1960s with Jack Callahan’s help and which became
his career after he settled down when the 1960s ebbed and people started
heading back to “normal.”) He then told Ralph the reason that he had joined the
anti-war movement after years of relative indifference since he was not
involved in the war effort had been that his closest high school friend, Jeff
Mullins, had been blown away in the Central Highlands and that had made him
question what was going on. Jeff, like them had been as red, white and blue as
any guy, had written him when he was in Vietnam that he thought that the place,
the situation that he found himself in was more than he bargained for, and that
if he didn’t make it back for Sam to tell people, everybody he could what was
really going on. Then with just a few months to go Jeff was blown away near
some village that Sam could not spell or pronounce correctly even all these
many years later. Jeff had not only been Sam’s best friend but was as straight
a guy as you could meet, and had gotten Sam out of more than a few scrapes, a
few illegal scrapes that could have got him before some judge. So that was how
Sam got “religion,” not through some intellectual or rational argument about
the theories of war, just wars or “your country right or wrong wars,” but
because his friend had been blown away, blown away for no good reason as far as
that went.
At first Sam had
worked with Quakers and other pacifist types because he knew they were in
Cambridge where he found himself hanging out more and more trying to connect
with the happenings that were splitting his generation to hell and back. They
got him doing acts of civil disobedience at draft boards, including the Carver
Draft Board on Allan Road the place where Jeff had been drafted from (and which
created no little turmoil and threats among the Eaton’s neighbors who were
still plenty patriotic at that point, his mother and sisters took some of the
fire as well), military bases and recruiting stations to try to get the word
out to kids who might get hoodwinked in joining up in the slaughter. As the war
dragged on though he started going to Cambridge meetings where more radical
elements were trying to figure out actions that might stop the damn war cold
and that appealed to him more than the “assuming the government was rational
and would listen to reason” protest actions of those “gentile little old ladies
in tennis sneakers.”
1971 though, May Day
1971 to be exact is, where these two stories, two very different stories with
the same theme joined together. Sam at that point in 1971 was like Ralph just
trying to get the war ended, maybe help out the Panthers a little but before
May Day had no grandiose ideas about changing the “whole freaking world.” Sam
had gone down to Washington with a group of Cambridge radicals and “reds” to do
what he could to shut down the war under the slogan-“if the government does not
shut down the war, we will shut down the government.” Ralph had come down with
a contingent of ex-veterans and supporters from Albany for that same purpose.
Sam and Ralph had as a result met on the bizarre football field at RFK Stadium
which was the main holding area for the thousands of people arrested that day
(and throughout the week)
So May Day was a
watershed for both men, both men having before May Day sensed that more drastic
action was necessary to “tame the American imperial monster” (Sam’s term picked
up from The Real Paper, an alternative newspaper he had picked up at a
street newsstand in Cambridge) and had come away from that experience, that
disaster, with the understanding that even to end the war would take much more,
and many more people, than they had previously expected. Ralph, in particular,
had been carried away with the notion that what he and his fellow veterans who
were going to try to symbolically close down the Pentagon were doing as
veterans would cause the government pause, would make them think twice about
any retaliation to guys who had served and seen it all. Ralph got “smart” on
that one fast when the National Guard which was defending the Pentagon, or part
of it that day, treated them like any Chicago cops at the Democratic Party
Convention in 1968, treated them like cops did to any SDS-ers anywhere, and
like anybody else who raised their voices against governmental policy in the
streets.
Ralph told Sam while
in captivity that he still worked in his father’s shop for a while but their
relationship was icy (and would be for a long time after that although in 1991
when Ralph, Senior retired Ralph took over the business). He would take part in
whatever actions he could around the area (and down in New York City a couple
of times when they called for re-enforcements to make a big splash).
Ralph has like he
said joined with a group of VVAW-ers and supporters for an action down in
Washington, D.C. The idea, which would sound kind of strange today in a
different time when there is very little overt anti-war activity against the
current crop of endless wars but also shows how desperate they were to end that
damn war, was to on May Day shut down the government if it did not shut down
the war. Their task, as part of the bigger scheme, since they were to form up
as a total veterans and supporters contingent was to symbolically shut down the
Pentagon. Wild right, but see the figuring was that they, the government, would
not dare to arrest vets and they figured (“they” meaning all those who planned
the events and went along with the plan) the government would treat it somewhat
like the big civilian action at the Pentagon in 1967 which Norman Mailer won a
literary prize writing a book about, Armies of the Night. Silly
them.
They after the
fall-out from that event were thus searching for a better way to handle things,
a better way to make an impact because those few days of detention in D.C. that
they had jointly suffered not only started what would be a lifelong personal
friendship but an on-going conversation between them over the next several
years about how to bring about the greater social change they sensed was needed
before one could even think about stopping wars and stuff like that. (The story
in short of how they got out of RFK after a few days was pretty straight
forward. Since law enforcement was so strapped that week somebody had noticed
and passed the word along that some of the side exits in the stadium were not
guarded and so they had just walked out and got out of town fast, very fast,
hitchhiking back north to Carver, and Ralph later to Troy). Hence the push by
Sam toward the study groups led by “red collectives” that were sprouting up
then peopled by others who had the same kind of questions which they would
join, unjoin and work with, or not work with over the next few years before
both men sensed the tide of the rolling 1960s had ebbed.
Old time high school
thoughts even with the cross-fire hells of burned down Vietnam villages melted
into the back of his brain crossed his mind when Ralph thought of Marx, Lenin
(he, they, were not familiar with Trotsky except he had “bought it” down in Mexico
with an icepick from some assassin), Joe Stalin, Red Square, Moscow and commie
dupes. Sam had not been far behind in his own youthful prejudices as he told
Ralph one night after a class and they were tossing down a few at Jack’s in
Cambridge before heading home to the commune where Sam was staying.
Ralph had gone out of
his way to note in that blog entry for Fritz that before he got “religion” on
the anti-war and later social justice issues he held as many anti-communist
prejudices as anybody else in Troy, New York where he hailed from, not
excluding his rabidly right-wing father who never really believed until his
dying days in 2005 that the United States had lost the war in Vietnam. Ralph
had realized that all the propaganda he had been fed was like the wind and his
realization of that had made him a very angry young man when he got out
of the Army in late 1969. He tried to talk to his father about it but Ralph,
Senior was hung up in a combination “good war, World War II, his war where
America saved international civilization from the Nazis and Nips (his father’s
term since he fought in the Pacific with the Marines) and “my country, right or
wrong.” All Ralph, Senior really wanted Ralph to do was get back to the shop
and help him fill those goddam GE defense contract orders. And he did it, for a
while.
Ralph had also
expressed his feelings of trepidation when after a lot of things went south on
the social justice front with damn little to show for all the arrests, deaths,
and social cataclysm he and Sam had gotten into a study group in Cambridge run
by a “Red October Collective” which focused on studying “Che” Guevara and the
Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky after an introduction to the Marxist
classics. Sam who was living in that commune in Cambridge at the time, the
summer of 1972, had invited Ralph to come over from Troy to spent the summer in
the study group trying to find out what had gone wrong (and what they had
gotten right too, as Sam told him not to forget), why they were spinning their wheels
trying to change the world for the better just then and to think about new
strategies and tactics for the next big break-out of social activism. At the
end of each meeting they would sing the Internationale before the group
broke up. At first Ralph had a hard time with the idea of singing a “commie”
song (he didn’t put it that way but he might as well have according to Sam)
unlike something like John Lennon’s Give Peace A Chance, songs like
that. As he, they got immersed in the group Ralph lightened up and would sing
along if not with gusto then without a snicker.
That same apprehensive attitude had prevailed when after about three meetings they began to study what the group leader, Jeremy, called classic Marxism, the line from Marx and Engels to Lenin and the Bolsheviks. A couple of the early classes dealt with the American Civil War and its relationship to the class struggle in America, and Marx’s views on what was happening, why it was necessary for all progressives to side with the North and the end of slavery, and why despite his personal flaws and attitudes toward blacks Abraham Lincoln was a figure to admire all of which both men knew little about except the battles and military leaders in American History classes. What caused the most fears and consternation was the need for revolution worked out in practice during the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917. They could see that it was necessary in Russia during those times but America in the 1970s was a different question, not to speak of the beating that they had taken for being “uppity” in the streets in Washington, D.C. in 1971 when they didn’t think about revolution (maybe others had such ideas but if so they kept them to themselves) and the state came crashing down on them.
The biggest problem
though was trying to decipher all the various tendencies in the socialist
movement. Ralph, maybe Sam more so, though if everybody wanted the same thing,
wanted a better and more peaceful system to live under then they should all get
together in one organization, or some such form. The split between the Social
Democrats and the Communists, later the split between Stalinists and
Trotskyists, and still later the split between Stalinists and Maoists had their
heads spinning, had then thankful that they did not have to fight those fights
out.
All in all though
they had the greatest respect for Trotsky, Trotsky the serious smart
intellectual with a revolver in his hand. Had maybe a little sympathy for the
doomed revolutionary tilling against the windmills and not bitching about it.
Maybe feeling a little like that was the rolling the rock up the hill that they
would be facing. That admiration of Trotsky did not extend to the twelve
million sects, maybe that number is too low, who have endlessly split from a
stillborn organization he started when he felt the Communist International had
stopped being a revolutionary force, the Fourth International. Sam brought up a
Catholic would make Ralph laugh when he compared those disputes to the old time
religious disputes back in the Middle Ages about how many angels would fit on
the tip of a needle. They, after spending the summer in study decided that for
a while they would work with whoever still needed help but that as far as
committing to joining an ongoing organization forget it.
At the beginning in any
case, and that might have affected his ultimate decision, some of Ralph’s old
habits kind of held him back, you know the anti-red stuff, Cold War enemy
stuff, just like at first he had had trouble despite all he knew about calling
for victory to the Viet Cong (who in-country they called “Charlie” in derision
although after Tet 1968 with much more respect when Charlie came at them
and kept coming despite high losses). But Ralph got over it, got in the
swing.
The Marxism did not
come easy, the theory part, maybe for Ralph a little more than Sam who had
taken junior college night classes to bolster the small print shop he had built
from nothing after Mister Snyder moved his operation to Quincy to be nearer his
main client, State Street Bank and Trust (although for long periods his old
Carver friend, Jack Callahan, managed the place when Sam was off on his
campaigns). They got that the working-class, their class, should rule and be
done with inequalities of all kinds but the idea of a revolution, or more
importantly, a working class party which was on everybody’s mind in those days
to lead that revolution seemed, well, utopian. The economic theory behind
Marxism, that impossible to read Das Capital and historical materialism
as a philosophy were books sealed with seven seals for them both. Nevertheless
for a few years, say until 1975, 1976 when the tide really had ebbed for
anybody who wanted to see they hung around with the local “reds,” mostly those
interested in third world liberation struggles and political prisoner defense
work. Those were really the earnest “socialist years” although if you had asked
them for a model of what their socialism looked like they probably would have
pointed to Cuba which seemed fresher than the stodgy old Soviet Union with their
Brezhnev bureaucrats.
After that time while
they would periodically read the left press and participate any time somebody,
some group needed bodies for a rally, demonstration, some street action they
would be there in their respective hometowns that they both eventually filtered
back to. Then 2002 came and the endless wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and seemingly
a million other places drove them to drop their “armed truce” (Sam’s term
picked up by Ralph) with society and return to the streets , return with an
almost youthful vengeance. They would see young people at the rallies hocking
their little Marxist papers, maybe buy one to read a home but that flame that
had caused them to join study groups, to work with Marxist-oriented “red
collectives,” to read books that were hard to fathom had passed, had passed
just as socialism as a way to end humankind’s impasses had fallen out of favor
once the Soviet Union and its satellites had gone up in a puff of smoke. Sam
thought one time that maybe those earnest kids with their wafer-thin newspapers
will study the classics and make more sense out of them than Sam and Ralph
could. As for Sam and Ralph they would now just keep showing up to support the
“good old cause.”
Sam Eaton
comment :
Several years ago, when the question of an international, a new workers international, a fifth international, was broached by the International Marxist Tendency (IMT), faintly echoing the call issued during the presidency of the late Venezuelan caudillo, Hugo Chavez, I got to thinking a little bit more on the subject. Moreover, it must have been something in the air at the time (maybe caused by these global climatic changes that are hazarding our collective future) because I had also seen a spade of then recent commentary on the need to go back to something that looked very much like Karl Marx’s one-size-fits-all First International. Of course in the 21st century, after over one hundred and fifty years of attempts to create adequate international working-class organizations, just what the doctor by all means, be my guest, but only if the shades of Proudhon and Bakunin can join. Boys and girls that First International was disbanded in the wake of the demise of the Paris Commune for a reason, okay. Mixing political banners (Marxism and fifty-seven varieties of anarchism) was appropriate to a united front, not a hell-bent revolutionary International fighting, and fighting hard, for our communist future. Forward
The Second
International, for those six, no seven, people who might care, is still alive
and well (at least for periodic international conferences) as a mail-drop for
homeless social democrats who want to maintain a fig leaf of internationalism
without having to do much about it. Needless to say, one Joseph Stalin and his
cohorts liquidated the Communist (Third) International in 1943, long after it
turned from a revolutionary headquarters into an outpost of Soviet foreign
policy. By then no revolutionary missed its demise, nor shed a tear goodbye.
And of course there are always a million commentaries by groups, cults,
leagues, tendencies, etc. claiming to stand in the tradition (although, rarely,
the program) of the Leon Trotsky-inspired Fourth International that, logically
and programmatically, is the starting point of any discussion of the modern
struggle for a new communist international.
With that caveat in mind this month, the September American Labor Day month, but more importantly the month in 1938 that the ill-fated Fourth International was founded I am posting some documents around the history of that formation, and its program, the program known by the shorthand, Transitional Program. If you want to call for a fifth, sixth, seventh, what have you, revolutionary international, and you are serious about it beyond the "mail-drop" potential, then you have to look seriously into that organization's origins, and the world-class Bolshevik revolutionary who inspired it. Forward.
A Five-Point Program
As Talking Points
*Jobs For All
Now!-“30 For 40”- A historic demand of the labor movement going back to the
1930s Great Depression the last time that unemployment, under-employment, and
those who have just plain quit looking for work was this high in the American
labor force, although it is admittedly down from the Great Recession highs.
Thirty hours work for forty hours pay is a formula to spread the available work
around. This is no mere propaganda point but shows the way forward toward a
more equitable distribution of available work.
The basic scheme, as
was the case with the early days of the longshoremen’s and maritime unions, is
that the work would be divided up through local representative workers’
councils that would act, in one of its capacities, as a giant hiring hall where
the jobs would be parceled out. This would be a simpler task now than when it
was when first proposed in the 1930s with the vast increase in modern
technology that could fairly accurately, via computers, target jobs that need
filling and equitably divide up current work.
Without the key
capitalist necessity of keeping up the rate of profit the social surplus
created by that work could be used to redistribute the available work at the
same agreed upon rate rather than go into the capitalists’ pockets. The only
catch, a big catch one must admit, is that no capitalist, and no capitalist
system, is going to do any such thing as to implement “30 for 40” –with the no reduction
in pay proviso, although many low –end employers are even now under the “cover”
of the flawed Obamacare reducing hours WITH loss of pay-so that to establish
this work system as a norm it will, in the end, be necessary to fight for and
win a workers government to implement this demand.
Organize the
unorganized is a demand that cries out for solution today now that the
organized sectors of the labor movement, both public and private, in America
are at historic lows, just over ten percent of the workforce. Part of the task
is to reorganize some of the old industries like the automobile industry, now
mainly unorganized as new plants come on line and others are abandoned, which
used to provide a massive amount of decent jobs with decent benefits but which
now have fallen to globalization and the “race to the bottom” bad times. The
other sector that desperately need to be organized is to ratchet up the efforts
to organize the service industries, hospitals, hotels, hi-tech, restaurants and
the like, that have become a dominant aspect of the American economy. Support
the recent militant efforts, including the old tactic of civil disobedience, by
service unions and groups of fast-food workers to increase the minimum socially
acceptable wage in their Fight For 15.
Organize the South-this low wage area, this consciously low-wage area, where many industries land before heading off-shore to even lower wage places cries out for organizing, especially among black and Hispanic workers who form the bulk of this industrial workforce. A corollary to organizing the South is obviously to organize internationally to keep the “race to the bottom” from continually occurring short of being resolved in favor of an international commonwealth of workers’ governments. Hey, nobody said it was going to be easy.
Organize Wal-Mart-
millions of workers, thousands of company-owned trucks, hundreds of
distribution centers. A victory here would be the springboard to a revitalized
organized labor movement just as auto and steel lead the industrial union
movements of the 1930s. The key here is to organize the truckers and
distribution workers the place where the whole thing comes together. We have
seen mostly unsuccessful organizing of retail stores. To give an idea of how
hard this task might be though someone once argued that it would be easier to
organize a workers’ revolution that organize this giant. Well, that’s a
thought.
Defend the right of public and private workers to unionize. Simple-No more defeats like in Wisconsin in 2011, no more attacks on collective bargaining the hallmark of a union contract. No reliance on labor boards, arbitration, courts or bourgeois recall elections either. Unions must keep their independent from government interference. Period.
* Defend the
independence of the working classes! No union dues for Democratic (or the stray
Republican) candidates. In 2008 and 2012 labor, organized labor, spent over 450
million dollars respectively trying to elect Barack Obama and other Democrats
(mainly). The “no show, no go” results speak for themselves as the gap between
the rich and poor has risen even more in this period. For those bogus efforts
the labor skates should have been sent packing long ago. The idea in those elections
was that the Democrats (mainly) were “friends of labor.” The past period of
cuts-backs, cut-in-the-back give backs should put paid to that notion. Although
anyone who is politically savvy at all knows that is not true, not true for the
labor skates at the top of the movement.
The hard reality is
that the labor skates, not used to any form of class struggle or any kind of
struggle, know no other way than class-collaboration, arbitration, courts, and
every other way to avoid the appearance of strife, strife in defense of the
bosses’ profits. The most egregious recent example that I can recall- the
return of the Verizon workers to work after two weeks in the summer of 2011
when they had the company on the run and the subsequent announcement by the company
of record profits. That sellout strategy may have worked for the bureaucrats,
or rather their “fathers” for a time back in the 1950s “golden age” of labor,
but now we are in a very hard and open class war. The rank and file must demand
an end to using their precious dues payments for bourgeois candidates all of
whom have turned out to be sworn enemies of labor from Obama on down.
This does not mean
not using union dues for political purposes though. On the contrary we need to
use them now more than ever in the class battles ahead. Spent the dough on
organizing the unorganized, organizing the South, organizing Wal-Mart, and
other pro-labor causes. Think, for example, of the dough spent on the
successful November, 2011 anti-union recall referendum in Ohio. That type of
activity is where labor’s money and other resources should go. And not on
recall elections against individual reactionaries, like in Wisconsin, as
substitutes for class struggle (and which was overwhelmingly unsuccessful to
boot-while the number of unionized public workers has dwindled to a precious
few).
*End the endless
wars!- As the so-called draw-down of American and Allied troops in Iraq reached
its final stages back in 2011, the draw- down of non-mercenary forces anyway, I
argued that we must recognize that we anti-warriors had failed, and failed
rather spectacularly, to affect that withdrawal after a promising start to our
opposition in late 2002 and early 2003 (and a little in 2006).As the endless
American-led wars (even if behind the scenes, as in Libya, Yemen, Somalia, and
other proxy wars) continue now with a new stage against ISIS (Islamic State) in
Iraq we had better straighten out our anti-war, anti-imperialist front quickly
if we are to have any effect on the U.S. troop escalation we know is coming
before that fight is over. Not Another War In Iraq! No Intervention In Syria!
Stop The Arms Shipments To The Middle East! Stop The Bombing Campaign! Defend
The Palestinian People-End The Blockade of Gaza. And as always since 2001
Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S./Allied Troops (And Mercenaries)
From Afghanistan!
U.S. Hands Off Iran!
Hands Off Syria!- American (and world) imperialists have periodically ratcheted
up their propaganda war (right now) and increased economic sanctions that are a
prelude to war well before the dust has settled on the now unsettled situation
in Iraq and well before they have even sniffed at an Afghan withdrawal of any
import. We will hold our noses, as we did with the Saddam leadership in Iraq
and on other occasions, and call for the defense of Iran against the American
imperial monster. A victory for the Americans (and their junior partner on this
issue, Israel) in Iran is not in the interests of the international working
class. Especially here in the “belly of the beast” we are duty-bound to call
not just for non-intervention but for defense of Iran. We will, believe me we
will, deal with the mullahs, the Revolutionary Guards, and the Islamic
fundamentalist in Iran in our own way in our own time.
U.S. Hands Off The
World! And Keep Them Off!- With the number of “hot spots” that the American
imperialists, or one or another of their junior allies, have their hands on in
this wicked old world this generic slogan would seem to fill the bill.
Down With The War
Budget! Not One Penny, Not One Person For The Wars! Honor World War I German
Social-Democratic Party MP, Karl Liebknecht, who did just that in 1915 in the
heat of war and paid the price unlike other party leaders who were pledged to
stop the war budgets by going to prison. The only play for an honest
representative of the working class under those conditions. The litmus test for
every political candidate must be first opposition to the war budgets (let’s
see, right now no new funding in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran
preparations, China preparations, etc. you get my drift). Then that big leap.
The whole damn imperialist military budget. Again, no one said it would be
simple. Revolution may be easier that depriving the imperialists of their
military money. Well….okay.
*Fight for a social
agenda for working people! Free Quality Healthcare For All! This would be a
no-brainer in any rationally based society. The health and welfare of any
society’s citizenry is the simple glue that holds that society together. It is
no accident that one of the prime concerns of workers states like Cuba,
whatever their other political problems, has been to place health care and
education front and center and to provide to the best of their capacity for
free, quality healthcare and education for all. Even the hide-bound
social-democratic-run capitalist governments of Europe have, until recently
anyway, placed the “welfare state” protections central to their programs. Be
clear Obamacare is not our program and has been shown to be totally inadequate
and wasteful however we will defend that program against those who wish to
dismantle it and leave millions once again uninsured and denied basic health
benefits.
Free, quality higher
education for all! Nationalize the colleges and universities under
student-teacher-campus worker control! One Hundred, Two Hundred, Many Harvards!
This would again be a
no-brainer in any rationally based society. The struggle to increase the
educational level of a society’s citizenry is another part of the simple glue
that holds that society together. Today higher education is being placed out of
reach for many working-class and minority families. Hell, it is getting tough
for the middle-class as well.
Moreover the whole
higher educational system is increasing skewed toward those who have better
formal preparation and family lives leaving many deserving students from broken
homes and minority homes in the wilderness. Take the resources of the private
institutions and spread them around, throw in hundreds of billions from the
government (take from the military budget and the bank bail-out money if you
want to find the money quickly to do the job right), get rid of the top heavy
and useless college administration apparatuses, mix it up, and let students,
teachers, and campus workers run the thing through councils on a democratic
basis.
Forgive student debt!
The latest reports indicate that college student debt is something like a
trillion dollars, give or take a few billion but who is counting. The price of
tuition and expenses has gone up dramatically while low-cost aid has not kept
pace. What has happened is that the future highly educated workforce that a
modern society, and certainly a socialist society, desperately needs is going
to be cast in some form of indentured servitude to the banks or other lending
agencies for much of their young working lives. Let the banks take a “hit” for
a change!
Stop housing
foreclosures and aid underwater mortgages now! Although the worst of the crunch
has abated there are still plenty of problems and so this demand is still
timely if not desperately timely like in the recent past. Hey, everybody,
everywhere in the world not just in America should have a safe, clean roof over
their heads. Hell, even a single family home that is part of the “American
dream,” if that is what they want. We didn’t make the housing crisis in America
(or elsewhere, like in Ireland, where the bubble has also burst). The banks
did. Their predatory lending practices and slip-shot application processes were
out of control. Let them take the “hit” here as well.
*We created the
wealth, let’s take it back. Karl Marx was right way back in the 19th century on
his labor theory of value, the workers do produce the social surplus
appropriated by the capitalists. Capitalism tends to beat down, beat down hard
in all kinds of ways the mass of society for the benefit of the few. Most
importantly capitalism, a system that at one time was historically progressive
in the fight against feudalism and other ancient forms of production, has
turned into its opposite and now is a fetter on production. The current
multiple crises spawned by this system show there is no way forward, except
that unless we push them out, push them out fast, they will muddle through,
again.
Take the struggle for
our daily bread off the historic agenda. Socialism is the only serious answer
to the human crisis we face economically, socially, culturally and politically.
This socialist system is the only one calculated to take one of the great
tragedies of life, the struggle for daily survival in a world that we did not
create, and replace it with more co-operative human endeavors.
Build a workers’
party that fights for a workers government to unite all the oppressed. None of
the nice things mentioned above can be accomplished without as serious struggle
for political power. We need to struggle for an independent
working-class-centered political party that we can call our own and where our
leaders act as “tribunes of the people” not hacks. The creation of that workers
party, however, will get us nowhere unless it fights for a workers government
to begin the transition to the next level of human progress on a world-wide
scale.
As Isaac Deutscher
said in his speech “On Socialist Man” (1966):
“We do not maintain
that socialism is going to solve all predicaments of the human race. We are
struggling in the first instance with the predicaments that are of man’s making
and that man can resolve. May I remind you that Trotsky, for instance, speaks
of three basic tragedies—hunger, sex and death—besetting man. Hunger is the
enemy that Marxism and the modern labour movement have taken on.... Yes, socialist
man will still be pursued by sex and death; but we are convinced that he will
be better equipped than we are to cope even with these.”
