Monday, June 06, 2016

*****Coming Of Age, Political Age, In The 1960s Night- A Baptism Of Fire-Making War On The War-Makers

*****Coming Of Age, Political Age, In The 1960s Night- A Baptism Of Fire-Making War On The War-Makers-The Struggle Against Nuclear War

 

From The Pen Of Frank Jackman

He was scared. All of fourteen year old Peter Paul Markin’s body was scared. Of course he knew, knew just as well as anybody else, if anybody thought to ask, that he was really afraid not scared, but Peter Paul was scared anyway. No, not scared (or afraid for the literary correct types), not Frannie De Angelo demon neighborhood tough boy, schoolboy nemesis scared, scared that he would be kicked in the groin, bent over to the ground in pain for no reason, no reason except Frannie deep psycho hard boy reasons known only to himself. Markin was used to that kind of scared, not liking it, not liking getting used to it but he was not tough, not even close although he was wiry, but not Franny heavyweight tough, but used to it. And this certainly was not his usual girl scared-ness on the off chance that one, one girl that is, might say something to him and he would have no “cool” rejoinder. (Yes, girls scared him, not Franny scared but no social graces scared, except in the comfortable confines of a classroom where he could show off with his knowledge of two thousand arcane facts that he thought would impress them but no avail then, later he would be swarmed, well, maybe not swarmed but he didn’t have to spend many lonely weekend nights studying to get to three thousand arcane facts) This was different. This, and his handkerchief-dabbed wet palms and forehead did not lie, was an unknown scared.

See, Peter Paul had taken a bet, a “put your money where your mouth is" bet, from best freshman high school friend Frankie, Francis Xavier Riley, if you want to know the full name. Now these guys had previously bet on everything under the sun since middle school, practically, from sports game spreads, you know Ohio State by ten over Michigan stuff like that, to how high the master pizza man and owner at Salducci’s Pizza Parlor, Tonio, would throw his pizza dough one strange night when Frankie needed dough (money dough that is) for his hot date with girlfriend Joanne. So no bet was too strange for this pair, although this proposition was probably way too solemn to be bet on.

 

What got it started, the need for a bet started, this time, really had to do with school, or maybe better, the world situation in 1960. Peter Paul, a bundle of two thousand facts that he guarded like a king’s ransom, went off the deep end in 9th grade Civics class when he, during a current events discussion, exploded upon his fellow classmates with the observation that there were too many missiles, too many nuclear bomb-loaded guided missiles, in the world and that both sides in the Cold War (The United States and the Soviet Union and their respective hangers-on) should “ban the bomb.” But you have not heard the most provocative part yet, Peter Paul then argued that, as a good-will gesture and having more of them, the United States should destroy a few of its own. Unilaterally.

 

Pandemonium ensued as smarts guys and gals, simps and stups also, even those who never uttered a word in class, took aim at Peter Paul’s head. The least of it was that he was called a “commie” and a "dupe" and the discussion degenerated from there. Mr. Merck was barely able to contain the class, and nobody usually stepped out line in his class, or else. Somehow order was restored by the end of class and within a few days the class was back to normal, smart guys and girls chirping away with all kinds of flutter answers and the simps and stups, well the simp and stups did their simp and stup thing, as always.

 

Frankie always maintained that that particular day was one of the few that he wasn’t, and he really wasn’t, glad that Peter Paul was his friend. And during that class discussion he made a point, a big point, of not entering the fray in defense of his misbegotten friend. He thought Peter Paul was off the wall, way off the wall, on this one and let him know it after class. Of course, Peter Paul could not leave well enough alone and started badgering friend Frankie about it some more. But this was stone wall time because Frankie, irreverent, most of the time irreligious, and usually just happy to be girl-smitten in the world, and doing stuff about that, and not worried about its larger problems really believed, like the hard Roman Catholic-bred boy that he was underneath, that the evil Soviet Union should be nuclear fizzled-that very day.

 

But Peter Paul kept egging the situation on. And here is the problem with a purist, a fourteen year old purist, a wet behind the ears fourteen year old purist when you think about it. Peter Paul was as Roman Catholic-bred underneath as Frankie but with this not so slight difference. Peter Paul’s grandmother, Anna, was, and everybody who came in contact with her agreed, a saint. A saint in the true-believer catholic social gospel sense and who was a fervent admirer of Dorothy Day’s Catholic Worker for social justice movement started in the 1930s. So frequently The Catholic Worker, the movement newspaper, would be lying around her house. And just as frequently Peter Paul, taking grandmother refuge from the hell-bend storms at his own house, would read the articles. And in almost every issue there would be an article bemoaning the incredible increase in nuclear weapons by both sides, the cold war freeze-out that escalated that spiral and the hard fact that the tipping point beyond no return was right around the corner. And something had to be done about it, and fast, by rational people who did not want the world blown up by someone’s ill-tempered whim. Yah, heady stuff, no question, but just the kind of thing that a certain fourteen year old boy could add to his collection of now two thousand plus facts.

Heady stuff, yah, but also stuff that carried some contradictions. Not in grandmother Anna, not in Dorothy Day so much as in Peter Paul and through him Frankie. See, the Catholic Worker movement had no truck, not known truck, anyway with “commies" and "dupes”, although that movement too, more than once, and by fellow Catholics too, was tarred with that brush. They were as fervent in their denunciation of the atheistic Soviet Union as any 1950s red-baiter. But they also saw that that stance alone was not going to make the world safer for believers, or anybody else. And that tension between the two strands is where Frankie and Peter Paul kind of got mixed up in the world’s affairs. Especially when Peter Paul said that the Catholic Worker had an announcement in their last issue that in October (1960) they were going to help sponsor an anti-nuclear proliferation rally on the Boston Common as part of a group called SANE two weeks before the presidential elections.

Frankie took that information as manna from heaven. See, Frankie was just as interested in knowing two thousand facts in this world as Peter Paul. Except Frankie didn’t guard them like a king’s ransom but rather used them, and then discarded them like a tissue. And old Frankie, even then, even in 1960 starting to spread his wings as the corner boy king of the North Adamsville high school class of 1964, knew how to use his stockpile of facts better than Peter Paul ever could. So one night, one fiercely debated night, when Frankie could take no more, he said “bet.” And he bet that Peter Paul would not have the courage to travel from North Adamsville to Park Street Station in Boston to attend that SANE rally by himself (who else would go from old working- class, patriotic, red-scare scared, North Adamsville anyway). And as is the nature of fourteen year old boy relationships, or was, failure to take the bet, whatever bet was social suicide. “Bet,” said Peter Paul quickly before too much thinking time would elapse and destroy the fact of the bet marred by the hint of hesitation.

But nothing is ever just one thing in this wicked old world. Peter Paul believed, believed fervently, in the social message of the Catholic Worker movement especially on this nuclear war issue. But this was also 1960 and Irish Jack Kennedy was running, and running hard, to be President of the United States against bad man Richard Milhous Nixon and Peter Paul was crazy for Jack (really for younger brother, Bobby, the ruthless organizer behind the throne which is the way he saw his own future as a political operative). And, of course, October in election year presidential politics is crunch time, a time to be out hustling votes, out on Saturday hustling votes, especially every Irish vote, every Catholic vote, hell, every youth vote for your man.

 

On top of that Jack, old Irish Jack Kennedy, war hero, good-looking guy with a good-looking wife (not Irish though not as far as anyone could tell), rich as hell, was trying to out-Cold War Nixon, a Cold War warrior of the first degree. And the way he was trying to outgun Nixon was by haranguing everyone who would listen that there was a “missile gap,” and the United was falling behind. And when one talked about a missile gap in 1960 that only meant one thing, only brooked only one solution- order up more, many more, nuclear-bomb loaded guided missiles. So there it was, one of the little quirks of life, of political life. So, Peter Paul, all fourteen year old scared Peter Paul has to make good on his bet with Frankie but in the process put a crimp into his hoped-for political career. And just for that one moment, although with some hesitation, he decided to be on the side of the “angels” and to go.

That Saturday, that October Saturday, was a brisk, clear autumn day and so Peter Paul decided to walk the few miles from his house in North Adamsville over the Neponset Bridge to the first MTA subway station at Fields Corner rather than take the forever Eastern Mass. bus that came by his street erratically. After crossing the bridge he passed through one of the many sections of Boston that could pass for the streets of Dublin. Except on those streets he saw many young Peter Pauls holding signs at street corners for Jack Kennedy, other passing out literature, and others talking up Jack’s name. Even as he approached the subway station he saw signs everywhere proclaiming Jack’s virtues. Hell, the nearby political hang-out Eire Pub looked like a campaign headquarters. What this whole scene did not look like to Peter Paul was a stronghold place to talk to people about an anti-nuclear weapons rally. Peter Paul got even more scared as he thought about the reception likely at the Boston Commons. He pushed on, not without a certain tentative regret, but he pushed on through the turnstile, waited for the on-coming subway to stop, got on, and had an uneventful ride to the Park Street Station, the nearest stop to the Common.

Now Park Street on any given Saturday, especially in October after the college student hordes have descended on Boston, is a madhouse of activity. College student strolling around downtown looking for goods at the shops, other are just rubber-necking, other are sunning themselves on the grass or park benches in the last late sun days before winter arrives with a fury. Beyond the mainly civilized college students (civilized on the streets in the daytime anyway) there are the perennial street people who populate any big city and who when not looking for handouts, a stray cigarette, or a stray drink are talking a mile a minute among themselves about some supposed injustice that has marred their lives and caused their unhappy decline. Lastly, and old town Boston, historic old town Boston, scene of many political battles for every cause from temperance to liberty, is defined by this, there are a motley crew of speakers, soap-box speakers whether on a real soap-box or not, who are holding forth on many subjects, although none that drew Peter Paul’s attention this day. After running that gauntlet, as he heads for the Francis Parkman Bandstand where the SANE rally was to take place he was amused by all that surrounds him putting him in a better mood, although still apprehensive of what the day will bring forth.

Arriving at the bandstand he saw about twenty people milling around with signs, hand-made signs that showed some spunk, the most prominent being a large poster-painted sign that stated boldly, “Ban The Bomb.” He is in the right place, no question. Although he is surprised that there are not more people present he is happy, secretly happy, that those twenty are there, because, frankly, he thought there might be just about two. And among that crowd he spotted a clot of people who were wearing Catholic Worker buttons so he is now more fully at ease, and was starting to be glad that he came here on this day. He went over to the clot and introduced himself and tells them how he came to be there. He also noted that one CWer wore the collar of a priest; a surprise because at Sacred Heart, his parish church, it was nothing but “fire and brimstone” from the pulpit against the heathen communist menace.

Get this-he also met a little old lady in tennis sneakers. For real. Now Frankie, devil’s advocate Frankie, baited Peter Paul in their arguments about nuclear disarmament by stating that the “peaceniks” were mainly little old ladies in tennis shoes-meaning, of course, batty and of no account, no main chance political account, no manly Jack Kennedy stand up to the Russians account. Peter Paul thought to himself wait until I see Frankie and tell him that this little old lady knew more about politics, and history, than even his two thousand facts. And was funny too boot. Moreover, and this was something that he had privately noticed, as the youngest person by far at the rally she, and later others, would make a fuss over him for that very reason talking about young bravery and courage and stuff like that.

Over the course of the two hours or so of the rally the crowd may have swelled to about fifty, especially when a dynamic black speaker from the W.E.B. Dubois club at Harvard University linked up the struggle against nuclear weapons with the black struggle down South for voting rights that those in the North had been hearing more about lately. It was not until later, much later, that Peter Paul found out that this Dubois club business was really the name of the youth group of the American Communist Party (CP) at the time but by that time he was knowledgeable enough to say “so what.” And it was not until later that he found out that the little old lady with the tennis sneakers was a CPer, although she had said at the time he talked to her she was with some committee, some women’s peace committee, within the Democratic Party. Oh, well. But then he would also be able to say “so what” to that accusation in proper “family of the left” fashion.

 

But forget all that later stuff, and what he knew or did not know later. See, that day, that October 1960 autumn day, Peter Paul learned something about serious politics. If you are on the right side of the angels on an issue, a central issue of the day, you are kindred. And although there were more than a few catcalls from the passers-by about “commies”, “dupes”, and “go back to Russia” he was glad, glad as hell that he came over. Although nothing turned inside him, noticeably turned inside him that day, about his politics and his determination to see Jack Kennedy and the Democrats take the White House he thought about those brave people at the bandstand and what they were standing for a lot for a long time after the event faded from memory. Oh yah, it was good to be on the side of the angels. And it didn’t hurt that he won that Frankie bet, either.

*From The Archives Of The “Revolutionary History” Journal-The Spanish Left in its Own Words-The Programme of the Spanish Bolshevik-Leninists

Click on the headline to link to the “Revolutionary History” Journal entry listed in the title.

Markin comment:

This is an excellent documentary source for today’s militants to “discovery” the work of our forbears, whether we agree with their programs or not. Mainly not, but that does not negate the value of such work done under the pressure of revolutionary times. Hopefully we will do better when our time comes.

*From The Archives Of The “Revolutionary History” Journal-The Spanish Left in its Own Words-Manifesto of the POUM During the Barcelona May Days

Click on the headline to link to the “Revolutionary History” Journal entry listed in the title.

Markin comment:

This is an excellent documentary source for today’s militants to “discovery” the work of our forbears, whether we agree with their programs or not. Mainly not, but that does not negate the value of such work done under the pressure of revolutionary times. Hopefully we will do better when our time comes.

*From The Archives Of The “Revolutionary History” Journal-The Spanish Left in its Own Words-The Anarchists Defend the Gains of the Spanish Revolution

Click on the headline to link to the “Revolutionary History” Journal entry listed in the title.

Markin comment:

This is an excellent documentary source for today’s militants to “discovery” the work of our forbears, whether we agree with their programs or not. Mainly not, but that does not negate the value of such work done under the pressure of revolutionary times. Hopefully we will do better when our time comes.

In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!-Herman Bell


In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!-Herman Bell

 

http://www.thejerichomovement.com/prisoners.html

 

A link above to more information about the class-war prisoner honored in this entry.

Make June Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month

Markin comment (reposted from 2010)


In “surfing” the National Jericho Movement Website recently in order to find out more, if possible, about class- war prisoner and 1960s radical, Marilyn Buck, whom I had read about in a The Rag Blog post I linked to the Jericho list of class war prisoners. I found Marilyn Buck listed there but also others, some of whose cases, like that of the “voice of the voiceless” Pennsylvania death row prisoner, Mumia Abu-Jamal, are well-known and others who seemingly have languished in obscurity. All of the cases, at least from the information that I could glean from the site, seemed compelling. And all seemed worthy of far more publicity and of a more public fight for their freedom.

That last notion set me to the task at hand. Readers of this space know that I am a longtime supporter of the Partisan Defense Committee, a class struggle, non-sectarian legal and social defense organization which supports class war prisoners as part of the process of advancing the international working class’ struggle for socialism. In that spirit I am honoring the class war prisoners on the National Jericho Movement list this June as the start of what I hope will be an on-going attempt by all serious leftist militants to do their duty- fighting for freedom for these brothers and sisters. We will fight out our political differences and disagreements as a separate matter. What matters here and now is the old Wobblie (IWW) slogan - An injury to one is an injury to all.

Note: This list, right now, is composed of class-war prisoners held in American detention. If others are likewise incarcerated that are not listed here feel free to leave information on their cases in the comment section. Likewise any cases, internationally, that come to your attention. I am sure there are many, many such cases out there. Make this June, and every June, a Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month- Free All Class-War Prisoners Now!





REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRICA



  • A View From The International Left-Canadian Monument to Anti-Communism-Ottawa Celebrates War Criminals, Fascists

    Workers Vanguard No. 1090
    20 May 2016
     
    Canadian Monument to Anti-Communism-Ottawa Celebrates War Criminals, Fascists

    This article is reprinted from Spartacist Canada (No. 188, Spring 2016), publication of the Trotskyist League/Ligue Trotskyste, Canadian section of the International Communist League.

    Since 2008, a coterie of mostly East European-derived far-right nationalists calling itself Tribute to Liberty has sought to build a memorial in Ottawa to the supposed 100 million “victims of Communism” in the Soviet Union and elsewhere. The former Conservative government embraced the project as its own, lavishing at least $1.5 million on it and promising more. The recently elected Liberals were quick to assert that, despite some haggling over cost and site, it would go ahead. The NDP social democrats, for whom anti-Communism has long been an article of faith, likewise threw their support to the proposed monument.
    In reality, this is a monument not only to virulent anti-Communism, but to the Canadian bourgeoisie’s fear and loathing of the struggles of workers and the oppressed. A real tribute to liberty would be a memorial to the 27 million Soviet soldiers and civilians who perished in the fight against Nazi Germany in World War II. It was the Soviet Red Army that smashed Hitler’s military juggernaut, ended the fascists’ demented Thousand Year Reich and liberated the Nazi death camps throughout East Europe. The Canadian ruling class and the nest of counterrevolutionaries that is pushing for this monument seek to bury that history in a morass of falsehood and slander.
    But, you might ask, why a memorial now? Communism supposedly died with the destruction of the Soviet Union 25 years ago, according to the bourgeoisie’s mouthpieces. The answer is simple: to this day, the capitalist rulers want to expunge and extirpate any memory of workers struggles against the system of private property, especially those struggles which were victorious. Workers are supposed to accept that the only possible world is that of present-day capitalist society with its brutal exploitation and unemployment, racism and poverty, war and the menace of fascism. Above all, the bourgeoisie wants to erase all memory of the historic significance and the gains of the October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.
    The Revolution gave flesh and blood reality to the program laid out by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the Communist Manifesto 70 years earlier. It was the singular event of the 20th century, and echoes today, almost 100 years later. This was the first time in history that the working class took and held state power. The establishment of the Soviet workers state, combined with the program of international proletarian revolution that animated the Bolsheviks, offered the prospect of development toward a socialist society of genuine equality and abundance for all.
    However, the defeat of revolutionary opportunities, most importantly in Germany, left the Soviet Union isolated. Amid conditions of material scarcity exacerbated by imperialist invasion and civil war, a conservative bureaucratic caste centred on Joseph Stalin usurped political power from the Soviet working class starting in 1923-24. The Stalinist bureaucracy renounced the struggle for international workers revolution in the name of “building socialism in one country” and seeking “peaceful coexistence” with imperialism.
    The gains won by the 1917 Revolution were endangered by Stalinist rule and were ultimately overthrown through capitalist counterrevolution in 1991-92, a catastrophic defeat for the working class worldwide. Nonetheless, the Soviet Union’s military might—victorious in World War II even under bureaucratic Stalinist rule—was a testament to the power of the planned, collectivized economy that catapulted Russia, a backward peasant country, into becoming a modern industrial and military powerhouse.
    Big Lies and Dirty Truths
    They really should call it the “Joseph Goebbels Monument to Anti-Communism,” because the Tribute gang gets its “facts” from The Black Book of Communism, a concoction produced by a gaggle of anti-Communist “historians” that was first published in France in 1997. Goebbels, Hitler’s propaganda minister, honed the art of the Big Lie: lie repetitively, the bigger the better, and people will come to believe it. We denounced this tract at the time as “846 pages of lies and amalgams aimed at justifying repression against organizations and individuals who might still look to communism, and at contributing to counterrevolutionary efforts to destroy the Cuban, Chinese, Vietnamese and North Korean deformed workers states” (“Black Book: Anti-Communist Big Lie,” WV No. 692, 5 June 1998).
    Like the Black Book authors, the monument’s supporters lump together communism and fascism as evil twins. This is both lie and cover-up: initially, Hitler’s Nazi regime was not only tolerated but admired by key sections of the English and American ruling classes. Members of the royal family in Britain and American luminaries such as Henry Ford and Charles Lindbergh had open pro-Nazi sympathies. Another admirer of Hitler was Liberal prime minister Mackenzie King, who slammed the door on desperate Jews trying to flee Nazi terror. Less than 5,000 were allowed into Canada, the fewest among the imperialist “democracies.”
    As long as Hitler stuck to smashing German trade unions and killing Communists and Jews, neither Washington nor London said boo. The Germans only got into trouble when Nazi territorial ambitions clashed with those of other powers, including the rising American and declining British imperialist bourgeoisies.
    This history underscores that World War II was no “war for democracy” but, at bottom, an interimperialist conflict for global political and economic domination (as was World War I). While sharply opposing all the imperialist combatants, Trotskyists stood for the unconditional military defense of the Soviet Union which, despite its Stalinist degeneration, remained a workers state where capitalist and landlord exploitation had been overthrown.
    After the war, Canada’s attitude toward Jewish refugees was summed up by a government official as “None is too many.” No such restrictions were applied to Nazi and other war criminals from East Europe. Even a 1986 report by the government’s Deschênes Commission, censored and whitewashed as it was, had to admit that many hundreds of Nazi war criminals were welcomed to Canada in the decade after the war (for details, see “Canada Protects Nazi Butchers,” Spartacist Canada No. 68, June 1987).
    The reason? This was the period of the anti-Soviet Cold War, and these blood-drenched killers were embraced by the Canadian rulers as “freedom fighters” in the drive to destroy the Soviet Union. Ukrainian-Jewish historian Alti Rodal, author of a secret 560-page report to the Deschênes Commission, revealed how RCMP officers destroyed records to ease the immigration of Nazis and their East European henchmen. “After 1955 and the Cold War paranoia, the entire purpose of immigration screening seems to have been to keep out Communists,” she said. “If you could prove you were a Nazi, you had proved you were not a threat” (Globe and Mail, 18 March 1987).
    Among those spirited into Canada were some 2,000 hard-core Ukrainian fascists. Some were members of the German-organized and commanded 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (Galician), which was renamed the First Division of the Ukrainian National Army following the Nazis’ surrender in May 1945. Others were supporters of Stepan Bandera’s Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose armed wing was the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). It was of no concern to the Canadian ruling class that many of these people had committed heinous crimes.
    Bandera’s OUN conducted anti-Jewish pogroms in whatever part of Ukraine it had active forces. The author of the OUN’s military doctrine in the late 1930s had announced: “The more Jews killed during the uprising, the better for the Ukrainian state.” In 1943-44, the OUN carried out ethnic cleansing in Volyn and eastern Galicia, slaughtering between 70,000 and 100,000 ethnic Polish civilians, along with the few Jews who had escaped the Germans. As for the Galician Waffen-SS, they were among the most fanatical fascists who swore a military oath of allegiance to Hitler upon enlistment, seeking to destroy “Jew-Bolshevism.” Beginning as Hitler’s personal bodyguard, the SS greatly expanded under Heinrich Himmler to carry out industrial-scale mass murder of Jews, communists and others deemed sub-human by the Nazis. On the Eastern front it was the SS Einsatzkommando units who butchered those civilians who had not been ensnared in the net of the extermination camps.
    Waffen-SS as a Tribute to Liberty?
    To this day, fascist collaborators of the German Nazis such as the OUN, the UPA and the Galician Waffen-SS are considered heroes by groups like the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC). And this brings us to Tribute to Liberty. Who are they?
    Behind a veneer of respectability, Tribute to Liberty is a counterrevolutionary rabble. Its spokesmen are, in the main, the offspring of immigrants from the parts of East Europe where capitalism was overturned after the local bourgeoisies fled behind the defeated Nazis. One of its donors is the Canadian Slovak League (CSL). In “Memory Politics: Ottawa’s Monument to the Victims of Communism,” historian Gregor Kranjc cites RCMP reports during WWII which stated that the CSL supported the “policies of an independent Slovakia under Hitler.” Kranjc adds that “as late as the 1990s, the Canadian Slovak League’s Toronto chapter commemorated the death of Father Tiso, the leader of the Nazi puppet state of Slovakia who oversaw the deportation of tens of thousands of Slovak Jews to the death camps” (activehistory.ca, 17 March 2015).
    One of the Tribute notables is Paul Grod, a lawyer and business executive. Grod is the president of the UCC, which in turn is affiliated with the Ukrainian World Congress (UWC). True to its roots, the UWC’s webpage blares out, “Glory to Ukraine!—Glory to Heroes!” This is part of the salute of the fascist Banderaite UPA described above. Grod is also an honourary member of the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association (UCCLA), which was set up explicitly to oppose the Deschênes Commission’s feeble efforts to track down Nazi war criminals.
    As UCC president, Grod’s 2010 Remembrance Day message paid tribute to the Ukrainian National Army (aka the Galician Waffen-SS), the OUN and the UPA in his list of Ukrainian heroes to be saluted. The UCC and UCCLA glorify these fascists because they fought against the Red Army. The mass murders of Jews and Poles carried out by the OUN and Galician SS are either denied or relabelled: savagery against Jews is morphed into “respectable” anti-Communism as Jews were deemed to be Reds, hence agents of Stalin’s secret police, and thus fit only for extermination.
    Whitewashing Fascists: Multiculturalism and Anti‑Communism
    The postwar embrace of Waffen-SS butchers is testimony to the fact that no mass murderer or war criminal is too filthy for the anti-Communist purposes of the Canadian ruling class. Indeed, having saved these Ukrainian fascist scum and their supporters from the just wrath of those who stopped their genocidal drive, successive Canadian governments nurtured them with material support and respectability.
    The cover for this has been the policy of multiculturalism. Promoted heavily by the Liberal Party as an expression of tolerance for all cultures (which is why many right-wingers hate it), this policy has nothing to do with championing the rights of immigrants and minorities. Rather, it was designed to encourage the “voluntary” cultural and racial segregation of the population while elevating petty-bourgeois “community leaders.” Nationalist leaders in the Ukrainian diaspora quickly grasped the program’s potential and became among its most ardent supporters.
    Swedish-American historian Per Anders Rudling has usefully exposed how official multiculturalism helped advance the fortunes of anti-Jewish ideologues and rabid Ukrainian reactionaries:
    “Following the introduction of official multiculturalism in 1971, Canadian government agencies actively aided the development of Ukrainian nationalist myth making. They sponsored the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, funded the construction of nationalist memorials, and supported the ultra-nationalist press.”
    — “Memories of ‘Holodomor’ and National Socialism in Ukrainian Political Culture,” Rekonstruktion des Nationalmythos? (2013)
    The University of Alberta in Edmonton, for example, has had a Canadian Institute for Ukrainian Studies (CIUS) since 1976. On its board was one Petro Savaryn, a volunteer in the Galician Waffen-SS who made no secret of his past, nor his pride in it. The Canadian ruling class seamlessly integrated such scum into its ranks: Savaryn was a vice-president of the Alberta Progressive Conservative Party and from 1982-86 the chancellor of the University of Alberta. The CIUS administers bequests from veterans of the Waffen-SS, including from one Volodymr Kubijovyc, who was an initiator of this Nazi outfit. As recently as 2011 and 2014, this university institute issued four more endowments honouring these butchers! In the hands of Canada’s rulers, multiculturalism is more akin to the careful collection and preservation of pure cultures of pathogenic bacilli done by an imperialist germ warfare lab. What is prized is the most toxic.
    This is not just ancient history: the February 2014 “revolution” in Ukraine was in fact a coup, heavily backed by U.S. imperialism and leaders of the European Union. Its stormtroopers (rather literally) were outright fascists, organized mostly from two parties, Svoboda and Right Sector; both were represented in the new Ukrainian government and its military formations.
    At the time of the coup, Svoboda’s leader Oleg Tyagnibok claimed that a “Moscow-Jewish mafia” controlled Ukraine. Svoboda was originally called the Social-National Party of Ukraine, an obvious reference to the German Nazi (National Socialist) party. As for Right Sector, it considers Svoboda too liberal (!) and one of its components prefers uniforms styled after Hitler’s SS. The leader of its Western Ukraine section, Aleksandr Muzychko, pledged shortly before his murder to fight against “Jews, communists and Russian scum until I die.” (For more detail, see “Ukraine Coup: Spearheaded by Fascists, Backed by U.S./EU Imperialists,” WV No. 1041, 7 March 2014.)
    From its origins in the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP has stood at the forefront of anti-Communist hysteria. In the 1940s and ’50s, the CCF played a crucial role in driving Reds out of the unions. More recently, the New Democrats were as rabid as Harper’s Conservatives on the question of political and material support for the new Ukrainian government and even more hawkish toward Russia. At a November 2014 celebration of the Kiev protests in Toronto, former NDP MP Peggy Nash sounded like a Banderaite revanchist: “One, it is important to stand firm against Putin and the foreign aggression of Ukraine, and we cannot ever accept the loss of Crimea or the loss of the territories in the east. We have to stand firm in solidarity with Ukraine!” (newpathway.ca, 11 December 2014). This must have been welcome news for the most anticipated speaker that night—Valeriy Chobotar, a commander of Right Sector forces in Donetsk!
    Acting on behalf of the regime in Kiev and its imperialist sponsors including Canada, Right Sector and other fascist militias are waging a bloody war against insurgents in the predominantly Russian-speaking eastern provinces of Donetsk and Luhansk. As Leninist internationalists, we denounced the imperialist hysteria over the obvious desire of the Crimean population to quit Ukraine and join Russia, declaring “Crimea is Russian!” We defend the right to self-rule for Donetsk and Luhansk, up to and including independence and/or amalgamation into Russia. This in no way implies political support to Russia’s capitalist strongman Vladimir Putin, or to Russia’s chauvinist ambitions.
    What We Should Remember
    Somehow we doubt that the Ottawa monument will record the Jews who perished when Canada said, “None is too many.” Nor will you see any commemoration of the thousands of Ukrainian Communists who died in the fighting to establish the Soviet Ukraine after 1917, and later to defend it from the Nazi invaders. In fact, it was the Bolshevik Party of V.I. Lenin and Leon Trotsky which, in leading revolutionary struggle against the Russian tsarist autocracy, championed the right of the oppressed Ukrainian people to self-determination. After the Revolution, it was Lenin who insisted on the right of working people to study the Ukrainian language and speak it in all Soviet institutions. Not all Ukrainians adore the fascist ilk of the Banderaites, and many are horrified (along with their ethnic Russian neighbours in East Ukraine) at the gang of far-right nationalists now ruling in Kiev.
    “Communism is the doctrine of the conditions for the liberation of the proletariat”: Engels’ declaration, made more than 150 years ago, retains all its power today. In fact, communism is a society as yet unachieved on this planet, one where all the world’s productive resources have become collective property, where material abundance exists for all persons and where class and national divisions have disappeared.
    The struggle for a communist future remains the only way forward for working people in Canada as elsewhere. The barbarous capitalist profit system is rooted in brutal exploitation of the working class, oppression of minorities, vicious racism and war. The 1917 October Revolution showed the way to an egalitarian future for mankind, but Stalin and his successors betrayed this struggle. The first victims of his repression were the Trotskyists who fought to continue on the internationalist road of October, including Trotsky himself, who was killed by a Stalinist assassin in Mexico in 1940. To the end, Trotsky stood for the military defense of the Soviet Union, despite Stalin’s betrayals, recognizing its huge accomplishments thanks to the overthrow of capitalist rule. Today, we Trotskyists of the International Communist League dedicate all our resources to the fight for new October Revolutions through the reforging of a world party of socialist revolution, the Fourth International.
    The Canadian rulers seem intent on building this monument to a Big Lie. But note that a victorious workers revolution in Canada will have a few historical tributes of its own, honouring heroic fighters against capitalism and oppression. As a modest start, what about taking the visage of the racist bigot and first prime minister John A. Macdonald off the $10 bill and renaming every Macdonald Street in Canada? Instead, the workers could honour the man he executed, Métis [people of mixed Native-European descent] leader Louis Riel. And among those to whom the workers will pay tribute are those who have struggled for the overthrow of imperialism and capitalist rule throughout the world, starting with the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution.

    Sunday, June 05, 2016

    *****When The Fight To Turn The World Upside Down Was In Full Flower- With The Doors The Unknown Soldier In Mind

    *****When The Fight To Turn The World Upside Down Was In Full Flower- With The Doors The Unknown Soldier In Mind

     
     
    Wait until the war is over
    And we're both a little older
    The unknown soldier
    Breakfast where the news is read
    Television children fed
    Unborn living, living, dead
    Bullet strikes the helmet's head

    And it's all over
    For the unknown soldier
    It's all over
    For the unknown soldier

    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up
    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up
    Hut, hut, hut ho hee up

    Comp'nee, halt
    Present, arms

    Make a grave for the unknown soldier
    Nestled in your hollow shoulder
    The unknown soldier

    Breakfast where the news is read
    Television children fed
    Bullet strikes the helmet's head

    And, it's all over
    The war is over
    It's all over
    War is over

    Well, all over, baby
    All over, baby
    Oh, over, yeah
    All over, baby
    Ooh, ha, ha, all over
    All over, baby
    Oh, woah, yeah, all over
    All over, heh

    Add song meaning

    Songwriters
    Robbie Krieger;John Densmore;Jim Morrison;Ray Manzarek

    From The Pen of Zack James

    There was no seamless thread that wrapped the counter-cultural dominated 1960s up tightly, wrapped it up neatly in a pretty bow all set for posterity except for the media types who lived day by day in those merciful times for scraps to feed the teletype hot wires and by on-the-make politicians who to this day attempt to make capital making sport of what in the final analysis was a half-thought out desire to create the “newer world” that some old-time English poet was harping about. That seamless thread business had been distracting Frank Jackman’s attention of late now that a new generation of media-types are at hand who want to refight that social battle and the politicians are whipping   up the raw meat good old boys and girls and the staid as well to provide the troops for that new battle against some phantom in their heads. Despite all the rhetoric, despite all the books written disclaiming any responsibility by those who led the march, despite all those who have now “seen the light” and have hopped back into the fold in academia and the professions (in fact that march back to what everybody used to call bourgeois society started the day after the whole movement ebbed or the day they got their doctorates or professional degrees) there was some question even in Franks’ own mind about whether “the movement” for all its high gloss publicity and whirlwind effect dominated the play as much as he and his kindred had thought then or can lay claim to these forty plus years later.
    Place plenty of weight on Frank’s observation, maybe not to take to the bank but to have some knowledge about the limits to what a whole generation in all its diversity can claim as its own mark on society and history. Place plenty of weight for the very simple reason that he went through the whole thing in almost all of its contradictions. Had been raised under the star of parents who slogged through the Great Depression although that was a close thing, a very close thing for some like Frank’s parents who were desperately poor. His poor besotted mother having to leave home and head west looking, looking for whatever there was out there before coming back home with three dollars in hand, and maybe her virtue how can you ask that question of your mother when you wouldn’t think to look at her when young, later too, that she was capable of sex, not the sex you had at your pleasure with some sweet Maryjane. His father out of the Southern winds, out of tar-roof shack of a cabin, half naked, down in the coal-rich hills and hollows of Appalachia, the poorest of the poor, leaving that desperate place to seek something, some small fame that always eluded him. They together, collectively, slogged through the war, World War II, his father through Pacific fight, the most savage kind, had his fill of that damn island hopping and his mother waiting, fretfully waiting for the other shoe to drop, to hear her man had laid his head down for his country in some salted coral reef or atoll whatever they were. Get this though, gladly, gladly would lay that head down and she if it came right down to it would survive knowing he had laid that precious head down. That was the salts they were made of, the stuff this country was able to produce even if it had very little hand in forming such faithful servants so no one would, no one could deny their simple patriotism, or doubt that they would pass that feeling on to their progeny.
    Made that progeny respect their music too, their misty, moody I’ll see you tomorrow, until we meet again, I’ll get by, if I didn’t care music, music fought and won with great purpose. But Frank balked, balked young as he was, with as little understanding as he had, the minute he heard some serious rhythm back-beat absent from that sugary palp his parents wanted to lay on him and he would, young as he was, stand up in his three brother shared room (when they were not around of course for they older “dug” Patti Page and Rosemary Clooney, stuff like that) and dance some phantom dance based on that beat he kept hearing in his head, and wondered whether anybody else heard what he heard (of course later when it was show and tell time in the 1960s that beat would be the thing that glued those who were kindred together, funny they were legion). Caught the tail end of the “beat” thing that those older brothers dismissed out of hand as faggy, as guys “light on their feet” and gals who seemed black-hearted blank and neurotic. But that was prelude, that, what did somebody in some sociology class call it, the predicate.                      
    As the 1960s caught Frank by his throat, caught him in its maw as he liked to call it to swishy-dishy literary effect he got “religion” in about six different ways. Got grabbed  when the folk minute held sway, when guys like Bob Dylan and Dave Von Ronk and gals like Joan Baez preached “protest” to the hinterlands, reaching down to places like Frank’s Carver, nothing but a working poor town dependent on the ups and downs of the cranberry business. At one time the town was the cranberry capital of the world or close to it. That up and down business depending too on whether people were working and could afford to throw in cranberry sauce with their turkeys come Thanksgiving and Christmas or would be reduced to the eternal fallback beans and franks. But see Carver was close enough, thirty or forty miles south of Boston to Beacon Hill and Harvard Square to be splashed by that new sound and new way of going on dates too, going to coffeehouses or if times were tough just hang around the Harvard Square’s Hayes-Bickford watching with fascination the drunks, hipsters, dipsters, grifters, winos, hoboes, maybe  an odd whore drinking a cup of joe after some John split on her, but also guys and gals perfecting their acts as folk-singers, poets, artists and writers.
    Grabbed on the basis of that protest music to the civil rights movement down South, putting Frank at odds with parents, neighbors and his corner boys around Jack Slack’s bowling alleys. Grabbed too the dope, the hope and every girl he could get his hands on, or get this to tell you about the times since he was at best an okay looking guy, they could get their hands on him, on those bedroom blue eyes of his they called it more times than not, that came with the great summers of love from about 1965 on.
    Here’s where the contradictions started get all mixed up with things he had no control over, which he was defenseless against. So grabbed too that draft notice from his friends and neighbors at the Carver Draft Board and wound up a dog soldier in Vietnam for his efforts. Wound up on cheap street for a while when he came back unable to deal with the “real” world for a while. That failure to relate to the “real” world cost him his marriage, a conventional marriage to a young woman with conventional white picket fence, a little lawn, kids, and dogs dreams which only had happened because he was afraid that he would not come back from “Nam in one piece, would never get to marriage for what it was worth. Grabbed the streets for a while before he met a woman, a Quaker woman, who saved him, for a while until he went west with some of his corner boys who had also been washed by the great push. Did the whole on the road hitchhike trip, dope, did communes, did zodiacs of love, did lots of things until the hammer came down and the tide ebbed around the middle of the 1970s. So yeah Frank was almost like a bell-weather, no, a poster child for all that ailed society then, and for what needed to be fixed.      
    That decade or so from about 1964 to about 1974 Frank decided as he got trapped in old time thoughts and as he related to his old friend Jack Callahan one night at his apartment in Cambridge as they passed a “joint” between them (some things die hard, or don’t die) was nevertheless beginning to look like a watershed time not just for the first wave immediate post-World War II baby-boomers like him, Jack, Frankie Riley, the late Peter Markin, Sam Lowell and a lot of other guys he passed the corner boy night with (the ones like him born immediately after the war as the troops came home, came off the transports, and guys and gals were all hopped up to start families, figure out how to finance that first white picket fence house and use the GI bill to get a little bit ahead in the world, at least get ahead of their parents’ dead-end great depression woes) who came of social and political age then washed clean by the new dispensation but for the country as a whole. More so since those of the so-called generation of ’68, so called by some wag who decided that the bookends of the rage of the American Democratic Convention in Chicago that year and the defeat of the revolutionary possibilities in France in May of that year signaled the beginning of the ebb tide for the whole thing, for those who are still up for a fight against the military monster who is still with us are continuing to fight a rearguard action to keep what little is left of accomplishments and the spirit of those time alive.
    Thinking back a bit to that time, Frank as the dope kicked in, a thousand things, or it seemed like a thousand things, some things new in the social, economic, political or cultural forest came popping up out of nowhere in many cases, came together in pretty rapid succession to draw down in flames the dread red scare Cold War freezes of their  childhoods (that time always absurdly symbolically topped off by the sight of elementary school kids, them , crouched under some rickety old desk arms over their heads some air-raid drill practice time as if, as the residents of Hiroshima and Nagasaki who are still alive from that time can attest to, that would do the slightest bit of good if the “big one,” the nuclear bombs hit.
    Yeah, the Cold War time too when what did they know except to keep their obedient heads down under their desks or face down on the floor when the periodic air-raid shelter tests were performed at school to see if they were ready to face the bleak future if they survived some ill-meant commie atomic blast. (Personally Frank remembered telling somebody then that he would, having seen newsreel footage of the bomb tests at Bikini, just as soon take his  chances above desk, thank you, for all the good the other maneuver would do them.)
    For a while anyway Frank and the angel-saints were able to beat back that Cold War mentality, that cold-hearted angst, and calculated playing with the good green world, the world even if they had no say, zero, in creating what went on. Not so strangely, although maybe that is why people drifted away in droves once the old bourgeois order reasserted itself and pulled down the hammer, none of those who were caught up in the whirl thought it would be for only a while or at least thought it would fade so fast just as they thought, young and healthy as they were, that they would live forever. But if you, anybody when you really think about the matter, took a step back you could trace things a little, could make your own “live free” categories of the events that chipped away the ice of those dark nights.

    Start in with the mid-1950s if you like, which is where Frank liked to start dating his own sense of the new breeze coming through although being a pre-teenager then he told Jack he would not have had sense enough to call it that, with the heat of the black struggle for some semblance of civil liberties down South in the fight for voter rights and the famous desegregation of buses in Montgomery and the painful desegregation of the schools in Little Rock (and some sense of greater  equality up North too as organizations like the NAACP and Urban League pushed an agenda for better education and housing). Also at that same time, and in gathering anecdotal evidence Frank had found that these too are a common lynchpin, the first break-out of music with the crowning of rock and roll as the wave of the future (black rhythm and blues, scat, rockabilly music all mixed up and all stirred up), and the “discovery” of teen alienation and angst exemplified by sullen movie star  James Dean, who lived fast, and died fast a metaphor that would work its way through youth culture over the next generation. (And throw in surly “wild one” movie star Marlon Brando in The Wild One and a brooding Montgomery Cliff in almost anything during those days, take The Misfits for one, to the mix of what they could relate to as icons of alienation and angst .)   
    An odd-ball mix right there. Throw in, as well, although this was only at the end and only in very commercial form, the influence of the “beats,” the guys (and very few gals since that Jack Kerouac-Neal Cassady-William Burroughs-Allen Ginsberg mix was strictly a male bonding thing) who listened to the guys who blew the cool be-bop jazz and wrote up a storm based on that sound, declared a new sound, that you would hear around cafés even if you did not understand it unlike rock and roll, the guys who hitchhiked across the American landscape creating a wanderlust in all who had heard about their exploits, and, of course, the bingo bongo poetry that threw the old modernists like T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound out with a bang.
    Then start to throw in the struggles against the old authority in places like Frisco town where they practically ran the red-baiters in the HUAC out of town (what Frank, and some of his friends although not the Carver corner boys except Markin, would learn to call “bourgeois authority working hand in hand with the capitalists”), the old certitudes that had calmed their parents’ lives, made them reach out with both hands for the plenty in the “golden age of plenty.”
    Of course the biggest event that opened the doors for liberals, radicals, hell, even thoughtful conservatives was the sweet breeze coming down the road from Boston with the election of Jack Kennedy. Ike, the harmless uncle, the kindly grandfather, was for parents Frank wanted guys who set the buzz going, let them think about getting some kicks out of life, that maybe with some thought they would survive, and if they didn’t at least we had the kicks.

    That event opened up a new psyche, that it was okay to question authority, whatever the limitations and shortness of the Camelot times with the struggles against some hoary things like segregation, the death penalty, nuclear proliferation, the unevenness of social life which would get propelled later in the decade with fight for women’s liberation, gay liberation, and the fight against the draft, the damn war in Vietnam that drove a nail into the heart of Frank’s generation. A river of ideas, and a river of tears, have been, and can be, shed over that damn war, what it did to young people, those who fought, maybe especially those who fought as Frank got older and heard more stories about the guys who like him didn’t make it back to the “real” world after “Nam, didn’t have a sweet mother Quaker lady like Frank to save them, those guys you see downtown in front of the VA hospitals, and those who refused to, that lingers on behind the scenes even today.
    There were more things, things like the “Pill” (and Frank would always kid Jack who was pretty shy talking about sex despite the fact that he and Chrissie, his high school sweetheart, had had four kids when he asked what pill if you need to know what pill and its purpose where have you been) that opened up a whole can of worms about what everyone was incessantly curious about and hormonally interested in doing something about, sex, sex beyond the missionary position of timeless legends, something very different if the dramatic increase in sales of the Kama Sutra meant anything, a newer sensibility in music with the arrival of the protest folk songs for a new generation which pushed the struggle and the organizing forward.
    Cultural things too like the experimenting with about seven different kinds of dope previously the hidden preserve of “cool cat” blacks and white hipsters (stuff that they only knew negatively about, about staying away from, thru reefer madness propaganda, thru the banning of some drugs that were previously legal like sweet sister cocaine and taunt Nelson Algren hard life down at the base of society in films like The Man With The Golden Arm), the outbreak of name changes with everybody seemingly trying to reinvent themselves in name (Frank’s moniker at one time was Be-Bop Benny draw what you will out of that the idea being like among some hipster blacks, although with less reason, they wanted to get rid of their  slave names)  fashion (the old college plaid look fading in the face of World War II army surplus, feverish colors, and consciously mismatched outfits and affectation (“cool, man, cool” and “right on’ said it all). More social experiments gathering in the “nation” through rock concerts, now acid-etched, new living arrangements with the arrival of the urban and rural communes (including sleeping on more than one floor in more than one church or mission when on the road, or later on the bum). They all, if not all widespread, and not all successful as new lifestyles all got a fair workout during this period as well.     

    Plenty of Frank’s kindred in retrospective would weigh the various combinations of events differently in figuring out how the uprising started just as plenty of them had their specific dates for when the tide began to ebb, when the mean-spirited and authoritarian began their successful counter-offensive that they still lived with for not taking the omens more seriously. (Frank’s ebb tide, as he had  described to Frankie Riley one time, was the events around May Day 1971 when they seriously tried, or thought they were seriously trying, to shut down the government in D.C. if it would no shut down the war and got nothing but billy-clubs, tear gas, beatings and mass arrests for their efforts. After those days Frank, and others, figured out the other side was more serious about preserving the old order than they were about creating the new and that they had better rethink how to slay the monster they were up against and act accordingly.)

    Then Frank passed Jack a photograph that he had taken from a calendar put out by the New England Folk Song Society that his wife, Sarah, who worked to put the item out to raise funds for folk music preservation (see above) that acted as another catalyst for this his short screed, and which pictorially encapsulated a lot of what went then, a lot about “which side were you on” when the deal went down. This photograph Frank pointed out to Jack was almost impossible to imagine without some combination of that hell broth anti-war, anti-establishment, pro-“newer world” mix stirred up in the 1960s.
    Three self-assured women (the “girls” of photograph a telltale sign of what society, even hip, progressive society thought about women in those slightly pre-women’s liberation time but they would learn the difference) comfortable with the loose and individualistic fashion statements of the day from floppy hats to granny dresses to bare legs, bare legs, Jesus, that alone would have shocked their girdled, silk stocking mothers, especially if those bare legs included wearing a mini-skirt (and mother dread thoughts about whether daughter knew about the pill, and heaven forbid if she was sexually active, a subject not for polite society, not for mother-daughter conversation, then she damn better well know, or else).
    They are also uncomfortable about the damn Vietnam war, no, outraged is a better way to put the matter, that was eating up boyfriends, brothers, just friends, guys they knew in college or on the street who were facing heavy decisions about the draft, Canada exile, prison or succumbing to the worst choice, Frank’s choice if you could call his induction a choice what else could he have done gone to Canada, no,  military induction, at a heavy rate and they unlike their mothers who came through World War II waiting patiently and patriotically for their military heroes to come home, come home in one piece, have a very different sense of the heroic. A sense of the heroic going back to ancient times, Greek times anyway, when one group of women like their stay-at-home-waiting-for-the-other-shoe-to-drop World War II mothers demanded that their men come home carried on their shields if they had to rather than speak of defeat. Others, the ones that count here, refusing their potential soldier boys any favors, read sexual favors, okay, if they went off to war, providing a distant echo, a foundation to make their request stand on some authority, for these three women pictured there.
    Frank wondered how many guys would confess to the lure of that enticement if they had refused induction. His own wife, quickly married at the time was if anything more gung-ho about stopping the red menace than his parents. Frank did not refuse induction for a whole bunch of reasons but then he did not have any girlfriends like that sweet mother Quaker woman later, who made that demand, his girl- friends early on, and not just his wife if anyway were as likely to want him to come back carried on a shield as those warrior-proud ancient Greek women. Too bad. But Frank said to Jack as Jack got up ready to head home to Hingham and Chrissie that he liked to think that today they could expect more women to be like the sisters above. Yeah, more, many more of the latter, please as Frank and his comrades in Veterans for Peace continue to struggle against the night-takers in the nightmare world of endless war

    *In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!- The Omaha Three’s Ed Poindexter

  • *In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!- The Omaha Three’s Ed Poindexter
     
    http://www.thejerichomovement.com/prisoners.html
     
    A link above to more information about the class-war prisoner honored in this entry.

    Make June Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month

    Markin comment (reposted from 2010)

    In “surfing” the National Jericho Movement Website recently in order to find out more, if possible, about class- war prisoner and 1960s radical, Marilyn Buck, whom I had read about in a The Rag Blog post I linked to the Jericho list of class war prisoners. I found Marilyn Buck listed there but also others, some of whose cases, like that of the “voice of the voiceless” Pennsylvania death row prisoner, Mumia Abu-Jamal, are well-known and others who seemingly have languished in obscurity. All of the cases, at least from the information that I could glean from the site, seemed compelling. And all seemed worthy of far more publicity and of a more public fight for their freedom.
    That last notion set me to the task at hand. Readers of this space know that I am a longtime supporter of the Partisan Defense Committee, a class struggle, non-sectarian legal and social defense organization which supports class war prisoners as part of the process of advancing the international working class’ struggle for socialism. In that spirit I am honoring the class war prisoners on the National Jericho Movement list this June as the start of what I hope will be an on-going attempt by all serious leftist militants to do their duty- fighting for freedom for these brothers and sisters. We will fight out our political differences and disagreements as a separate matter. What matters here and now is the old Wobblie (IWW) slogan - An injury to one is an injury to all.
    Note: This list, right now, is composed of class-war prisoners held in American detention. If others are likewise incarcerated that are not listed here feel free to leave information on their cases in the comment section. Likewise any cases, internationally, that come to your attention. I am sure there are many, many such cases out there. Make this June, and every June, a Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month- Free All Class-War Prisoners Now!
  • *In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!- The Omaha Three’s Ed Poindexter


    *In Honor Of Our Class-War Prisoners- Free All The Class-War Prisoners!- The Omaha Three’s Ed Poindexter

     

    http://www.thejerichomovement.com/prisoners.html

     

    A link above to more information about the class-war prisoner honored in this entry.

    Make June Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month

    Markin comment (reposted from 2010)


    In “surfing” the National Jericho Movement Website recently in order to find out more, if possible, about class- war prisoner and 1960s radical, Marilyn Buck, whom I had read about in a The Rag Blog post I linked to the Jericho list of class war prisoners. I found Marilyn Buck listed there but also others, some of whose cases, like that of the “voice of the voiceless” Pennsylvania death row prisoner, Mumia Abu-Jamal, are well-known and others who seemingly have languished in obscurity. All of the cases, at least from the information that I could glean from the site, seemed compelling. And all seemed worthy of far more publicity and of a more public fight for their freedom.

    That last notion set me to the task at hand. Readers of this space know that I am a longtime supporter of the Partisan Defense Committee, a class struggle, non-sectarian legal and social defense organization which supports class war prisoners as part of the process of advancing the international working class’ struggle for socialism. In that spirit I am honoring the class war prisoners on the National Jericho Movement list this June as the start of what I hope will be an on-going attempt by all serious leftist militants to do their duty- fighting for freedom for these brothers and sisters. We will fight out our political differences and disagreements as a separate matter. What matters here and now is the old Wobblie (IWW) slogan - An injury to one is an injury to all.

    Note: This list, right now, is composed of class-war prisoners held in American detention. If others are likewise incarcerated that are not listed here feel free to leave information on their cases in the comment section. Likewise any cases, internationally, that come to your attention. I am sure there are many, many such cases out there. Make this June, and every June, a Class-War Prisoners Freedom Month- Free All Class-War Prisoners Now!


  • The Conformist Conforms-Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Conformist


    The Conformist Conforms-Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Conformist  




    DVD Review

    By Sam Lowell

     

    The Conformist, directed by Bernardo Bertolucci based on a story by Alberto Moravia, 1970

    The social philosopher Hannah Arendt, an intellectual who was forced into exile from Europe to New York by the Nazis in the 1930s so she knew somewhat of where she spoke, famously described the actions of the common clay, those who actively went along with the regime, maybe would have followed any regime, during that Nazi reign collectively as agents of the banality of evil. By this I believe she meant that the human condition, human nature as it had evolved over the relatively short span of human existence had not moved all that far along despite all the efforts from the precept of humankind’s inhumanity to its fellows when backed up against the wall, or even perceived that they had been backed up against the wall. Had either accepted evil regimes as the price for a quiet life, or actively participated in outrageously immoral acts in order to insure that quiet life. In short to conform. That premise can serve as the underlying theme in the film under review Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Conformist. (Bertolucci’s work last seen in this space in a review of his classic study of fascism in Italy down among the masses in the countryside-1900) 

    Here is how Arendt’s observation played out in this film. A scion of a wealthy family, an intellectual, Marcello, had been worried about his place in the sun, worried moreover about living the quiet life, the life where he is left alone to do his normal average quiet life thing whatever intellectual qualms he had about such mundane endeavors. But Marcello had been smart enough, had been opportunist enough to know that in the whirlwind of the 1930s in Italy under Mussolini that may not have been enough. So to protect himself, protect his future life with a woman whom he wished to marry, although he seemed indifferent to whatever charms had initially drawn him to her, and settle down with to that quiet life he volunteered his services to one of the Fascist security agencies. That may seem to you or me a hard way to protect the quiet life but, as seen in a series of flashbacks, Marcello had a lot to cover up in his past, or thought he did. Those included an adolescent homosexual experience (a no-no in martial manly Mussolini Italy) with one of the hired help, the murder of that person, and the drug dependency of his wealthy mother. Maybe any one of those, as he confessed them to a Catholic priest confessor would mean little but collectively they weighed on his mind. And hence his service to the state which he had no particular affinity for but was astute enough to see which way the winds were blowing and grabbed onto with both hands.              

    So Marcello joined a security service. Assignment: arrange the murder and cover-up of that murder of one of his old college professors, a devoted anti-fascist, who was then living in exile in Paris with his young attractive wife. The central portion of the film, aside from periodic flashbacks to his youth, involved Marcello setting a trap for the professor, and in the process falling in love with that professor’s young wife. Despite his best efforts to save the wife the professor and the wife were killed through his efforts (and those of a bunch of professional “hit men.”). And so as the film wound down after the murders we saw Marcello in a scene of seeming domestic tranquility playing with several years later. The quiet life assured. Problem: in 1943 Mussolini was overthrown by antifascist mostly Communist-led partisans. Marcello felt he was in social danger again. In the dramatic final scenes he was seen denouncing a former Fascist friend and probably anybody else he could throw on the scrapheap to save his silly little quiet domestic life. Yeah, Arendt was right on target with her banality of evil thoughts. Marcello the conformist, the chameleon, ready to take on any coloration no question. See this film that is also no question as well.            

    *Poets' Corner- Walt Whiman- Emily Dickinson- Herman Melville- A Guest Book Review

    Click on the headline to link to a guest article about Poets Walt Whitman- Emily Dickinson- Herman Melville.

    Muhammad Ali Passes At 74-For Draft Resistance-Muhammad Ali, Presente

    Click on link to hear NPR tribute for Muhammad Ali




    Frank Jackman comment:
    Maybe a paraphrase says it best about Muhammed Ali (born Cassius Clay, a slave name which he had much greater cause to shed than those of his near contemporaries in the generation of ’68 who took monikers for kicks-“no Viet Cong ever called me nigger” (yeah it’s not wise to not use the “n” word but let’s keep the historical record straight this is what the righteous brother said, said true). Ali may be remembered for many things good, bad and indifferent but for standing up, straight up, and refusing induction into the American imperial war machine in that damn Vietnam war that knocked a lot of us off balance he deserves all honor. Muhammed Ali, presente.