Monday, July 04, 2016

*****He Walked In The Shadows-With Reflection On The 2015 Maine Peace Walk In Mind

*****He Walked In The Shadows-With Reflection On The 2015 Maine Peace Walk In Mind   



 

“Yeah, the whole freaking thing is going from Ellsworth up by Bar Harbor down to the big naval shipyard at Portsmouth something like 175 miles along old Route One from October 9th to the 24th with many stops along the way and I am going to pick up the caravan at Freeport, up in L.L. Bean land, on the 19th,” Sam Lowell chanted into the cellphone to his longtime companion Laura Perkins when she asked him if he wanted to go to New York City with her on a lark. Sam had just heard about the journey a few days before after the regular monthly meeting of his organization, Veterans for Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade, Chapter Nine out of Boston which he had been a member of for the previous several years and which was one of the co-sponsors of what had been called the Maine Peace Walk To Save The Seas, De-Militarize The Sea or something like that depending on which leaflet you looked at. Good ideas on their face so any moniker would do. 

This year’s theme was the demilitarization of the seas, a subject close to his heart as a life-long ocean maniac (not Mainiac although he had been going to the coast of Maine for the previous fifty years or so he could not claim that designation as a real born and bred Mainaic had gone to great pains to tell him a few years back when he jokingly said he should be considered a Mainiac since he had not been born there, nor had his parents). Maine’ coastline had seen the ravages of climate change most noticeably by the serious erosion of the beloved beaches as the Arctic ice cap continues to melt. The military’s contribution had been deemed the number one pollution problem with the seas including the construction of ships at both the Bath Iron Works and repair and outfitting at the Portsmouth Naval Base (for those purists the entrance to the Naval Base is in Kittery in Maine). So a number of groups led by the Maine Veterans for Peace were staging a walk from Ellsworth to Portsmouth over sixteen days in mid-October to bring focused public attention to the issue, or rather issues since along with the effects of climate change, industrial-sized pollution the fate of much of the sea life in the Atlantic (Pacific too but Atlantic on this side of the continent) from various testing projects done by the Navy.    

So yes he was in, in for the politics, in for the anti-war, anti-military aspects of the adventure. In too for the hard facts that this would be an ocean-centered walk and as he (and Laura with a grimace at times) would be the first to tell you he was an ocean man through and through since he had been practically wrapped in swaddling clothes at birth near the ocean and had generally lived close enough to beaches all his life as a matter of preference (he would always make people laugh when he told them do anything at all to his body when he passed on but don’t bury him in Kansas, out in Toto and Dorothy land) and for the fact that it was Maine where he had over time spent most of his ocean time. So it was an easy sell. He had asked Laura, Laura the one with the grimace when the question came up, if she wanted to go but she nixed that idea and said she much preferred the “civilized” environs of New York City in all its false glitter to the thought of walking the woe-begotten roads of Maine.

Sam had decided once he had made his commitment to walk to pick the walking caravan up in Freeport, about twenty miles from Portland a place where in recent years he had gone on business and Freeport a place he was familiar with from various trips to L.L. Bean the outdoors fitting company that had made that town famous over the years. Although the walk started in Ellsworth he felt that the distance was too far from Boston to traverse easily since that would be a six hour drive up. He also could not make commitment to a whole sixteen days, who could do so except renegade outlaw poets (a real case as he found out on the walk but better left unspoken about for other reasons), task-driven organizers of such walks as symbolic speech (Sam found out there is a whole sub-culture of peace walkers crisscrossing the country mainly led by Buddhists or Buddhist-inspired activists), nature freaks (you walking forlornly in the country, rucksack on back, ready to stop and sleep anywhere off some beaten road with bedroll in hand like he himself had done in his youth, once) and passionate advocates for the sea-life of the world. But the biggest issue was whether he at seventy-two could force the pace for more than the five days it would take to get from Freeport to Portsmouth since he had the usual age-related assortment of physical problems that would impede his ability to finish the march. And so Freeport on the eleventh day of the walk it was.

Sam had originally intended to take a couple of fellow VFPers up with him late Sunday afternoon when the caravan had finished up its leg from Brunswick, the home of Bowdoin College (the day‘s walkers meeting at the monument to the great Civil War general and Bowdoin professor Joshua Chamberlain and his heroic Maine regiment who were critical to the victory at Gettysburg) to Freeport. The idea was to get there in time for the pot luck supper that each host site provided along the way and the nightly lecture and entertainment program in order to get the feel of who had marched, how long, and the reception along the way. Walk solidarity. That fell through when the two aged men felt that they could not physically handle the leg from Freeport to Portland a distance of eighteen miles and then the next day’s sixteen miles from Portland to Saco before returning to Boston with another VFPer headed down there after that walk. 

So Sam had decided to drive up early Monday morning and meet the walkers as they prepared to leave the Congregational church that that had hosted them that night. (A quick scan of the pot luck and program itinerary that he had received from the main organizer when he had committed to go showed that the bulk of the places were churches, churches like the UCC, Congregational and U/U which had a tradition of being on the right side of the angels in these matters.) He got to Freeport without incident and met the walkers most of whom he would be with for the next several days. Nice morning a little cool but good enough for walking in mid-October. Since he was among the few who had brought cars along that day was the first of what  became a regular procedure of shuttling cars forward and then to be brought back to the line of march via the indispensable van rented for the purpose as well as storage area for provisions and as a ride for those who could not walk the day’s full distance(sometimes the van would return to the place where the day’s march was scheduled to start, sometimes the marchers would have eagerly started walking and they would catch up to them on the route).That ever dependable supply van (with kudos to its ever dependable  jack-of-all-trades driver)  festively draped with a huge poster calling on the American government (and by extension all governments) to demilitarize the seas, in short, to aid in climate change control, in defense of the sea-life harmed by man’s wayward and uncaring use of the ocean’s environment and really the lynchpin of the whole effort to abolish war as an instrument of state policy.

The poster’s design by Roger Cray a talented artist from northern Maine who had a passion to save the sea-life that hovered off the shores near where he lived showed a battery of war vessels, destroyers, cruisers and the like doing their best to pollute and cause aural harm to the sea-life below represented by whales, dolphins and the schools of fish and other sea mammals who swim in their wake. A very impressive visual plea and advertisement for the purpose of the march and which was subject to a fair amount of camera snapshots and a “hook” for media coverage. Atop that van sat (or maybe virtual reality “swan”) was another Cray creation, a papier mache replica of a dolphin which he had securely welded to the top of the van. That symbol spoke for itself.

Ironically the van driver, Jack Malloy, had been a walker who had started in Ellsworth but who by the time the walk arrived in Bath for a break the previous Friday had been hobbling requiring crutches and so he volunteered his services as a driver. A driver who would prove to be invaluable for many things but most importantly for always being at various pull-offs to encourage walkers along, something necessary on long walk days when energies flagged.         

Sam was not a religious man, hadn’t thought much about any correlation between religion and political life since the days of his youth when he was tied down to the Catholic Church and its strange doctrines which had taken him a long time to fully break from as he busted out a political trajectory to the left, to the “side of the angels” that the priests in the lecterns kept mentioning on Sunday but who paid scant attention to the rest of the week. Although he had subsequently worked, especially in recent years when the remnants of the streets anti-war struggle required such efforts, with Quakers, Shakers, and all the social activist circles in Protestant church-dom, he had inured himself to any religious tendencies. As they stood outside the Congregational church in Freeport that morning waiting to form up he was surprised when Brian asked everybody to form what he called the “circle.” The idea of the circle as he inquired about its meaning later to a former minister whom he knew through VFP and who had studied in Asia was a Buddhist concept about the one-ness of all things, all life not just human life. Then a Buddhist nun (like a Catholic nun he presumed subordinate to the male monks of the religion) dressed in her ceremonial garb  began a ritualistic chant while another walker hit the paddle drum to a steady beat that would become an important pacing beat and concluded her chant with a bowing of the head. Others not in grab and not Asian he noticed also chanted and almost all universally bowed at the end. The circle of life, the drum beat (and the precise and correct way to produce it which had been haphazard early on in the walk before he came aboard as that ex-minister was at pains to tell him) and the whole Eastern theological construction of Buddhism shadowed the walk as it progressed from town to town.

Sam thought that it was ironic that just the week before he had been up in Lowell to attend a Jack Kerouac commemoration during Columbus Day weekend at the park near the old mills where he is so honored by a number of granite pillars with passages from his various works and among them something from his Buddhist influenced days. He would have to check with that old “on to the road” defrocked mad man Catholic shiva saint bastard on his cosmic karma take on the matter when he got home. In any case while not overtly disdainful as he much have been in his more fighting secular youth when he was trying to break the back of his Catholic past he stood ramrod straight whenever the ceremony was performed which was at the start of the day, at the beginning of each break and at the end of the day’s walk.        

(That Protestant social activist designation in his chats with others or in speeches delivered at ant-war rallies and other such events would go by the moniker the “U/U circuit,” whatever denomination was sponsoring an event at its facilities since at least in the remnant “1960s folk minute monthly coffeehouse circuit” and gathering places for planning events or having a forum if you asked where the event was to be held a great majority of the time it would be a Universalist/Unitarian church. A look at the pot luck, program and sleeping arrangements list confirmed the continuing truth of that designation.)               

And so the peace caravan walked down Route One (the whole route was with few exception along that old time when-the- pace-was-slower-and- people-liked-to-stop-along-the-road north-south American highway included the stopping places for the day) walked until the first break stop (complete with Buddhist nun-led ceremonial chant and bow before breaking) when he accidently turned his head to introduce himself to those next to him and there she was.  Sally Rich, the Quaker girl from his old anti-war GI coffeehouse days after he had been discharged from the Army at Fort Devens in Ayer, Massachusetts about forty miles northwest of Boston. Yeah, Sally who had help organize all those rallies in front of Fort Devens calling for his freedom and whom his had had a half serious crush on in those days (although that sentiment was probably true of half the women he met then since he had been in the process of being divorced from his first wife and was “free as a bird” to play the field).

Sally whom he had gone down in Washington with on fateful May Day, 1971 both of them to be arrested that day he with a group of radical anti-war veterans and she with a Quaker contingent (fateful as he later determined that for him at least that day and the events that occurred that day and those immediately after that week proved to be the high water mark of what he would always call the search “for the newer world” that the English poet Tennyson spoke of and that subsequently they, the forces for the newer world, the kids who had been washed by the counter-cultural climate of the times and though they had turned a corner would be fighting a forty plus year rearguard action that is still with us). Sam had not seen her since shortly after that time, maybe a year after, maybe late 1972 since he had drifted off with a friend of hers whom he had also had half a crush on which turned into an affair. Sam and Sally shook hands profusely and started rattling off shared events from back then. They chatted for a bit and then Brian’s inevitable call to form up came and so they marched along that mostly tree-lined part of the road on the way to Cumberland for lunch at the Friends' School.
 

That meeting with Sally had not been completely fortuitous on Sam’s part (like a great many things in his life) since he had noticed that on the Pot Luck and Program schedule Brian had sent him by e-mail once he contacted Brian to tell him he would walk but was not initially sure where he would pick up the walk that one of the contacts for the Freeport section of the walk was Sally Rich. Now there are probably many Sally Riches in the world but here are the clues that identified her as probably being his Sally; (1) he knew that they last he had heard from her that Sally was headed to Maine to get out of the freaking city (her term since Quakers don’t as a rule swear); and, (2) the lunch break that day was to be at the Friends School in Cumberland (Quaker-run and majority Quaker teachers but open to all others). So he had chosen Freeport as his start point in some expectation of seeing if that was his Sally. He had assumed when he did not see her in Freeport that she was not walking and that was that. What he didn’t know was that she and her husband (a teacher at the Friends School) lived alone Route One in Freeport and she had joined the walk there. (As it turned out he also knew her husband, Jonah, since they and that girlfriend of Sally’s and Sam had gone down to New York City together one weekend and stayed at her family’s place in Ardley-on-Hudson just up the road from the city.)                 

At lunch Sam and Sally after selecting their food from the wholesome and varied ad hoc buffet sat together at a round table in the meeting room the Friends had set aside for the walkers with about six other people, a couple of them VFPers when Sally told her version of the story of their surprise meeting that day and of how they had known each other in the old days from when Sally was organizing rallies at Fort Devens to free Sam. That statement sparked a startled response from the others who asked what the whole story was. Asked Sam to tell his story since Sally had already given the basic details of how she and a couple of friends who were interested in anti-war soldier work had heard about a Private Lowell who had while stationed at Fort Devens refused to wear the Army uniform and was facing serious charges because of it from somebody at the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the social action arm of the Quakers, where Sam had gotten counseling on how to apply for conscientious objector (CO) status in the military and later some legal help when he needed it. 

Here is what Sam had to tell his attentive co-walkers most of whom had been involved somehow, somewhere in the anti-Vietnam War movement which had begun their active oppositional careers:         

“You know I haven’t told this story in years, haven’t had to since the draft went down in flames back in the 1970s and except for people like most of you, people who won their spurs in the peace movement way back in the 1960s, maybe before, there had been not need to tell it. It really is the story of why almost fifty years later I am pounding the bloody pavements of Maine something I would probably not be doing if the fates had worked otherwise. Certainly I would not use the story, most of it anyway, if we were out counter-recruiting in the high schools because with the volunteer military it would go over their heads. But you can relate to this story because you, somebody you know, or knew, some guy anyway back then had to face the draft and what to do, or not do about it.

Now I was a college student back in Boston in the mid-1960s as the crescendo of anti-Vietnam War activity came through the campuses and so I was vaguely anti-war, probably as much as any Boston college student but not actively. Strangely on that issue I was kind of behind the curb since on social issues; the war on poverty, civil rights in the South which meant black  civil rights, abolition of capital punishment, and nuclear disarmament I was well left of center, left of Bobby Kennedy my political hero then whom I worked for that fateful spring of 1968 until he was assassinated. I wasn’t into draft resistance, street protests, that kind of thing although I wasn’t hostile to any such efforts. Mostly though I was interested in my girlfriend, having sex, doing a little drugs, not much by the standards of the day but enough, going to rock concerts and letting tomorrow take care of itself, stuff like that and working for candidates like Bobby who were in the system since I wanted my own Democratic Party career, something like that.        

After graduation I had planned to go to law school as a way to put off the draft question that as the escalations in Vietnam continued and as the American body count got larger I started to focus on a bit more. Especially since by 1968 the need for ground troops was growing faster than guys were volunteering or being dragooned by their National Guard units into active service and they were no longer exempting law school students from the draft. Then in the fall of 1968 I got my notice to appear for a physical and subsequently after successfully completing that physical I got my notice to report to the Boston Army Base for induction.

Here’s where everything gets tricky though, or really my whole past, who I was, where I came from got me caught in a web. My girlfriend at the time brother was in Vietnam, I had come from a family, a working class family where military service was expected, my father was a Marine in World War II and one of my uncles a lifer who would eventually become Sergeant-Major of the Army, the highest enlisted man, a couple of guys on my small street had been killed in Vietnam already so there was no social support for doing anything but take the induction. I wasn’t a CO, I didn’t even consider jail or Canada they were really not even on the radar and so although I had my qualms, maybe fears of getting killed mixed in too, I was inducted in early 1969 and sent to Fort Gordon down in Georgia, Augusta where they play the Masters golf tournament every year.

About three days, maybe four days, in I realized that I had made a very serious mistake, had not thought how contrary to my self-identity that whole basic training scene was. I was getting “religion” on the questions of war and peace very quickly. As the weeks in basic went by I got stronger in my resolve to not go to Vietnam but kept quiet about it since I was in the middle of nowhere with no resources to do anything except eat that rich red Georgia clay we grabbed every day in training. After basic I was assigned to Advanced Infantry Training, AIT, at Fort McClellan in goddam Alabama the die was cast, the noose was getting tighter since the only place for infantry men, grunts, 11 Bravos, cannon fodder was in Vietnam. The only thing I knew was when I got home I was getting some help, some outside help in order to resist orders to Vietnam that were inexorably coming at the end of that training.

After I got my orders to report to Fort Lewis in Washington for transit to Vietnam I got to go home for thirty days on leave before reporting, the standard procedure then but a mistake by the Army in my case. After checking in with my girlfriend who was not sympathetic with my situation and whom I decided to forsake (okay dump) I went to AFSC in Cambridge since although I did not know that much about Quakers I did know that they were historically against war and knew something about CO status. I was counseled there by a guy, I forget his name, do you remember him, Sally, a tall guy with a long ponytail [Sally: no] who laid out some options without telling me what to do but with a wink. What I did was go AWOL for thirty-three days since once you have passed thirty days you are automatically "dropped from the rolls" of the place you were assigned to. Which meant that those orders to Fort Lewis were no longer in effect since I didn’t belong there at that point. I turned myself in up at Fort Devens, the closest Army post in the area and was put in what they called a Special Detachment Unit (SPD), a unit for AWOLs and other problem children after I told them I wanted to put in for CO status.     

Now in those days except for Quakers, religious people with long histories of pacifism, it was hard to get CO status from civilian draft boards much less from the Army although federal court cases were coming through that would help both classes of cases, would help me eventually. So I put in my application, went through the procedure which I won’t go through since while I was termed “sincere” which would also help me later I was turned down. Turned down in the Army meant to get those orders to Vietnam again.

I was not going, no way not after that trial by fire in my head and that is when after a ton of thought I decided that I was going to refuse to wear the uniform at the weekly Monday morning head count, the morning report they called it to see who was in and who was missing, AWOL. I did so also carrying a sign when said “Bring The Troops Home.” Needless to say I was in trouble, deep trouble, deep trouble in the immediate sense because two burly lifer-sergeants tackled me to the ground, handcuffed me and escorted me to the stockade where they put me in solitary for a while I guess to see what kind of monster they had on their hands. I was given what they called a special court martial which was not bad since it meant the maximum they could give me was six months which they did and which I served in full at the Devens stockade. When I was released from the stockade though because of some legal action my civilian attorney provided by AFSC who had gotten before a judge  to keep me at Devens I had to go through the whole refusal thing again and again received a six month sentence. Most of which I served.         

I have to laugh when I think about it now but I could have endlessly been given six months sentences for refusing to wear the uniform and still been in the stockade or some such place today. That is where the extra civilian legal help came in to save my ass. The key point was that all the Army paperwork said I was sincere so my civilian lawyer, Steve Larkin, who worked out of an office in Central Square in Cambridge and had done a bit of military resistance work previously submitted a writ of habeas corpus to the Federal District Court in Boston stating that I had been “arbitrarily and capriciously,” those words have legal significance, denied my CO status by the Army. Of course as you know the courts take a while to make decisions on anything so I waited in jail for the decision. Steve had said to expect the worse though since the judge in the case was not known for being sympathetic to such cases. What helped was the “sincere” part and the fact that the United States Supreme Court had loosened up the standards for CO status so the judge granted the writ and after few minor delays I was honorably discharged from the Army and told never to return to a military base in this lifetime. I, a short time later, joined in the anti-war GI resistance work at a coffeehouse outside Fort Devens and later at Fort Dix down in New Jersey.

Where Sally and others had come in on my case was to organize rallies at the front gate of the fort against the war and calling for my release. As every political prisoner knows, people like Chelsea Manning today, a case that I have been involved in supporting, that outside public help went a long way toward keeping my spirits up especially after that second court-martial. So again kudos to Sally and the others who came out in support.”      

Just then Brian began what would become his common call over the next few days to line up for the next leg of the day’s walk. Sam said. “Any questions see me on the walk or tonight when we get done.”  

Sam had purposefully set himself and the VFP flag that he carried for the sections of the walk that he had participated in to be at the back of the line of march. He had privately told himself that he wanted to do so in order to make sure that nobody was left behind, no straggler got too far behind. Strangely this was one of the positive things that he had taken out of his brief Army career, the idea that you do not leave your comrades, your buddies, behind. In his work for the Chelsea Manning defense campaign he had developed a slogan of “we will not leave our sister behind” after the hubbub of the trial and sentencing in August of 2013 had placed the case off the radar in the public consciousness so he extended that idea to the walk.  The strange part is that at seventy-two some of the younger walkers, those in their fifties, thought he was a straggler and would come back to see if he was okay.

He had to laugh at least the first time the situation came up since he was a jogger of sorts and thought he was in pretty good shape for an old geezer although at the end of the eighteen mile leg from Freeport to Portland that day he admitted to one and all that he was beat, beat six ways to Sunday, and wound up going to sleep early that night. In any case several walkers worked their ways to the back of the line to ask him specific questions about his Army time and Sally came back to chat a bit but mostly into Portland he looked around at the scenery which he had passed many times before on this road and on Interstate 295 without really noticing how much greenery there was once you left the environs of Portland and how many small businesses too numerous to mention of people working out of their houses or in small shops along the route that he had never noticed before speeding by at forty or fifty miles an hour. That trend would become more pronounced the further south the walk proceeded.              

No question Sam was dogging whatever he felt his general physical condition was in going up the final small hills into Congress Street in Portland to the U/U church where the leg would end (and begin the next day) and the pot luck supper and nightly program would take place. On the legs that Sam would walk from Freeport to Portsmouth at most some thirty or so people would march for some amount of time (only six or seven would walk the whole way from Ellsworth to Portsmouth as it turned out) reflecting the demographics of the average peace activists these days, the work schedules of younger walkers and other reasons for not going on for more than a part of the walk but there had been developed over the four or five previous walks that Brian and his crew of Maine VFPers and peace activists a superstructure of people and places willing contribute time, money, space or food to assist the walkers. So each stop for the day had a place for supper available and space for the nightly program which ranged from talks about the theme-the demilitarization of the seas, some readings or singing some songs. Also most stops had activists willing to put one or more walker up for the night.

This U/U Church was one such stop and Sam was scheduled to stay with a couple who lived just outside Portland. Sam had a small amount of food that night before he tried to find a quiet place away for the crowd to grab a little sleep before he went with his hosts. He found a spot in the basement where there was a couch which he went to sleep on. When he woke up he found out that it was after 9 PM on his cellphone and going back to the supper area he found that everybody was gone so he wound up sleeping on that couch for the night. Found that he was locked in as well although his car was parked right in front of the church after the shuttling forward from Cumberland. Fortunately he had his knapsack with his toiletries and medications in it and although hungry was ready at the door when the first walkers for the next leg into Saco (pronounced Socko by the way as a born and raised resident was at pains to tell he each time he said Sacko)          

Although Sam had for the reasons already stated decided to start his walk in Freeport he was most familiar with Route One from Portland south to the New Hampshire border since he had been a life-long Mainiac (not officially of course since he had not been born there the minimum requirement for that status) having been going to Maine for some fifty years on vacations and for a period owning a condo in Wells. So all of the sights and sounds going south were now familiar and he acted as something of a “tourist guide” as they past various landmarks of note on these sections. Even gave information to some of those who lived in northern Maine as it turned out since they lived so far north they might as well have been in different states.     

Along the way to Saco the line of march passed the still operating Olde Saco Drive-In which he explained to those marchers directly in front of him had been subject to a recent forage by him and his long-time partner Laura, Laura Perkins. Back in August as they had done the previous few years since giving up the condo in Wells (didn’t use it enough both had agreed and in winter Florida beckoned to warm cold bones time) they would rent a condo in that same complex for a week or two in order to get Sam’s Maine ocean air waves splashing against the rocks fix taken care of (Laura was so-so on the matter). This year as part of the deal Laura told Sam they had to do some others things besides splash the waves and look at the rocks so Sam had come up with the old time drive-in movie idea which he had among other (not Laura who had grown up on a farm in upstate New York where her family nixed such family-friendly ideas as a Drive-Ins).

That idea was not spur of the moment on his part since he had recently purchased one of those “oldies but goodies” CD compilations of classic, now classic, rock and roll from the 1950s his coming of age time which on the cover had artwork depicting a scene with boys and girls around cars with the inevitable Drive-In intermission stand and humungous movie screen in the background. A classic picture from his youth. Classic too the way that he and his corner boys back in Carver would get into the local Cranberry Hill Drive-In (his growing up town of Carver then the cranberry bogs to the world). As he explained to Earnest, a younger fellow VFPer who said he had also come of age at the drive-ins out in the Berkshires, the gang would pile into some car (not his since he did not own one until after college and after his Army stint) and just short of the admissions stand some would got the backseat wells and into the trunk before going up to pay the fee. In those days before somebody decided that by-the-carload was more profitable it was separate admissions so maybe two guys would pay the regular fee and everybody got in for free and later they would divide up whatever the two guys who paid by the number of guys who got in. All this of course to meet up with those girls from another car who had done the same thing. Magic, pure magic.                

With this story of youthful petty larceny under his belt after telling it to Laura that past August they decided to go one weekday night to the Olde Saco. Laura not so much for the teen-age romance part although she had a gleam in her eye that night as for the fact she had never been to one. And so they went. At the now one price per carload for couples and another for families admissions stand that could have used a good painting Sam mentioned the old time trick to the young guy taking the admissions who surprised Sam by saying that he had caught some kids doing that backseat wells/trunk trick earlier in the summer. Sam raised his fist laughingly in solidarity.

Well things had certainly changed in the drive-in scene at least that night except of course for the intermission stand which also could have used a good coat of paint (maybe hadn’t been painted since Beach Blanket Bingo held forth on the screen)  since the Drive-In it was only about half full, almost exclusively families with lawn chairs out. Instead of the old time speaker that half the time you would forget to take off the driver’s side window before you left the lot leaving the damn thing twisted on the ground you tuned into a specified radio channel. Progress. What hadn’t changed, remember that gleam in Laura’s eyes, and which Sam did not mention to Earnest was how those windshields got all fogged up that night. He said he would leave that to the imagination.      

Most of the way the walkers were walking on the left side of road most of the time for two very simple reasons; it is always better on major highways, even on old time major highways with lesser traffic these days to face the on-coming traffic than to have it coming up behind you, and, that same left-side on-coming traffic is more likely to see your lead sign [a sign extolling the virtues the theme of the march  “Demilitarizing Our Seas” and some added information]  and honk support than on the right side and from the back although once the drivers caught onto whatever they thought was going on with the line of flag-waving people a fair amount of honking came from that side as well. The meaning of the honks politically was hotly debated along the line of march especially by Sam who had a theory about the gradation of support based on the extent of the honking but also about what would motivate people to do that honking rather than joining the march. We will however let Sam stew in his own juices trying to figure that one out.

What Sam did see shortly after that Olde Saco Drive-in sighting as he turned his head left to see a closed down for the season ice cream shop (usually such places are this far north are closed by Columbus Day but as you go further south in Maine the “summer season” extends a little longer and a few such spots will remain open until the end of the month, no later). He suddenly realized that it was the locally famous Martin’s Ice Cream Shop which he had been in a few years back but at night so he didn’t realize that the marchers had come up to the place that quickly. Of course the place sold very good ice cream or otherwise Laura, a real ice cream aficionado, would have turned her nose up at it and fled the place ice cream half eaten.

But what made Sam take a double-take was a memory of that night a few years back when they had entered the place and found an old time working jukebox with rock and roll hits from the 1950s and 1960s. And three for a quarter too just like back in the day. The reason that Sam and Laura were up in Maine that time, maybe mid-July was that Laura a super-computer techie had just retired from her job and they were celebrating that fact with a few days up the coast. Laura had gone over to the machine and began perusing the playlist and asked Sam for a quarter to make her selections. Sam couldn’t remember all three selections but he did remember one was Its In His Kiss. Better though was watching Laura sway with the beat of the songs, ice cream in hand, swaying like a young teenage girl full of what was ahead in life. That moment he wished he had known her then. Yeah, wished he could have seen her swaying that slender body then.           

Walking along Sam became conscious as they entered the last stretch before the nightly church stay at the Congregational Church (not U/U this time but doctrinal just as high flown Protestant god praise Jehovah as that crowd, maybe more so since that doctrine of independent lay-driven gathered church life came out of deep English revolution times and so hell and brimstone righteousness born back in those Cromwellian times) that his old haunt, his old between marriages (and at least once while married the second time) haunt, the also now closed for the season Olde Saco Motel where they did not ask questions, did not care what went on with who except keep it quiet, keep the family-friendly reputation. He had gone there so many times years back that Jim and Sarah whom he knew by first names and was on friendly terms would accept a check from him, unusual in suspicious Maine, in the suspicious hotel industry and in the heat of the Quebecois summer season. More than once he had brought some young thing there to keep him company, to “curl his toes” as the old blues singers used to say, and they were right. Just then as he walked past the forlorn place he thought about Lilly, Lilly from Saint Pierre up in the Gaspe, up high in ocean side Quebec and how she had “curled his toes and then some.” He had picked her up at Sonny Jack’s, a bar down in Old Orchard where the younger and available Quebec girls, hung out. Her English was not to good but after a few drinks, hers anisette, for him his beloved Irish whiskey and plenty of it and a couple of dances from the music of the jukebox that he went to that place to hear the language barrier was the least of their problems. So he coaxed her to his Olde Saco room about one in the morning, all quiet like and began to take his liberties with her, she didn’t resist nothing like that but when he tried to pull her panties off she said no, emphatically no, that she did not have sexual intercourse on the first date, no way. She asked in her halting English something about doing the deep French way for him which he was not sure he understood. Of course as she took down his pants and began to play the flute he got her meaning right away. Yeah, he learned that night there was more than one way to curl a guy’s toes. Deep in that thought he suddenly snapped out of it realizing he was moving too close to the highway as a blush came over him which he hoped nobody saw. Even on a sober mission Sam chuckled to himself one is not removed from the real world, not at all.                   

Walking to Arundel woods, Walking to Arundel woods the old familiar Child ballad Sam remembered from the 1960s folk minute kept pounding in his head as they began walking the next day for high Kennebunk. And strangely here this far south there are still a great many small houses separated by expanse of woods as they moved along (that great distances between houses not a plus since along with the march, banners, and programs the organizing group had put forth a leaflet to be distributed as they moved and were looking for more people to pass them out to [see above top], to be distributed along the way. Finally they got to their lunchbreak stop, a flea market area now mostly closed except for a small clot of die-hard dealers (or maybe just lonely to get out of the house and communicate with others since most of those dealers were old fogies like him.

Most days lunch was an hour or hour and proposition to allow for some rest and to make sure that the walkers did not arrive too early at the day’s end stop. Sam, after having his graham cracker and peanut butter, natural peanut butter no question, couldn’t resist checking out the various tables filled with a potpourri of wares. See in the old days Sam to help make ends meet before his law practice got off the ground would scour the flea markets looking for old letters, postcards and stamps. Made many a trip to Maine to the fleas and antique shops looking for that perfect storm treasure chest filled with old letters and stuff to be gotten for a song since back then the dealers would not have been that savvy about the value of old mildewed letters and just wanted to sell the chest for their troubles. Although Sam never found that big catch, the one to retire on, he made decent money in those days before the dealers got wise to value and publishing companies would put out catalogues for every possible kind of rarity and so he gave it up. This day though the dealers looked like something out of the Fryeburg Fair the dregs of incestuous Maine long nights, cold winters and too many close quarters. And their wares with few exceptions were mainly objects related to fishing gear, guns, hunting and king of the hill old collectibles.        

The minute that Sam heard back in Saco about that night’s stay at an alternative high school where the kids were going to prepare the meal and also were going to provide the entertainment he was intrigued. Intrigued by what such a school, an old storefront school, might look like in the 21st century of standardized tests and teaching to the tests rather than exploring subjects and ideas the old fashion way for their beauty. Long ago he had started out as a teacher with a number of friends who were looking for something to do after the Vietnam War “seeking a newer world” had run its course and the tide had ebbed leaving lots of idealistic young people perplexed about the social road forward. One of the decisions that he had made while in that Army stockade was that he would no longer pursue a legal career and instead go into teaching (he would not get back to that law school until later after several years of teaching under his belt when he went to New England School of Law nights for several years to get his degree and license).

His belief, the collective that he worked with common belief, which united them in their purpose  whatever else, was that in order change the world, in order to stop the endless wars as a matter of human policy you had to get to the kids, show them another way, a way that he had never been shown and some of his fellows either. In the early 1970s and beyond all the rage in progressive education was the idea of alternative schools, teacher-student run with plenty of liberty and plenty of ways to express yourself. Various members of the collective were driven by different models. Sam’s, after spending a summer in Cuernavaca down in Mexico with his first wife (also interested in these idea at the time) at Ivan Illich’s hacienda in the hills he took to Illich’s model, the ideas in his book De-schooling Society. And the group really did try to work out the possibilities but just ran out of steam, or had to get a “real” teaching jobs to survive or they ran up against incredible state educational bureaucratic problems even getting off the ground. So yes he was interested up in small town Maine about how successful they would be.

If you judged by the self-directedness of the students who on their own made an excellent meal, the great presentation of the program made up of music, folk music if you can believe that, and thoughtful presentations on the issues of demilitarizing the seas then the place was a success at least at a one night glance. Sam laughed to himself though as the walkers started out the next morning headed to York that maybe, just maybe, his positive attitude was egged on by the fact that for breakfast that morning someone had brought in warm apple crisps, his favorite of which he helped himself to two large servings. He had missed out on his favorite place for apple crisp back in Boston this year so this was pay-back, big pay-back.

Funny how as many times as Sam had travelled Route One in Maine mainly from Portland down that he missed a million sites that he knew that he had passed by. Sure some of the buildings and scenery had changed, what hadn’t in the fifty or so years he had been coming up to coastal Maine (the interior mainly a book sealed with seven seals and of no particular interest to him as he was not a blueberry picking alpine hunter or Fryeburg Fair denizen thank you). Of course with the Interstate, tiredness with way over developed so you might as well be in that strip mall leafy suburb you hailed from Cape Cod (and Cape Ann a little less so), some discretionary spending money and a growing cohort of those who had retired and had the leisure to head up the coast in three seasons anyway the magnet of rocky coasts was too much of a lure to keep the place semi-isolated as in the old days. The old days when a cozy cottage, a wooden cabin or a trailer would provide whatever worldly comforts were needed for a getaway weekend. Now you could hardly see the ocean stretch from the highway in say high Ogunquit without a motel, hotel, no tell impeding your view (and subject of the soft-sell “ocean view” so prevalent among the real estate set).

So yes things were different, more crowded, witness the daily mid-summer traffic jams in places like York, that same situation in Ogunquit and Wells which were hardly possible back in the day. Different but some things kind of hung on. As the walk made its morning break at Big Daddy’s, the closed for the season Big Daddy’s, in Wells he realized that some of the changes were just a matter of locale like that institution. He had first tasted Big Daddy’s ice cream (made from secret recipes according to legend) when the locale was at the Viking in Ogunquit and it was part of larger restaurant operation along that part of Route One then. That had been with his first wife whose people had a place in York and they raved about the Viking ice cream. She, they were not wrong on that account. Many years later with Laura he had come filled with those same raves and found the place had closed down. Damn. It had closed down for good as far as he knew. Then one day a few years later they were driving to Kennebunkport so Laura could look at the shops when they saw the Big Daddy’s sign and a smaller sign which indicated that the ice cream had been served previously at the old Viking. He stopped the car (holding up busy traffic) and turned around. Yes it was the same ice cream just at a different locale and which only served the ice cream not the other stuff on the Viking menu. Damn that morning he wished the place was open. Double damn.             

On the uneventful walk to York (uneventful except to bore every fellow walker who would listen to him for two minutes with his arcane knowledge of every motel on the stretch and of all the paths to the beaches) Sam thought about how fortuitous it was that he had gone to the October monthly meeting just before the walk had started up in Ellsworth since if he had not been at that gathering he probably would not have found out about the walk since he was neither a regular attender of meetings in Cambridge (too boring and too much chatter when business could be done in about an hour rather than the two it usually took) nor looked at the notices that came thundering through his e-mail service. He was very much a member for the big occasions, the parade marches on Saint Patrick’s Day and Armistice Day, the memorial services scattered throughout the year, the various social events, fund-raisers and such and former coordinator Paul Sullivan’s get-away weekends in York where they were now heading. Yes it would be good to rest his head in Paul’s bungalow which he had slept in on previous trips and was scheduled to sleep in that night since priority had been given to walkers over those who were just coming up from Boston to show solidarity or to walk the final full day. Paul of course a big burly Irishman, who had done hard service in Vietnam when it counted, also loved to organize social events, events like providing a memorable stay for the walkers on the night before their last full day of walking. And he did, had several Smedley’s come up to help him, several more including him to march the final day to the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard (which as Sam kept harping on was actually in Kittery, Maine across the river). He provided a full spread of food for all kinds of eaters, including vegans for the dinner (and breakfast) that had been authorized by the Executive Committee who voted that the chapter would pick-up the bill, provided a musical line-up, including himself on the banjo and to top things off got the chapter-affiliated marching band, the Leftist Lunge to perform as the weary marchers made the turn to his house. Oh yeah and had Mother Nature provide a sunny day and high tide to splash against the rocks on the ocean across the street from his house.      

Sam said the final day, final full day, he (and the others as well) was full of piss and vinegar to finish up strong at the Naval Base and then the short march across the bridge to Prospect Park in Portsmouth by the river where a planned program to greet the walkers was to take place. It was a breezy day so the VFP flags (and the others too) were in full bloom looking very good as the most walkers on the walk according to Brian showed up to close out the 175 mile righteous march. Everybody pushed hard as well because the fourteen miles to the base had to be done in order to catch the Friday afternoon shifts coming out of the main entrance and show the “colors.” When they arrived they split into two on either side of the exit (the federal police who manned the gate had told them that a blue line painted on the entrance road could not be passed or they were subject to arrest). So they stayed there for an hour as the staggered shifts went Friday night home.

All the great honking along the way down Route One was totally missing as the men and women came out and many shook their heads in dismay or disgust. See they thought the demonstrators, and that is what one guy told Sam he thought they were, wanted the workers to lose their jobs by shutting down the base and losing their livelihoods certainly a reason for scowls and dirty looks. This though is where Sam thought things broke down a little, couldn’t help but break down in the face of the workers’ confusion. The idea of the march was not to throw anybody on the scrapheap except maybe the naval personnel but to convert the current wasteful and destructive military uses to more productive pursuits but that probably seemed utopian to the scowling workers and hellish to the military contractors. No question much work needed to be done that could not be done that day to inform and detail what that non-military use of the seas might look like. Sam said he repeatedly sighed when thinking about the tasks of education ahead.

The next morning a short rally and walk back to the Naval Base in Kittery took place but the real deal had been the long march to affect history and to get those scowls from the previous day to go away.

 

Why Communists Do Not Celebrate The Fourth Of July- A Guest Commentary

Why Communists Do Not Celebrate The Fourth Of July- A Guest Commentary

 

Markin comment

To answer the question posed by my headline to this entry here is the guest commentary that will more than detail the reasons that while we respect and learn from the lessons of the American Revolution we do not celebrate the holiday associated with that revolution


Workers Vanguard No. 942
11 September 2009

Slavery and the Origins of American Capitalism

Part One

We print below, in slightly edited form, a presentation by Jacob Zorn to a Spartacist League educational in New York on 30 March 2008, the first of several classes on black history and the development of the American labor movement.

This is not going to be a history class of everything that happened from 1492 to 1860; the material is too immense. I want to focus on the salient political points for this period, and also to try to set up the next class, on the Civil War. We are historical materialists, and as such we say that black oppression—and we say this often in WV—is not just a bunch of bad ideas but has a material, that is to say, a historical and class, basis. What I want to do in the class is explain the origins of this material basis. In the second class and in subsequent classes, this will be developed further. These are the three things I specifically want to drive home:

1. How slavery in the Americas was central to the development of capitalism, both on an international level and also here in the United States.

2. How elements of the contemporary black question, including the very concept of race, have their roots in the system of slavery.

3. How throughout every step of the development of the United States up through 1860 slavery was integral, from the colonial period, through the American war of independence, to the Constitution, and then culminating in the struggle that led up to the Civil War.

Marx and Primitive Capitalist Accumulation

I want to begin with what Marx calls the primitive accumulation of capital, which was discussed in one of the readings for this class, in the first volume of Capital. Marx has a very powerful quote in there: “In actual history, it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly force, play the great part.” And that’s kind of a summary of what I’m going to be talking about: enslavement, robbery and murder.

I’m not going to go over much of the European background, although it’s worth reviewing our pamphlet, Enlightenment Rationalism and the Origins of Marxism (1998), and also some of the articles we’ve written on the English Civil War, in addition to the Capital reading. Marx talks about the bloody origins of capitalism, and one of the key events was the enclosure acts that threw the peasantry off the land in England and Scotland in order to kind of kick-start capitalism. As Marx describes, in Europe this resulted both in a class that owned the means of production (because land became necessary as a means of production, for wool and other things) and also a class that owned nothing but its labor power. One result, necessary for the British colonization of North America, is that it created a large surplus of people in England who were subject to incredibly harsh punishment for very small crimes and for whom even colonial Virginia looked like a good escape.

Marx also talks about how the conquest of America, both North and South America and the Caribbean, was also key in the development of world capitalism. A key element of this was the dispossession of the indigenous population, a dispossession that was extremely violent and genocidal. If you want a taste of what this was like, you should read the writings of a Spanish priest by the name of Bartolomé de las Casas, which go into a lot of the gratuitous violence: about 95 percent of the pre-Colombian indigenous population was killed, perhaps 90 million people. But this early Spanish colonization, which was largely based on extracting gold and silver, fueled the development not only of Spanish but also of Dutch and English capitalism.

In North America, primitive capitalist accumulation meant not only dispossessing the indigenous population of the land, but also finding somebody to do the work, since in North America the English really didn’t use the Indians as a labor force. A comrade brought to my attention a really good article in WV No. 581 (30 July 1993), “Genocide ‘Made in USA’,” that shows how the destruction of millions of people was key in the building of the American nation and the laying of the basis for the development of North American capitalism, and how it left a birthmark of racism on American capitalism from the get-go. But fundamentally the colonists in North America had the opposite problem from what the ruling class in Britain had: that is, there was an abundance of land but a shortage of people to work on it.

I want to make the point that a lot of the history of the Americas, especially here in the United States, tends to be focused on North America. But in the early years of colonization, the most desired area of the Americas was really the Caribbean, and it was much later that North America was colonized—and not only by the English: there were Spanish outposts (for example, St. Augustine, Florida, is the longest continuously settled city founded by Europeans in the current U.S.); there was French fur trading in Quebec and plantation agriculture in Louisiana; and also obviously the Dutch in New Jersey and New York, as well as the British in Virginia. There was a lot of competition among these different European powers, and we’ll look especially at the rivalry of the Dutch and the English in terms of mercantilism.

Capitalism and Slavery

The readings talk about “chattel slavery.” So what exactly is a chattel slave? It’s not a concept that is used much today. “Chattel” means personal property. It’s related to the word “cattle.” And that is what slaves were: they were legally property that was sold and sometimes killed.

In the abstract, capitalism and slavery are fundamentally counterposed systems. One is based on free labor, and the other, on slave labor. Many of the advocates of capitalism opposed chattel slavery not only because they thought it was morally wrong, but also because they thought it was retrogressive. In The Wealth of Nations (1776), Adam Smith wrote: “From the experience of all ages and nations, I believe, that the work done by freemen comes cheaper in the end than that performed by slaves” and “Whatever work he does beyond what is sufficient to purchase his own maintenance can be squeezed out of him by violence only, and not by any interest of his own.”

Likewise, Alexander Hamilton, about whom we will be talking in a bit, said that slavery “relaxes the sinews of industry, clips the wings of commerce, and introduces misery and indigence in every shape” (quoted in James Oliver Horton, “Alexander Hamilton: Slavery and Race in a Revolutionary Generation,” New-York Journal of American History [Spring 2004]). The piece that comrades read from Eugene Genovese, “The Slave South: An Interpretation,” in The Political Economy of Slavery (1965) shows how, as a system, slavery was not capitalist; the slavocracy in the American South had its own productive system, its own values—or, to use Genovese’s phrase, its own “civilization”—that derived from this non-bourgeois system. Slavery was fundamentally different from capitalism.

However, capitalism did not evolve in the abstract, but in the concrete, and slavery was fundamental to this development. Even though the slave system itself was not capitalist, slavery was central to the development of capitalism, both in the U.S. and internationally. Slavery was also a very profitable “industry”—for lack of a better term—in its own right, and international and American capitalists are indelibly stained with slavery.

Slavery, of course, is not only a precapitalist, but also a prefeudal system of production. There is a brilliant book by Karl Kautsky called the Foundations of Christianity (1908) that, among other things, analyzes the importance of slavery in ancient Rome. Many of the elements of slavery in America are actually discussed by Kautsky in his treatment of plantation or mining slavery in Rome. He distinguishes, for example, between slavery for domestic use and slavery for profit, or commodity slavery. Obviously, commodity production in ancient Rome did not reach the level that it does under capitalism, but he made the point that when slaves make commodities that are then sold for the profit of their masters, the masters increase the exploitation of the slaves, which can only be done through immense oppression and brutality. Kautsky describes in detail a lot of the very brutal nature of Roman slavery, and he traces the decline of Rome to the contradictions in its slave system. For our purposes, one of the key elements, however, that is missing in Kautsky’s piece is race. This is not an accident, because, as we’ll see, Roman slavery was not a racial form of slavery.

With the destruction of the centralized Roman state in West Europe and the development of feudalism, slavery largely died out in medieval Europe. In 1086, for example, about 10 percent of the English population were slaves, but slavery was not central to medieval society. It was still practiced in the Mediterranean and parts of the Arab world, but in West Europe, feudalism was the dominant system, with serfdom the main productive form of labor.

The development of the English colonies in the Americas was concurrent with the development of capitalism in Britain—it was going on at the same time as the English Civil War, and there were various political intrigues over whom the colonies would support; there are cities in the United States named after both King Charles I and Cromwell, for example. Yet, the contradiction is that the rise of capitalism was accompanied with a new rise of slavery. Particularly in the English case, this was accompanied by the creation of the world sugar market. Eating sugar is not based on slavery, but the creation of the sugar market was.

I want to make some points about the development of slavery in the Americas. The first is that there is a prehistory: before the Spanish arrived in America, the Portuguese had begun using slave labor on plantations in their island colonies off Africa, such as Madeira and the Azores. By 1452, the Pope had given the Portuguese the right to trade slaves, and in 1479 the Spanish crown gave Portugal a monopoly over the slave trade. By 1502, there is evidence of black slaves in the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo

—that is to say 130 years before the English planters really began using slaves in the Caribbean and almost 200 years before slavery became entrenched in what would become the United States, in Virginia.

Slavery was crucial in almost every European colony throughout the Americas, and from the 16th century through the mid 19th century between 10 and 12 million Africans were “traded” as slaves. And it was extremely violent: depending on what century you’re looking at, between 10 and 40 percent of the slaves died in transit. Ninety-five percent of these African slaves ended up in either the Caribbean or Latin America. North America received a relatively small fraction of all the African slaves, and this would have important ramifications on how slavery developed here.

Although the first slaves arrived in Virginia in 1619, for most of the 17th century the dominant labor system in Virginia was indentured servitude, which was a really nasty and brutal system. If it weren’t for the slave system that came after, we would probably label indentured servitude one of the most brutal systems known. Indentured servants agreed to work for a period of years, usually between five and seven, in exchange for transportation to America. They might be promised land at the end of their terms.

But to begin with, many indentured servants did not live to the end of their terms of service. While they were servants, they were subjected to extremely harsh discipline and punishment. They could be whipped, they could be beaten, they could be sold for the duration of their terms of service. They worked a lot harder than English peasants worked, and a lot of what we think of as unique to slavery was also present in various ways in indentured servitude. Many servants ran away.

By the mid-to-late 1600s, from the point of view of the planters, there developed several problems with indentured servitude. Servants were living longer. (Incidentally, one of the reasons that they began to live longer is that they began to drink more alcohol and not drink polluted water.) This meant that there began to develop a layer of unruly and dissatisfied ex-indentured servants, making Virginia more and more unstable. The danger of this was highlighted in 1676 with Bacon’s Rebellion, when poor whites, mostly former indentured servants, and blacks united against the colonial government—in this case, to demand that the colonial government, among other things, drive out the Indians. But at the same time, fewer and fewer Europeans were willing to come to America as servants, partly because England was developing economically and partly because news got around England of what servitude was like, and it did not seem so attractive as it might have before.

So the fact that servants were living longer at the end of the 17th century made slavery (which was for life) more attractive, from the point of view of the planters, than servitude (which was usually for less than a decade). The planters in Virginia began to import slaves in larger and larger numbers. By the first decade of the 18th century, Virginia had been transformed from a society in which slaves were present into a society in which slavery was the central productive relationship, a slave society. This was not the only slave society in the Americas, but it was quite different from the slave societies in the Caribbean or Brazil.

When I was preparing this class, comrade Foster raised the interesting question: why did it take a revolution—the Civil War—to get rid of slavery in the United States, whereas in many other countries (not all of them, Haiti also obviously had a revolution) it did not take a revolution to get rid of slavery. There are various reasons, but one is that in the American South there were more slaveowners, many owning relatively few slaves, so that slavery was much more entrenched in colonial society and in later U.S. society. But importantly, from the point of view of the planters, slavery not only offered a source of labor, but also it offered a source of social stability, because with slavery came what veteran American Trotskyist Richard S. Fraser calls the concept of race.

The Race Concept

I’m not going to talk a lot about it because comrades are familiar, but there is no scientific basis for this concept of race. At the same time, various academics like to talk about race being “socially constructed.” But even though race is not scientifically real, it is very, very real. It affects almost every aspect of one’s life in this country, as we are reminded when we look at the newspaper every day. Marx, dealing with religion, wrote in The German Ideology (1846) that religion has no history—that is to say, no history independent of the social conditions that created it. So as Marxists, we understand that race is not just a bad idea, but one that developed out of a social system of production, a system of social relations, chattel slavery. This is explained very well in Fraser’s “The Negro Struggle and the Proletarian Revolution” [in Prometheus Research Series No. 3, August 1990, “In Memoriam: Richard S. Fraser”]. And for comrades who are interested in a more in-depth look at it, there is also a very good book on the creation of the idea of race in America by Winthrop Jordan, called White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (1968), that goes back to the 16th century.

Chattel slavery is an inherently inhuman system. It involves degrading an entire group of people, putting them by definition outside the realm of both legal and moral protection. Chattel slaves are not legally human. As John Locke said in Two Treatises of Government, in 1690, slaves “are by the Right of Nature subjected to the Absolute Dominion and Arbitrary Power of their masters. These Men cannot in that state be considered as any part of Civil Society….” This would later be paraphrased in the Dred Scott decision that the black man had no rights that the white man was bound to respect. The concept of race served as a justification for slavery, conflating class status—slavery—with physical features: skin color. While there were some free blacks, even in the South, being black became equated with being a slave, that is, outside of the norms of human society. It’s also useful to keep in mind that, of course, Africans at the time of slavery were not all of the same “race,” either: there were very different societies in Africa, and if we could borrow a term, we could talk about “how Africans became black.” Frederick Douglass has an important statement from when slavery was still in existence:

“We are then a persecuted people, not because we are colored, but simply because that color has for a series of years been coupled in the public mind with the degradation of slavery and servitude.”

—“Prejudice Against Color” (1850), in The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Vol. 2,

ed. Philip S. Foner (1950)

This is the beginning of the material basis for the creation of a race-color caste in North America. And it’s not an accident that laws banning interracial sex and marriage were passed in Virginia and Maryland at the same time that slavery became consolidated in the late 1600s and early 1700s.

The idea of race was defended using the so-called “Curse of Ham” from the Bible, which is the idea that blackness was a curse from God, going back to Noah. And there was in fact slavery in biblical times, and you can find lots of passages in the Bible about slavery, and these were used to justify American slavery. I don’t want to defend the honor of the Old Testament, but nowhere is racial slavery mentioned in the Bible because it did not exist. Comrade Don pointed out a very interesting article by George Breitman that was published in the Spring 1954 issue of Fourth International, called “When Anti-Negro Prejudice Began,” that looks at the development of racism. And he shows that in the ancient world, there was no one group of people that was by definition enslaved, nor was slavery confined to one particular group. This idea of race did not make sense—it didn’t exist. So, racial slavery did not exist.

I also want to make an aside that race in the U.S. is different than race in other places, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean, which had different types of slavery. There’s a myth in Brazil called “racial democracy,” which is that there’s really no such thing as race in Brazil; everybody’s Brazilian. This is obviously untrue, but it does reflect the fact that there was a different expression of slavery there. A lot of the difference has to do with how slavery developed in North America and the nature of British mercantilism. At the time the Virginian planters began to use slaves, the Dutch had already taken over the slave trade from the Portuguese, and because of Dutch-English rivalries, in 1651 Navigation Acts were passed, making it illegal for British colonists to buy products from other countries. Slaves were included as “products,” obviously. This had an important ramification on the importation of slaves. In fact, many of the early slaves in Virginia were not actually from Africa, but from Barbados. It’s also important to keep in mind that from the British perspective, the center of the slave trade was not in North America but in the Caribbean.

Therefore, the slave population in North America became a lot more stable, tended to live a lot longer and have more children. The details, for example, of slavery in Jamaica are horrid. The average slave tended to die within seven years of arriving in Jamaica. Therefore, although the slave trade provided only half a million African slaves to North America, by the time of the Civil War, the slave population in the United States had grown to four million people. A lot of this has to do with the demographics. In the British Caribbean, many plantations were left in the hands of overseers, while their absentee owners were content to stay in Britain. Eric Williams talks about this in his book, Capitalism and Slavery (1944). In North America, the planters became more Americanized, and they tended to stay in North America. For example, the Lee family of Virginia arrived around 1639; the Washingtons arrived around the same time.

In the Caribbean, the plantations were much larger, and slaveowners there had more slaves than in North America. One result of this is that African culture was destroyed through the experience of slavery to a much larger degree in North America than in the Caribbean or Brazil. As Fraser put it in “The Negro Struggle and the Proletarian Revolution,” in the United States “the Negro people are among the oldest of all the immigrant groups. They are essentially American.” And this is also shown in Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, in which Douglass pointedly calls himself An American Slave in the title. He illustrates that slaves in the U.S. spoke English, were largely Christian (he’s very powerful on the role of Christianity in supporting slavery), and were an organic part of American society. This is different than in Haiti, for example, where at the time of the Haitian Revolution, two-thirds of the black population were born in Africa. Or in Cuba. There’s a book by Miguel Barnet, The Autobiography of a Runaway Slave (1966), based on interviews with a former slave who was born 50 years after Douglass, Esteban Montejo, that talks about how even in the late 19th century there were lots of aspects of African culture that survived in Cuba.

So that’s an important part of understanding the integral and unique nature of slavery in the U.S., which has programmatic implications today: there’s no separate black nation, and our program is one of revolutionary integrationism.

Slavery and the Development of Capitalism

One of the strengths of the Williams book is that he shows how the development of British industrial capitalism was to a large degree based upon slavery. The bourgeoisie in Liverpool, Manchester and the City of London became rich through the slave trade, later through sugar trading, and then with textile production that used slave-produced cotton. Of course slavery was not what provided the labor in England in the development of English capitalism or the industrial revolution. But after the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, and then slavery itself in the British Caribbean in the 1830s, British capitalism still depended on slavery because the textile mills of Manchester, for example, needed cotton. In 1860, about 75 percent of all British cotton came from the American South. This is part of the reason, as Marx wrote at the time, that a section of the British bourgeoisie supported the South during the American Civil War.

Also, throughout the late 18th century, there was slavery in much of the North (comrades might remember the very good “Slavery in New York” exhibit at the New York Historical Society), even though it was not the central method of production. By the early 19th century, slavery as a social relationship had mostly disappeared from the North (the last Northern state to free its slaves was New Jersey, in 1846). But the main connection between the nascent bourgeoisie and slavery was not that they owned slaves.

There is a very interesting book called Complicity: How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and Profited from Slavery (2005), written by three reporters for the Hartford Courant. It shows how the Northern bourgeoisie was connected to the slave system by a million threads: they bought molasses, which was made with slave labor, and sold rum as part of the Triangle Trade; they lent money to Southern planters; and most of the cotton that was sold to Britain was shipped through Northern ports, including here in New York City. They financed the slave trade, and even after it became illegal, there were still ships leaving from New York that were involved in slave trading. And they sold manufactured goods to the South. This is the background to the relationship between Northern capitalism and slavery. Capitalism is very different from slavery, but at the same time they are very historically connected.

[TO BE CONTINUED]

Workers Vanguard No. 943

25 September 2009

Slavery and the Origins of American Capitalism

Part Two

We print below, in slightly edited form, Part Two of a presentation by Jacob Zorn to a Spartacist League educational in New York on 30 March 2008. Part One of this talk, published in WV No. 942 (11 September), focused on the centrality of black chattel slavery to the early development of capitalism.

I want to talk about the American Revolution, which we don’t write about all that much. I think there are two essential pitfalls in dealing with the American Revolution. One was shown most fully by Earl Browder, the head of the Communist Party (CP) during its popular-front phase in the mid 1930s. In What Is Communism?—the same book in which he tried to show that “Communism is the Americanism of the twentieth century”—Browder argued that the American Revolution of 1776 was essentially the model of the popular front. (There’s a novel by Howard Fast called Citizen Tom Paine, written during World War II, where he also makes this argument, that Tom Paine came up with the idea of a popular front against British colonialism.) The second pitfall is to pretend that the American Revolution isn’t really important at all.

There’s a WV article that was part of the readings, called “Why We Don’t Celebrate July 4” [WV No. 116, 2 July 1976], which is very useful. But just because we don’t celebrate the Fourth of July doesn’t mean that we think the revolution was unimportant. The revolution was, so far as it went, both important and progressive—the main thing is that it didn’t go all that far. The American Revolution was a bourgeois revolution in the sense that it laid the basis for the development of American capitalism, but keep in mind that Britain in 1776 was not a feudal society—the English Civil War had happened more than 100 years earlier. Socially, the revolution was an alliance between the planter elites of the Southern colonies, which obviously were based on slavery, and the merchants of the Northern colonies because both of them wanted to break away from the constraints of British mercantilism. Thus, the revolution spurred not only the development of American capitalism, but also the development of the slave system in the South. The revolution itself cemented the alliance between capitalism and slavery, an alliance that would later—to borrow a phrase from the Communist Manifesto—have to be burst asunder. But one of the interesting points about the American Revolution is that this relationship was almost not burst asunder. The revolution did not solve the question of which of these two systems would dominate; and in that sense, the Civil War really was the Second American Revolution. This is another part of the answer to comrade Foster’s question: Why did there need to be a Civil War? I think the American Revolution kind of set it up, in that sense.

I want to talk about the political significance of the revolution, however. Many of the ideals of the revolution, which drew upon the Parliamentary side of the English Civil War, are, in and of themselves, important. The right to bear arms, the separation of church and state, representative democracy, republicanism and colonial independence are good things. It’s worth reading Common Sense by Thomas Paine. Some of these ideas were quite radical for the time—and I would just remind comrades that in Britain there is still both a crown and an established church. Plus, the founding fathers were by and large secular. I don’t think that if George Washington had said that God had told him to fight England that people would have taken him seriously. That’s another point that our article on the Fourth of July makes—that even by bourgeois standards, the leaders of the American Revolution stand several heads and shoulders above the current leaders.

The Nature of the American Revolution

The American Revolution, however, was not a social revolution, unlike either the French or the Haitian revolutions that immediately followed it. The question of the revolution was not whether the goal of the colonies was to be capitalist, or to make money, but for whom the colonies would be making money. It is important to keep in mind that of all the British colonies in America, the West Indies—the so-called “sugar colonies”—were much more important than the mainland North American colonies. The Northern colonies, as Eric Williams describes, essentially existed to provide food and other supplies to the Caribbean colonies. They preferred importing food, even at very high prices, from North America to wasting land that could otherwise be used for sugar. And in an earlier book, The Negro in the Caribbean (1942), Williams described how even then, most of the fish eaten in the Caribbean was imported from elsewhere, even though obviously the Caribbean is made up of islands. And the West Indian planters were a powerful section of the British ruling class, including many representatives in Parliament. So Parliament was not going to do anything that would harm the interests of these planters.

Under British mercantilism, there were basically two ways that the North American colonies were important to Britain. Under the Navigation Act of 1651, and later the Molasses Act of 1733, they were supposed to trade only with other British colonies. For the North, these acts were largely dead letters; they traded with whomever they wanted to trade. Northern merchants regularly bought molasses from French colonies, which tended to be more productive and sold cheaper, and they sold rum and other products—made directly or indirectly from slave labor—to non-British colonies. The planters in the South were expected to sell tobacco only to the British, but they found ways to get around this. The other important role of the North American colonies was to pay taxes. And tobacco was taxed at this time, in much of the 18th century, not by its value (i.e., by the price), but by how much was actually grown, so that as the planters’ profits declined, their taxes often still increased. So, in much of the 18th century, even though the sugar colonies were much more profitable, they paid much less in taxes than did Virginia. And Virginia, in fact, paid more taxes to the royal treasury than any other colony. Nonetheless, for most of this period, the British government had a policy that was called salutary—or benign—neglect, allowing the colonies to ignore much of the mercantile laws while the colonies ran themselves.

This all changed at the end of the Seven Years (or the French and Indian) War, in 1763, which, in America at least, was fought in part over control of the Caribbean and French Canada. It was very complicated, and in some ways perhaps the first world war, drawing in every European power. But two trends merged at the end of this war. Britain ended the war with immense holdings in North America, with a large empire, and the newly crowned George III wanted to reassert a vigorous role for the British Crown. But the British were broke after the war and looked to America as a way of paying for this. As the Encyclopedia Britannica puts it, the British “felt that the colonies were ungrateful children, ready to profit from the security our arms had gained for them, but unwilling to pay the price.”

So Parliament and George III, in a rather ham-handed way, passed a series of laws regarding the colonies (if you remember ninth grade, you probably went through them). But the bottom line is that these laws convinced both the American planters in the South and the merchants in the North that as long as they continued to remain a part of the British system, they would not be able to develop in the way that they wanted. And slavery was central to all of this, both because the main product that was being sent from Virginia—tobacco—was made with slave labor, but also because sugar and other things that were being traded in the North were an integral part of the Triangle Trade between Europe, the American colonies and Africa.

Slavery and the American Revolution

There is a great article that deals with the American Revolution in WV No. 764, called “The Haitian Revolution and the American Slavocracy.” Many comrades don’t remember it because it was published on September 14, 2001, but it explains how the American Revolution did not involve a social revolutionary component that was equivalent, for example, to the sans-culottes in France. It did not fundamentally change the class structure of the United States. But in order to mobilize the mass of the white populace—small farmers, artisans, shopkeepers—to risk their lives and livelihoods against Britain, the wealthy colonial elites had to tell them that all men, having been created equal, were entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

One of the key ways they were able to do this was through the institution of slavery, and the American rulers could give political rights to whites because the central labor force in the American South was slaves, who were excluded from all this. This is one of the reasons that there was no regime of plebeian terror in the American Revolution as there was in France; there was no Robespierre or, as in the English Civil War, Cromwell. Famously, in writing the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson, himself a slaveholder (he owned about 200 slaves), had put in some mild anti-slavery language, blaming George III for supporting the slave trade. This was taken out at the insistence of the slaveholders. That is to say, slavery couldn’t be touched.

From the revolution until the Constitution was adopted, the law of the land was what is called the Articles of Confederation. They allowed each state to regulate its own affairs, including whether to have slavery or not—this is the concept which later is called “states’ rights.” Earl Browder, in the same piece I referenced earlier, wrote that the Constitution was a “counter-revolution engineered by Alexander Hamilton.” (Given that this was about the same time that Browder was defending the Stalinist Moscow Trials in the USSR, his idea of a political counterrevolution might be somewhat suspect.) The CP fundamentally preferred the side of Jefferson—their school here in New York City, for example, was called the Jefferson School of Social Science. Jefferson liked to talk of individual liberties, and in some ways he is one of the more eloquent spokesmen for the American Revolution. But the system that was set up was really a cover, to a large degree, for slavery. Jefferson’s traditional enemy is considered to be Alexander Hamilton, and there are a lot of bad things about Alexander Hamilton, I suppose—he was willing to sacrifice political liberty upon the altar of bourgeois development, and he feared the people having too much power. But one of the key things was that he opposed slavery. If any of the founding fathers were vindicated by the Civil War, I think it was really Alexander Hamilton, who was in favor of a strong central government to develop capitalism, was opposed to slavery, and who also proposed arming blacks in the American Revolution, something that, again, the slaveholders opposed. Part of this is probably his own background, because he came from the British Caribbean and was intimately familiar with slavery.

Although the Constitution did represent a move away from the more egalitarian goals, or at least the rhetoric, of the revolution, it was carried out largely by the same men who made the revolution—as our piece in 1976 put it, they died of old age. It was not really a political counterrevolution in the same way that you can talk about Thermidor in the French Revolution, because there was not really a Robespierre in the American Revolution. The closest you would have, I guess, would be Daniel Shays, who in late 1786 in western Massachusetts rebelled against high taxes. It was fundamentally a different type of revolution.

The Constitution of 1787 was pushed by Alexander Hamilton in order to create a centralized government that would have the power to help create a unified, capitalist country. It was not very democratic, even if we exclude the question of slavery. In this context, I recommend section three in the July 2003 amici curiae (friends of the court) brief by the Partisan Defense Committee on Jose Padilla, which is called, “It Took a Civil War to Establish the Rights and Privileges of United States Citizenship.” It makes the point that federalism—the so-called separation of powers, including between the states and the national government—really allowed slavery to exist until the Civil War. Therefore, the Constitution of 1787 codified the coexistence of two battling social systems, with the South given extra power.

I’m sure comrades have listened to, or at least read, Barack Obama’s recent “A More Perfect Union” speech, where he argues that:

“The answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.”

Well, no, the Constitution actually made resolving this question short of a Civil War largely impossible. Also—it’s interesting—when he lists all the bad things about the Constitution, he leaves out the most important part, which is the three-fifths compromise, which not only said that blacks are 60 percent human beings, but essentially gave the slave South control of the federal government. As Frederick Douglass put it in an article titled “The Constitution and Slavery” (1849): “Under it, the slave system has enjoyed a large and domineering representation in Congress, which has given laws to the whole Union in regard to slavery, ever since the formation of the government.” Out of the three-fifths clause we also have the amazing contraption of the electoral college, which basically was designed to, and did, give the South the presidency, by giving more power to states that owned slaves. Some nine out of the first 15 presidents were Southerners, most from Virginia. So slavery was not, as Obama put it—and it’s not just Obama, it’s a common liberal myth—a “stain” on early American politics and society, but an essential thread woven throughout the development of American capitalism. It’s a fundamental aspect, not extraneous or peripheral.

The Bill of Rights was adopted in 1791 in order to get the states to support the adoption of the Constitution, and this is what the Padilla brief calls the “Second Constitution.” And these recognized important rights, but they still did not define any sense of national citizenship, something that would not come until the Civil War. In fact, one of the reasons that the framers didn’t put these rights in the original Constitution is that they didn’t want to start off saying that “all men are equal” again. That is to say, they didn’t want to have anything that could be seen as challenging slavery. Of course, a point that is made in the Padilla brief and that we have often made since the “war on terror” began is that rights are not just granted by a piece of paper but also reflect what type of social struggle is going on in society.


Workers Vanguard No. 944
9 October 2009

Slavery and the Origins of American Capitalism

Part Three

We print below, in slightly edited form, the third and final part of a presentation by Jacob Zorn to a Spartacist League educational in New York on 30 March 2008. The first two parts were published in WV Nos. 942 and 943 (11 September and 25 September).

One way of contrasting the American Revolution to the French Revolution is to look at the case of Tom Paine. In the American Revolution, he was the far-left wing. But when he went to France, while he supported the French Revolution, he ended up essentially on the right wing of the revolution. It wasn’t his ideas that changed so much as the context. And when the Haitian Revolution erupted in 1791, even the elements of the American Revolution that supported the French Revolution, such as Jefferson, hated the Haitian Revolution and wanted to drown it in blood, because they saw in it a spectre that would threaten slavery in the South. Interestingly, Hamilton was one of the more open to recognizing Haiti as an independent country, partly because he hated France. Also, it’s interesting that the leaders of the American Revolution who were the most anti-slavery—Alexander Hamilton and Tom Paine—were not really American in the traditional sense. Tom Paine had just come over from Britain, and Hamilton was from the West Indies.

I do not want to suggest that the American Revolution was nothing more than a pro-slavery rebellion. As the article on Haiti points out, “To be sure, some radical elements in the American Revolution, including Thomas Paine, denounced slavery as a moral evil and called for its abolition. And Jefferson himself was well aware—and was constantly reminded by his liberal and radical English and French friends—that black chattel slavery was blatantly incompatible with the democratic principles he so eloquently proclaimed” (WV No. 764, 14 September 2001).

The common way liberals and idealists deal with this problem, especially with Jefferson, is to say that the ideals of Jefferson transcended the reality of Jefferson (and other founders)—that this was their own personal weakness. But in reality, whatever his personal weaknesses, Jefferson’s beliefs reflected the interests of his class, which was the slavocracy, and it was social struggle that expanded bourgeois-democratic rights to black people, including through the Civil War, and not a closer reading of the Declaration of Independence.

Incidentally, abolitionists such as William Lloyd Garrison rejected the entire Constitution—they called it a “covenant with death”—because it was pro-slavery, but in some ways they drew the wrong conclusion. That is to say, they avoided political struggle in favor of “moral suasion.” But their analysis of the Constitution as pro-slavery was correct. When Frederick Douglass broke with Garrison, he also changed his views of the Constitution.

The Early U.S. and Slavery

To many, the pro-slavery nature of the Constitution at the time may have appeared justified because many people thought that slavery would die a slow but natural death: the international slave trade was going to be abolished, the fertility of the soil in tobacco country was declining, and tobacco prices were in decline. But two things gave the Southern slavocracy a renewed lease on life, and Jefferson was at least indirectly involved in both. One was the invention of the cotton gin in the 1790s that made slave-produced cotton profitable. Jefferson as secretary of state approved the patent by Eli Whitney, and he also bought one of the earliest models. The second was the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, in which Jefferson as president basically illegally doubled the size of the United States. There is a whole debate in the history books over whether Napoleon or Jefferson was the one most responsible for the Louisiana Purchase. But in reality I think it was Toussaint L’Ouverture—by having defeated the French in Haiti, he made it so that Napoleon wanted to wash his hands of any colonies in America as quickly as possible.

Taken together, these developments increased the power of the Southern slavocracy and propelled them into conflict with the North. As we all know, this conflict between the capitalist North and the slave South eventually led to the Civil War, the second bourgeois revolution in the United States. However, the Northern capitalists were not engaged in one unceasing revolutionary struggle. Key elements of the Northern bourgeoisie were all too eager to cohabit with slavery because it was profitable. However, by the mid 19th century, the development of capitalism as a whole increasingly came into conflict with the domination of the Southern system in national politics. Marx in 1861 sarcastically described what he called the Northern bourgeoisie’s “long hesitations, and an exhibition of forbearance unknown in the annals of European history,” in describing their willingness to compromise with the South.

And in fact, Marx was one of the greatest observers of the class dynamics of American politics. Here’s a rather long quote from the same article by Marx:

“The progressive abuse of the Union by the slave power, working through its alliance with the Northern Democratic party, is, so to say, the general formula of the United States history since the beginning of this century. The successive compromise measures mark the successive degrees of the encroachment by which the Union became more and more transformed into the slave of the slave-owner. Each of these compromises denotes a new encroachment of the South, a new concession of the North. At the same time none of the successive victories of the South was carried but after a hot contest with an antagonistic force in the North, appearing under different party names with different watchwords and under different colors. If the positive and final result of each single contest told in favor of the South, the attentive observer of history could not but see that every new advance of the slave power was a step forward to its ultimate defeat. Even at the times of the Missouri Compromise the contending forces were so evenly balanced that Jefferson, as we see from his memoirs, apprehended the Union to be in danger of splitting on that deadly antagonism. The encroachments of the slaveholding power reached their maximum point, when, by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, for the first time in the history of the United States, as Mr. [Stephen] Douglas himself confessed, every legal barrier to the diffusion of Slavery within the United States territories was broken down, when, afterward, a Northern candidate bought his Presidential nomination by pledging the Union to conquer or purchase in Cuba a new field of dominion for the slaveholder; when, later on, by the Dred Scott decision, diffusion of Slavery by the Federal power was proclaimed as the law of the American Constitution, and lastly, when the African slave-trade was de facto reopened on a larger scale than during the times of its legal existence. But, concurrently with this climax of Southern encroachments, carried by the connivance of the Northern Democratic party, there were unmistakable signs of Northern antagonistic agencies having gathered such strength as must soon turn the balance of power.”

—“The American Question in England” (1861)

So the point is that there was what New York Senator William Henry Seward called an “irrepressible conflict” between slavery and freedom. I’m going to give somewhat short shrift to the 1850s, not because it’s an unimportant period, but because it’s so important that comrades are probably more familiar with it than with the earlier stuff. I also think that the first volume of James McPherson’s Ordeal by Fire (1982) covers this ground very well. But I want to draw comrades’ attention to several factors. One is the role of the political parties, and the second is the role of expansion.

As Marx illustrates, the Democratic Party—including in the North—was a pro-slavery party. The contemporary political system that we have today is relatively new. For much of the antebellum period, there were two parties, the Whigs and the Democrats. The Democratic Party, formed by Jefferson in 1792 and reformed by President Andrew Jackson in the 1830s, was a populist party. They were in favor of what is often called “Jacksonian Democracy,” which goes down in various history books as the expansion of democracy in the United States. They were for the rule of the “little man”; they were against banks and entrenched economic power. They opposed the creation of a national bank. They were a white man’s party, viciously anti-Indian—Jackson carried out one of the brutal series of attacks that pushed the Indians out of the Southeast and further west—and also viciously pro-slavery and anti-black. This was also the time of increasing Irish immigration, and the Democratic Party, especially in big Northern cities like here in New York, based themselves on immigration.

In the South, the Democrats were an openly pro-slavery party. Although he had his differences with Jackson, one key Democratic leader was John C. Calhoun, who was in many ways the intellectual grandfather of the Confederacy. He developed the idea—“nullification”—that a state could refuse to abide by the federal government if it disagreed. He also believed, unlike Jefferson, that slavery was not only necessary, but was positively good. And this is really the history of the Democratic Party. There is a new book that is very interesting, by Bruce Bartlett, who writes for the Wall Street Journal, called Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party’s Buried Past (2008). He is pro-Republican and so has an ax to grind, but it goes through the history of the Democratic Party on the question of slavery and then later on Reconstruction, up through the Dixiecrats.

The other political party was called the Whigs. They opposed what they saw as increased presidential power. They wanted the government to intervene into the economy to help spur capitalist development, such as through a national bank, protective tariffs to develop industry, and government spending on what were called “internal improvements,” or infrastructure. Both these parties had supporters in the North and the South, but as slavery became a more important issue, they were increasingly torn apart.

The other party that developed, as the slave question basically corroded the Whigs in the 1850s, was the Republican Party. The Republicans were not an abolitionist party, but they were perhaps the most radical mainstream party that the country has ever seen. They were dedicated not to eliminating slavery, but to rolling back the power of the slave South—the so-called Slave Power. There is a good book by Eric Foner that sums up the goal of the early Republicans, called Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (1970). The Republican Party became the party of the American bourgeoisie in its struggle against the slavocracy—it was a class-based party, something that we are told doesn’t exist in the United States.

And then there were the abolitionists, who were seen as a radical fringe, but who played a very important role in pushing the question of slavery forward. I said that there is really no radical Cromwell or Robespierre figure in the American Revolution, but it’s the abolitionists who are the real radical bourgeois revolutionaries in the history of the United States. It is to them that we look, not Thomas Jefferson.

Why did the two systems keep butting heads? It was not about the morality of slavery or about broader philosophical issues. It was because both slavery and capitalism had built-in tendencies to expand, and the expansion of one came at the expense of the other. So, as Marx wrote, one had to vanquish the other. There are three reasons why the Southern slavocracy needed to expand:

1. Exhausted soil. Just as in Roman times, the slavery system used up the soil rapidly. The emphasis was on getting the most crops possible now, and not on preserving the soil. In the North, they were able to invest capital in order to fertilize farm land, but in the South they didn’t do that. So there was an endless need for more land. According to Eugene Genovese’s The Political Economy of Slavery (1967), by 1858 some 40 percent of the South’s cotton land was already exhausted.

2. Political. The three-fifths compromise was designed to give the South more power than its population warranted, but it still could not allow the North to obtain more free states. Every free state needed to be offset by a slave state, to prevent the North from getting the upper hand.

3. Domestic slave trade. Less important, but still real, was that the slaveholders in the older states, like Virginia and Maryland, raised money by selling slaves to the Lower South, so they had an interest in keeping slavery expanding.

So the whole politics of the South was one of expanding slavery, and they saw any interference with the growth and expansion of slavery as a dagger aimed at the heart of the entire slave system.

But the free North also needed to expand. The key reason was, as we all know, that capitalism has to have expanding markets as its productivity increases. Capitalism depends on growing markets, and although a fair number of capitalists made a profit on selling to the South, slaves were not very big consumers, and there was a limit to the planters’ demand for goods. So from the point of view of the North, the South was really a stagnant economy, compared to the West, which the Northeastern and Northern capitalists saw as a vast potential market. They were increasingly selling to the West, but this depended on the expansion of free labor and not slavery to the West.

The second reason was political. The North did not want to be dominated by the South more than it already was, so it needed to offset the growth of slave states. Both the North and the South had agreed in theory that expansion was good. This was the period of so-called “Manifest Destiny”—the idea that God had uniquely blessed the United States with the job of civilizing the American continent. This idea was popular in the North and in the South, but the devil was in the details, and the question was what to do about the land that became part of the United States.

The first real crisis came with the Missouri Compromise of 1820. Missouri was the second state admitted from the Louisiana Purchase, and essentially what was agreed on in 1820 was the temporary measure of drawing a line, anything north of which would become free, and anything south of which would become slave. But the problem was broached again every several years.

A key thing, to which I’m going to give a lot less attention than it deserves, was Texas. In the 1830s, slaveholders had moved to Texas, and they basically engineered a split from Mexico. The South supported this because they wanted Texas to join the country as a slave state. The so-called Texas Revolution of 1835-36 was basically a rebellion against Mexico in order to protect slavery. The North did not want Texas to join as a slave state or, God forbid, several slave states.

So, a lot of the roots of the immediate struggle over slavery in the 1840s and ’50s go back to how to deal with the question of Texas. Mexico, for obvious reasons, did not want its former territory to be annexed by the United States, and when in 1845 the Southern states essentially were able to annex Texas, that act provoked a war with Mexico. And so, in 1846 the United States invaded Mexico and ended up occupying Mexico City and important cities like Veracruz and Monterrey. As a result of the 1846-48 war, the U.S. took over half of Mexico’s territory, and the acquisition of these new territories gave rise to disputes between the North and South that helped lead to the Civil War (see “Mexican-American War: Prelude to American Civil War,” WV Nos. 933 and 934, 27 March and 10 April).

The situation created compromise after compromise. Many Northerners preferred to compromise with the South, and so there were a series of compromises, but the crisis over Texas and the invasion of Mexico basically made continued compromises impossible. Northerners, including Democrats, had been less willing to support the invasion of Mexico because it was seen as a war to expand slavery. Not just the abolitionists—although the abolitionists were the most fervent—but many people in the North were against the invasion of Mexico because they thought it was a pro-slavery conspiracy, which to a large degree it was.

The U.S. obviously won the war against Mexico, which had important effects on the development of both U.S. and Mexican capitalism. Yet the immediate result of the victory was to bring the United States even closer to civil war. The first sign of this was the Wilmot Proviso, in which Northern states refused to finance the war against Mexico so long as it was seen as increasing the number of slave states. The Wilmot Proviso declared that the war would only be funded if the states that were gained from it did not become slave. This cut across party lines—Wilmot was a Democrat from Pennsylvania—and it heralded the realignment of American politics along sectional lines.

Soon after the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which finalized the taking over of half of Mexico, there was the Compromise of 1850, and by this time the split of the country was already posed; it was already talked about. And in fact Calhoun, who would die shortly afterward, all but advocated a division of the country, that is, the secession of the South. The Compromise of 1850 allowed California to become a free state, but it put off deciding on the rest of the former Mexican territories, and this was seen as allowing the possibility of slavery there. More grotesquely, it also created the Fugitive Slave Act, which made Northern states complicit in “returning” slaves who had run away from the South to the North. When they attempted to capture Anthony Burns, a runaway slave, in Boston and provoked angry mass protests, it really posed the question of the relationship between the North and the South. Frederick Douglass spelled this out when the Fugitive Slave Act was passed:

“By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form. By that act, Mason and Dixon’s line has been obliterated; New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women and children, as slaves, remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. The power is co-extensive with the star-spangled banner, and American Christianity.”

—“The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro” (1852)

From the 1850 Compromise on—there were still more compromises—the Southern states were increasingly pushing the envelope. There was the Dred Scott decision, where the Supreme Court ruled, as we mention in our Mumia articles, that slavery was not only the law of the land in the South, but was the law of the land anyplace. It ruled that slave property must be protected, including in free states and that, in its famous statement, blacks had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” This really gave rise to what would be a final showdown between the capitalist system in the North and the slavocracy in the South.

I want to make the point, however, that it was not something that even at the time was obvious, or that even many of the bourgeoisie accepted. When John Brown carried out his raid in 1859, he was roundly denounced by many, including by Abraham Lincoln. But it posed the question: How was the United States going to be ruled? Was it going to develop as a capitalist country or as a slave society? This is something that the Civil War, which is the subject of the next class, would decide, in what we call the Second American Revolution.