Wednesday, December 07, 2016

*****In The Hills And Hollows Again- With Mountain Music Man Norman Blake In Mind

*****In The Hills And Hollows Again- With Mountain Music Man Norman Blake In Mind    


 

Recently in discussing Sam Lowell’s relationship with mountain music, the music from down in the hills and hollows of Kentucky where his father and his people before him had lived dirt poor, almost beyond dirt poor one they settled in and had forsaken any betterment by heading further west once the land gave out , land that they did not provide very good guardianship for since they made every mistake in the agricultural book before it turned to dust, for generations eking almost nothing out of the land that had been abandoned decades before by some going west driven spirits who played the land out and moved on, some moving on until they reached ocean edge California, Bart Webber noticed that he had concentrated a little too heavily on the music of Sam’ s father’s  Kentucky hills and hollows.

Sure a lot of the music came almost intact from the old country, old country here being some place in the British Isles, music that a guy like high Brattle Street Brahmin Francis Child collected and that if you give some serious attention to you will find that the core narratives presented there could be heard come any Saturday night Hazard red barn dance. But there were other places down south like in the Piedmont of North Carolina where a cleaner picking style had been developed by the likes of Etta Baker and exemplified more recently by Norman Blake who has revived the work of performers like Aunt Helen Alder and Pappy Sims by playing the old tunes. Some other places as well like down in the inner edges of Tennessee and Georgia where the kindred also dwelled, places as well where if the land had played out there they, the ones who stayed behind in there tacky cabins barely protected against the weathers, their lack of niceties of modern existence a result not because they distained such things but down in the hollows they did not know about them, did not seem to notice the bustling outside world.

They all, all the hills and hollows people, just kept plucking away barely making ends meet, usually not doing so in some periods, and once they had abandoned cultivating the land these sedentary heredity “master-less men” thrown out their old countries, like Bart mentioned mainly the British Isles, for any number of petty crimes, but crimes against property and so they had to go on their own or face involuntary transportation they went into the “black god” mines or sharecropping for some Mister to live short, nasty, brutish lives before the deluge.

But come Saturday night, come old Fred Brown’s worn out in need of paint red barn the hill people, the mountain people, the piedmont brethren, hell, maybe a few swamp-dwellers too, would gather up their instruments, their sweet liquor jugs, their un-scrubbed bare-foot children or their best guy or gal and play the night away as the winds came down the mountains. This DNA etched in his bones by his father and the kindred is what Sam had denied for much of his life.          

But like Bart had mentioned as well when discussing the matter with Sam one night sometimes “what goes around comes around” as the old-time expression had it. Take for example Sam Lowell’s youthful interest in folk music back in the early 1960s when it had crashed out of exotic haunts like Harvard Square, Ann Arbor, Old Town Chi Town and North Beach/Berkeley out in Frisco. Crashed out by word of mouth at first and ran into a lot of kids, a lot of kids like Sam, who got his word from Diana Nelson who got it from a cousin from North Adamsville nearer Boston who frequented the coffeehouses on Beacon Hill and Harvard Square, especially the famous "cheap date" Joy Street Club and Turk's Head on the hill and the equally "cheap date" Clue Blue and Club Nana in the Square after the Club 47 got too expensive once everybody and their brother and sister wanted to go there, who had “hipped” her to this new folk music program that he had found flipping the dial of his transistor radio one Sunday night.

See Sam and Diana were tucked away from the swirl down in Carver about thirty miles as the crow flies from Boston and Cambridge but maybe a million social miles from those locales and had picked up the thread somewhat belatedly. He, along with his corner boys, had lived in their little corner boy cocoon out in front of Jimmy Jack’s Diner figuring out ways to get next to girls like Diana but who were stuck, stuck like glue to listening to the “put to sleep” music that was finding its way to clog up Jimmy Jack’s’ hither-to-fore “boss” jukebox. Christ, stuff like Percy Faith’s Moon River that parents could swoon over, and dance to. Had picked the folk sound up belatedly when they were fed up with what was being presented on American Bandstand and WJDA the local rock station, while they were looking for something different, something that they were not sure of but that smelled, tasted, felt, and looked different from a kind of one-size-fits-all vanilla existence.

Oh sure, as Bart recognized once he thought about it for a while, every generation in their youth since the days when you could draw a distinction between youth and adulthood a century or so ago and have it count has tried to draw its own symbolic beat but this was different, this involved a big mix of things all jumbled together, political, social, economic, cultural, the whole bag of societal distinctions which would not be settled until the end of that decade, maybe the first part of the next. That big picture is what interested him. What had interested Sam then down there in in Podunk Carver about thirty miles south of Boston was the music, his interest in the other trends did not come until later, much later long after the whole thing had ebbed and they were fighting an unsuccessful rearguard action against the night-takers and he was forced to consider other issues. And Sam had been a fighter against what Che Guevara, a hero to Sam's generation and later ones too in desperate need of heroes when the night-takers went berserk, called the "the belly of the beast of the world's problems in America, ever after. 

The way Sam told it one night a few years back, according to Bart, some forty or so years after his ear changed forever that change had been a bumpy road. Sam had been at his bi-weekly book club in Plymouth where the topic selected for the next meeting was the musical influences, if any, that defined one’s tastes and he had volunteered to speak then since he had just read a book, The Mountain View, about the central place of mountain music, for lack of a better term, in the American songbook. He had along with Bart and Jack Dawson also had been around that time discussing how they had been looking for roots as kids. Musical roots which were a very big concern for a part of their  generation, a generation that was looking for roots, for rootedness not just in music but in literature, art, and even in the family tree.

Their parents’ generation no matter how long it had been since the first family immigration wave had spilled them onto these shores was in the red scare Cold War post-World War II period very consciously ignoring every trace of roots in order to be fully vanilla Americanized. So their generation had had to pick up the pieces not only of that very shaky family tree but everything else that had been downplayed during that period.

Since Sam had tired of the lazy hazy rock and roll that was being produced and which the local rock radio stations were force- feeding him and others like him looking to break out through their beloved transistor radios he had started looking elsewhere on the tiny dial for something different after Diana had clued him in about that folk music program. Although for a while he could not find that particular program or Carver was out of range for the airwaves. But like a lot of young people, as he would find out later when he would meet kindred in Harvard Square, the Village, Ann Arbor, Berkeley he fortunately had been looking for that something different at just that moment when something called folk music, roots music, actually was being played on select stations for short periods of time each week and so it was before long that he was tuned in.

His own lucky station had been a small station, an AM station, from Providence in Rhode Island which he would find out later had put the program on Monday nights from eight to eleven at the request of Brown and URI students who had picked up the folk music bug on trips to the Village (Monday a dead music night in advertising circles then, maybe now too, thus fine for talk shows, community service programs and odd-ball stuff like roots music to comply with whatever necessary FCC mandates went with the license.) That is where he first heard the likes of Bob Dylan, Joan Baez, Tom Paxton, Dave Von Ronk, a new guy named Tom Rush from Harvard whom he would hear in person many times over the years, and another guy, Eric Von Schmidt whom he would meet later in one of the Harvard Square coffeehouses that were proliferating to feed the demand to hear folk music. Those coffeehouses were manna from heaven, well, because they were cheap for guys with little money. Cheap alone or on a date, basically as Sam related to his book club listeners for a couple of bucks at most admission, the price of a cup of coffee to keep in front of you and thus your place, maybe a pastry if alone and just double that up for a date except share the pasty you had your date deal all set for the evening hearing performers perfecting their acts before hitting the A-list clubs.

He listened to it all, liked some of it, other stuff, the more protest stuff he could take or leave depending on the performer but what drew his attention, strangely then was when somebody on the radio or on stage performed mountain music, you know, the music of the hills and hollows that came out of Appalachia mainly down among the dust and weeds. Things like Bury Me Under The Weeping Willow, Gold Watch and Chain, Fair and Tender Ladies, Pretty Saro, and lots of instrumentals by guys like Buell Kazee, Hobart Smith, The Charles River Boys. Norman Blake just starting his rise along with various expert band members to bring bluegrass to the wider younger audience that did not relate to guys like Bill Monroe and his various band combinations, and some other bluegrass bands as well that had now escaped his memory.

This is where it all got jumbled up for him Sam said since he was strictly a city boy, made private fun of the farm boys, the cranberry boggers, who then made up a significant part of his high school. He furthermore had no interest in stuff like the Grand Ole Opry and that kind of thing, none. Still he always wondered about the source, about why he felt some kinship with the music of the Saturday night red barn, probably broken down, certainly in need of paint, and thus available for the dance complete with the full complement of guitars, fiddles, bass, mandolin and full complement too of Bobby Joe’s just made white lightening, playing plainsong for the folk down in the wind-swept hills and hollows.  

Then one night, a Sunday night after he had picked up the Boston folk program station on the family radio (apparently the weak transistor radio did not have the energy to pick up a Boston station) he was listening to the Carter Family’s Wildwood Flower when his father came in and began singing along. After asking Sam about whether he liked the song and Sam answered that he did but could not explain why his father told him a story that maybe put the whole thing in perspective. After Sam’s older brother, Lawrence, had been born and things looked pretty dicey for a guy from the South with no education and no skill except useless coal-mining his father decided that maybe they should go back to Kentucky and see if things were better for a guy like him there. No dice, after had been in the north, after seeing the same old tacky cabins, the played out land, the endless streams of a new generation of shoeless kids Sam’s father decided to head back north and try to eke something out in a better place. But get this while Sam’s parents were in Kentucky Sam had been conceived. Yeah, so maybe it was in the genes all along.          

 


*FREE ALL THE CLASS-WAR PRISONERS-SUPPORT THE PARTISAN DEFENSE COMMITTEE'S 21ST ANNUAL HOLIDAY APPEAL

Click on the title to link to the Partisan Defense Committee Web site.

I pass along the information below received from the Partisan Defense Committee. I urge everyone to dig deeply on behalf of these prisoners. As noted below, this is not charity but an act of solidarity with those class struggle fighters inside the prisons from the class struggle fighters outside the walls. Do your militant duty here. Thank you.

Free the Class-War Prisoners!
(Class-Struggle Defense Notes)


This year's Holiday Appeal marks the 21st year of the Partisan Defense Committee's program of sending monthly stipends as an expression of solidarity to those imprisoned for standing up to racist capitalist repression. This program revived a tradition initiated by the International Labor Defense (ILD) under James P. Cannon, a founding leader of the Communist Party and the ILD's first secretary (1925-28). The PDC sends stipends to 16 class-war prisoners.

At this critical time, the Holiday Appeal will focus on the urgent fight to free Mumia Abu-Jamal, seeking to build on the successful PDC rallies recently held in Chicago, Los Angeles, Oakland and New York. The state has repeatedly demonstrated its unswerving commitment to make Jamal the first political prisoner executed in this country since the Rosenbergs were put to death over 50 years ago.
Writing in August 1927, as the capitalist rulers geared up for the legal lynching of anarchist workers Sacco and Vanzetti, Cannon warned:

"The case is again before the black-gowned judges on another appeal by the defense against flagrant errors in the trial. It is, of course, absolutely right to exhaust every legal possibility and technicality in the fight, provided—that the workers have no illusions. We must remember that the case has been before these same judges many times before, and they have again and again put their seal of approval on the criminally false verdict."

He emphasized, "We must appeal at the same time to the laboring masses of America and the whole world who are the highest court of all." This is the pressing task before us today in the fight to free Mumia. Build the Holiday Appeal! Free all class-war prisoners!

Mumia Abu-Jamal is a former Black Panther Party spokesman, a well-known supporter of the MOVE organization and an award-winning journalist known as "the voice of the voiceless." The fight to free America's foremost class-war prisoner has reached a crucial juncture. Mumia's case is on a "fast track" before the U.S. Third Circuit Court of Appeals. A decision could come soon.

December 9, 2006 marks the 25th anniversary of the day Mumia was arrested for a killing that the cops know he did not commit. Mumia was framed up for the 1981 killing of Philadelphia police officer Daniel Faulkner and sentenced to death explicitly for his political views. More than five years ago, Mumia's attorneys submitted to the courts the sworn confession of Arnold Beverly that he, not Mumia, shot and killed Faulkner, but to the racists in black robes a court of law is no place for evidence of the innocence of this fighter for the oppressed.

This past July, Mumia filed his legal brief in the federal appeals court—the last stage before the U.S. Supreme Court. The execution of Tookie Williams last December in the face of a massive public outcry was a real signal that the state intends to see Mumia dead. It was because he has always spoken for the oppressed, such as those left to die in New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, that Mumia faces the ultimate in capitalist repression: the racist death penalty. Workers, immigrants, minorities and all opponents of racist oppression must redouble their efforts to free Mumia now!

Leonard Peltier is an internationally revered class-war prisoner. His incarceration for more than three decades because of his activism in the American Indian Movement has come to symbolize this country's racist repression of its native peoples, the survivors of centuries of genocidal oppression. Peltier's frame-up trial for the deaths of two marauding FBI agents in what had become a war zone at the South Dakota Pine Ridge Reservation over 30 years ago shows what capitalist "justice" is all about. Although the lead government attorney has admitted: "We can't prove who shot those agents," and the courts have repeatedly acknowledged blatant prosecutorial misconduct, the 62-year-old Peltier is still locked away.

Jamal Hart, Mumia's son, was sentenced in 1998 to 15 1/2 years on bogus firearms possession charges. Hart was targeted for his prominent activism in the campaign to free his father. Although Hart was initially charged under Pennsylvania laws, which would have meant a probationary sentence, Clinton's Justice Department intervened to have him thrown into prison under federal laws. He is not eligible for parole. Hart was recently transferred to Minersville, PA. He had been confined in Ray Brook, New York, hundreds of miles from family and supporters, where he was subjected to numerous provocations by abusive prison guards and thrown into solitary.

Eight MOVE members, Chuck Africa, Michael Africa, Debbie Africa, Janet Africa, Janine Africa, Delbert Africa, Eddie Africa and Phil Africa, are in their 29th year of prison. They were sentenced to 30-100 years after the 8 August 1978 siege of their Philadelphia home by over 600 heavily armed cops. They were falsely convicted of killing a police officer who died in the cops' own crossfire. In 1985 they watched in horror from their Pennsylvania prison cells as eleven of their MOVE family members, including five children, were massacred by Philly cops, many of them "veterans" of the 1978 assault.

Jaan Laaman and Thomas Manning are the remaining anti-imperialist activists known as the Ohio 7 still in prison. They were convicted for their roles in a radical group that took credit for bank "expropriations" and bombings in the late 1970s and '80s against symbols of U.S. imperialism such as military and corporate offices. Before their arrests in 1984 and 1985, the Ohio 7 were targets of massive manhunts. Their children were kidnapped at gunpoint by the Feds and interrogated.

The politics of the Ohio 7 were once shared by thousands of radicals during the heyday of the Vietnam antiwar movement and by New Leftists who wrote off the possibility of winning the working class to a revolutionary program and saw themselves as an auxiliary of "Third World" liberation movements. But, like the Weathermen before them, the Ohio 7 were spurned by the "respectable" left. From a proletarian standpoint, the actions of these leftist activists against imperialism and racist injustice are not a crime. These courageous fighters should not have served even a day in prison.

Ed Poindexter and Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa are former Black Panther supporters and leaders of the Omaha, Nebraska, National Committee to Combat Fascism. They were victims of the FBI COINTELPRO operation launched against the Communist Party and then deployed to "neutralize" radical organizations in the 1960s, particularly the Black Panther Party, whose members were framed up and imprisoned by the hundreds while 38 were killed. Poindexter and Mondo, railroaded to prison for a 1970 explosion which killed a cop, were sentenced to life and have now served more than 30 years in jail. They are currently attempting to exhume a crucial piece of evidence in their trial: a 911 audio tape which would prove testimony of the state's key witness to be perjured.

Hugo Pinell is the last of the San Quentin 6 still in prison. He was a militant anti-racist leader of prison rights organizing along with his comrade and mentor, George Jackson, who was gunned down by prison guards in 1971. Despite hundreds of letters of support, many job offers and no disciplinary write-ups for over 25 years, Pinell has repeatedly been denied parole, most recently in November. Now in his 60s, Pinell continues to serve a life sentence at the notorious Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit in California.

Contribute now! All proceeds from the Holiday Appeals will go to the Class-War Prisoners Stipend Fund. This is not charity but an elementary act of solidarity with those imprisoned for their opposition to racist capitalism and imperialist depredations. Send your contributions to: PDC, P.O. Box 99, Canal Street Station, New York, NY 10013; (212) 406-4252.

From The Labor Archives- In Honor of a Revolutionary Labor Militant Stan Gow 1928—2016

Workers Vanguard No. 1100
18 November 2016
 
In Honor of a Revolutionary Labor Militant
Stan Gow
1928—2016
Stan Gow, a lifelong socialist and trade-union activist, co-founder and editor of Longshore Militant and member of the executive board of Local 10 of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) from 1974 to 1986, died in July at the age of 88. Stan had been a supporter of the Spartacist tendency from its inception. Though we had lost touch with him in the last decades of his life, when he also suffered the devastating effects of Alzheimer’s disease, we mourn his passing and honor his contributions to our movement and to the ILWU. He was an exemplar of a revolutionary socialist working-class militant.
Comrades who knew Stan well overwhelmingly described him as patient, gentle, solid. He was a big man, over six feet tall, with an unassuming, aw-shucks demeanor that masked a keen intelligence. After a hard upbringing in coastal Maine, he joined the Air Force shortly after WWII. Later, he attended UC Berkeley on the GI Bill, receiving a degree in biochemistry. It was at Berkeley at the height of the McCarthy witchhunt that Stan was won to Marxism, defying the stultifying conformity and pervasive anti-communism of that era. Initially a supporter of Max Shachtman’s Independent Socialist League (ISL), he was part of the left wing, centered in the ISL’s student-youth group, which opposed the organization’s rightward trajectory and eventual liquidation into the American Socialist Party in 1957. Rejecting Shachtman’s anti-Sovietism, this left wing came over to the then-Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party (SWP). As the SWP politically degenerated in the early 1960s, Stan went on to support the politics of the Revolutionary Tendency which, expelled from the SWP in 1963, went on to found the Spartacist League.
After receiving his degree, Stan got a job as a chemist in the C&H Sugar refinery in Crockett, on the northern San Francisco Bay. He hated the smug white-collar managers who were his co-workers and he jumped at the chance to join the ILWU in 1959. Stan told comrades how much happier he was to occasionally work at C&H as a longshoreman, unloading the sugar boats. He maintained his interest in science and, with the ability to explain complicated concepts (whether scientific or political) in simple language, he was a powerful educator. When he wanted to emphasize a point, he would incline his head, squint slightly and speak firmly. Making good use of his chemical knowledge, Stan became known for his attention to on-the-job safety, especially regarding the dangerous materials longshoremen often had to handle.
Stan campaigned against U.S. imperialism’s dirty war against the Vietnamese workers and peasants and called for the labor movement to take up the fight for black rights. In an open letter to Bay Area longshoremen, Stan took the ILWU’s Dispatcher to task for its blanket condemnation of “violence”—equating police repression with the protest actions of black and Latino youth. Stan argued that systematic cop violence was at the root of the ghetto rebellions then sweeping the nation. He concluded:
“Both the economically exploited working-class and the oppressed color minorities must join together to form a new political party responsive to the needs of both and opposed to the policies of their exploiters, the capitalist class. We don’t need a Peace party, or a Civil Rights Party, or an expanded Poverty Program Party, or even any combination of these, but a party that starts with a drive for the centers of power in our economic-political structure.”
Distributed as a leaflet on the waterfront, Stan’s letter was reprinted in Spartacist (No. 11, March-April 1968) under the headline “How Does Violence Start?” The fight to break the labor movement from its abject prostration to the capitalist Democratic Party and take up the fight for black liberation and a revolutionary workers party was at the center of Stan’s work in the ILWU. He was one of the editors of Workers’ Action, an early and trial effort of Bay Area Spartacist supporters to address the working class. (The journal was later transferred to New York and subsequently incorporated into Workers Vanguard.) One comrade recalled that Stan revealed himself as a firebrand during the 1969 Berkeley People’s Park protests, grabbing the crowd’s attention as he roared out over the bullhorn the need for the students to link up with the power of the working class.
Stan entered the longshore workforce as containerization was just being introduced. He was one of the first “B-men,” a new category established by the Harry Bridges leadership. Having no union rights or benefits, B-men only worked during peak periods when all the A-men who wanted to work had been dispatched. This provision was central to the 1961 Mechanization and Modernization Agreement (M&M), which allowed the shippers of the Pacific Maritime Association (PMA) to slash jobs and working conditions while supposedly insuring a guaranteed income to remaining longshoremen (PGP or Pay Guarantee Plan). As work became scarcer over the following two decades, many B-men—unable to get much work and given only paltry PGP—were forced to leave the industry. Others were deregistered (lost their right to work as longshoremen) for minor infractions.
Stan was one of those who made it to A status. But he never ceased to see the second-class B category as a threat to the union and the hiring hall, where union dispatchers equalize work opportunity by distributing jobs on the basis of rotating lists of available longshoremen. He firmly opposed the lawsuit filed against the union by some of the deregistered men, organized by Stan Weir, a former ISL comrade of his. The suit, which threatened ILWU Local 10 with financial ruin, wound its way through the courts for 17 years and was eventually thrown out. Opposition in principle to bringing the capitalist courts into the affairs of the union movement was a central plank in the program on which Stan and fellow Local 10 member Howard Keylor ran for office in 1974. So too was the demand, “Full A status for B-men, now” as well as the call to abolish the “steady man” provision which Bridges forced through in the second M&M contract in 1966 (allowing heavy equipment operators to work directly for individual PMA companies as opposed to being dispatched out of the hiring hall).
These demands were touchstones of the program of Longshore Militant, which grew out of Gow and Keylor’s joint fight against the 1975 contract—yet another link in Bridges’ long chain of M&M betrayals. Longshore jobs coastwide had been cut by two-thirds, with the Bay Area hit particularly hard as container work migrated to the bigger ports in Los Angeles and Long Beach. While the shippers were tripling their tonnage and raking in profits, A-men in San Francisco counted themselves lucky to work three days a week. Their supposed guaranteed income was continually cut back, and the proposed contract allowed an arbitrator to cancel it as punishment for any “unauthorized” work stoppage. The ILWU membership rejected this sellout twice, and Bridges only forced it through on the third vote because many despaired of him negotiating anything better.
Longshore Militant was the only opposition grouping to call for ousting the discredited Bridges bureaucracy by building elected strike committees. Such committees were needed to run a solid coastwide strike to abolish the steady man clause and fight for a shorter workweek at no loss in pay in order to spread the available work among all longshoremen. Over the next decade, Longshore Militant continued to counterpose this class-struggle perspective to the M&M contracts brokered by Bridges and his heirs. Gow and Keylor were repeatedly re-elected to the Local 10 executive board, running on a platform that called for a revolutionary workers party to fight for a workers government. Stan was elected as a Local 10 delegate to ILWU conventions in 1979 and 1983.
Longshore Militant published some 70 issues between 1975 and 1986 and worked in solidarity with the Militant Caucus of ILWU Local 6, which published Warehouse Militant. The warehouse division was also hemorrhaging jobs as the distributors fled to low-wage Nevada. Both the Militant Caucus and Longshore Militant fought for an aggressive campaign to follow the runaway houses and organize the unorganized. Arrested with several other militants on a Local 6 picket line during the 1976 warehouse strike, Stan was slapped with the all-purpose charge of assaulting a police officer. The charges were later reduced and Stan received a 30-day suspended sentence. He gave a minority report on warehouse to the union’s 1979 convention.
The Fight for Genuine Labor Solidarity
In the ILWU, the influence of the Stalinist Communist Party (CP)—an early and uncritical backer of Harry Bridges—remained strong into the 1990s. Anyone familiar with the union’s history knows that its leadership’s rhetoric of labor solidarity was most often belied by inaction and abject class collaboration in practice. Stan was known above all else for his persistent fight to marshal the ILWU’s significant social power not just in words, but in solidarity action.
Over the years he fought for hot-cargoing military goods to the bloody Pinochet regime in Chile; for honoring picket lines set up at West Coast ports during strikes by the East and Gulf Coast International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA); for a 24-hour work stoppage in defense of the 1978 U.S. coal miners strike; and for a solidarity strike to defend the PATCO air traffic controllers union against President Ronald Reagan’s union-busting in 1981. The criminal refusal of the AFL-CIO bureaucracy to use its power to shut down the airports in defense of PATCO was a watershed, opening up a series of labor defeats, which went along with Reagan’s renewed Cold War offensive against the Soviet Union. It was at this time that Keylor cowardly deserted Longshore Militant and the Militant Caucus which had recently been formed in Local 10.
Stan continued the fight. In 1983, when Reagan announced a major military escalation of his dirty war to prop up the military junta in El Salvador, Stan initiated the call (signed by 23 other ILWUers) for a 24-hour port shutdown. The call was so popular that the Local 10 executive board was forced to recommend it to the ILWU convention, where International President Jimmy Herman (who had taken the reins when Bridges retired in 1977) did a full-court press to squash it. With protests over El Salvador filling the mall in Washington, D.C., Stan and his supporters tried to spark union action by picketing an El Salvador-bound ship. The Local 10 leadership ordered ILWU longshoremen to work the ship, then brought Stan up on charges of “conduct unbecoming a union member” in June 1983. The Local 10 trial committee, which refused to hear most of Stan’s witnesses, delivered a guilty verdict. But it was overturned at the membership meeting, as angry members turned out by the hundreds to shout, “No! No! No!” The attempt to muzzle Stan was defeated by a ten-to-one margin.
Two days before his sham trial, Stan and other union members had attempted to stop the loading of the Nedlloyd Kimberley, bound for South Africa, in protest against the execution of three anti-apartheid fighters. Once again, the Local 10 leadership ordered longshoremen to cross the picket line and work the ship. But they didn’t dare bring Stan up on charges for this action, understanding that the largely black membership of Local 10 strongly identified with the struggle against apartheid in South Africa.
Longshore Militant had been fighting to put teeth in the bureaucracy’s empty anti-apartheid resolutions since 1976. In the fall of 1984, with tens of thousands of black workers in South Africa on strike and anti-apartheid struggle exploding, Stan again issued urgent calls for Local 10 to boycott all ships to and from South Africa. He had been severely injured in an on-the-job accident the previous June, requiring several operations and years of recuperation during which he was unable to work. But that didn’t stop him. The bureaucrats at the head of Local 10 were feeling the heat, and when the Nedlloyd Kimberley docked at Pier 80 in late November they undertook a one-shot action, with a policy to work the ship but not the South African cargo.
Stan was there, fighting to throw the full weight of the ILWU behind the action. But the Local 10 leaders (with the active assistance of Howard Keylor and CP supporter Leo Robinson) refused to give official union sanction even for this token action. Longshoremen were left to go it alone, dispatched to the ship where they refused to work South African cargo and were fired for the day. In the guise of protecting the union from sanctions by the PMA and the courts for an “illegal” work stoppage, the bureaucrats purveyed the fiction that the ILWU members implementing the boycott were carrying out individual “acts of conscience.” But, as Stan pointed out, “Maybe we’re not real smart. We thought it was the job of the union to protect its members, not the members’ job to protect Herman’s cozy relationship with the PMA.” (For the full story, see “The Truth About the Nedlloyd Kimberley Boycott,” WV No. 873, 7 July 2006.)
The spineless attempt to “hide” this union action didn’t fool anyone—least of all the PMA and the capitalist courts, which slapped the union with an injunction. The ILWU leadership immediately caved in, calling off the boycott after ten days. Even this token use of union power won the ILWU international acclaim. How much more powerful if Stan’s program had won and the union had boycotted all South Africa-bound ships, defying court injunctions and Taft-Hartley threats—an action with the potential to strike a blow against hated anti-labor laws and galvanize similar actions by unions around the world.
Stan’s injuries were debilitating, and when he came back to the job he transferred to clerks Local 34, from which he eventually retired. In one of his last actions in Local 10, in April 1986, he presented the following motion calling on the Local’s executive board to protest Reagan’s terror bombing of Libya:
“ILWU Local 10 supports the cause of Libyan independence and territorial integrity against assaults by U.S. imperialism. We condemn U.S. imperialism’s policy of anti-Soviet provocation and its act of aggression, criminal assassination and mass terror against Libya.”
The motion passed, punching a hole in the anti-Soviet stance which the ILWU had taken under Jimmy Herman, who sought to line the union up behind U.S. imperialism’s renewed Cold War drive in the early 1980s. This was a sharp break with the ILWU’s pro-Moscow Stalinist stance under Harry Bridges. The CPers in the union hadn’t raised a peep when Herman threw the ILWU behind the U.S.-backed mullahs in Afghanistan and hailed Polish Solidarność, the reactionary movement that eventually led the capitalist counterrevolution in Poland. It was left to Longshore Militant to explain that it was in the interests of the working class to militarily defend the Soviet Union and the other states in which capitalism had been overthrown, despite their treacherous Stalinist misrulers. Stan had been won to defense of the gains of the 1917 Russian Revolution when he quit Shachtman’s ISL as a young man. He well understood that those who refuse to defend the past gains of the working class will never win new ones.
Stan can have no better epitaph than the one Longshore Militant published to draw the lessons of the sabotage of the Nedlloyd Kimberley boycott:
“For a long time, Stan Gow has been arguing that there are two counterposed political programs at work in the ILWU and other unions. Stan and the Militant Caucus have fought for the program of militant class struggle and political action independent of the capitalist parties, courts and government. This program is based on the fact that the bosses own the government, and together they are the enemies of working people and always will be until the working people take over society. The other program, represented by the International officers and the revolving door of Local 10 ‘leaders’, is class collaboration, a legalistic strategy that says there is a partnership between labor and the bosses, and that the government can be pressured to be a friend of the working man—as long as we obey its laws. This is a lie.”
After decades of defeats with labor misleaders bowing and scraping before the capitalists’ anti-labor laws, insisting that the election of some Democratic “friend of labor” is the only possible road forward, many union activists today despair of anything else even being possible. Stan Gow and his Longshore Militant fought for a different path. His life is rich with lessons that can and will be carried forward by a new generation of labor militants.

President Obama Pardon Chelsea Manning-She Must Not Die In Jail-The Struggle Continues- A Story Goes With It

President Obama Pardon Chelsea Manning-She Must Not Die In Jail-The Struggle Continues- A Story Goes With It   





Click on link to White House Petition To Pardon Chelsea Manning-

https://petitions.whitehouse.gov//petition/commute-chelsea-mannings-sentence-time-served-1


By Fritz Taylor 

“You know it is a crying shame that the Chelsea Manning case has fallen beneath the cracks, that her plight as the only woman prisoner in an all-male prison out there in the wheat fields of Kansas, out at Leavenworth has been ignored except an occasional news note or yet another petition for President Obama to do the right thing like he has with the drug cases and pardon her, to commute her sentence to time served, to the six plus years she has already been tossed away behind the walls,” yelled Ralph Morse over to Bart Webber while they were preparing to set up a banner proclaiming that very idea as part of a birthday vigil for Chelsea on her 29th birthday on this cold December day. (Ralph thought to himself while he was yelling over to Bart that he would never get over those basic training drill sergeants during his time in the military during the Vietnam War, never get over being spooked by them that if you did not toe the mark you would wind up in Leavenworth and here he was supporting a young transgender whistle-blower who did what he should have done but cowered to those redneck drill sergeants. Well even 60-somethings can learn a thing or two from the younger crowd.) 

“Yeah, between the fact that she had to in order to protect herself against maltreatment from a bunch of goddam threatening guards who told her to “man up” at Leavenworth after she was convicted and sentenced to those hard thirty-five years in 2013 “come out” as a transgender woman and the overriding blow-up over the Snowden revelations which took all the air out of any other whistle-blower case Chelsea got the short end of the stick,” replied Bart also yelling his comment against both the windy day and the constant stream of loonies, crazies and con men and women who populated the environs around the Park Street subway station at Boston Common on any given Saturday between the hours of one and two in the afternoon when the space, or part of it, was given over to  peace action groups and other left-wing political organizations.               

Ralph thought to himself as he cut a few wind holes in the banner proclaiming the need for President Obama to grant Chelsea her pardon that he had come a long way (and Bart too) since the fall of 2010 when they learned that Chelsea (then using her birth name Bradley but we will use her chosen name and assume everybody understands we are talking about the same person) was being held essentially incommunicado down at the Quantico Marine Base (strange since Chelsea was in the Army) in solitary and their organization, Veterans for Peace, had called for demonstrations to have her released even then, or at least taken out of solitary and stop being tortured (no small “peacenik” charge since the appropriate United Nations rapporteur had made such a finding in her case). Ralph and Bart had been among the very first to set up a rally (not at Park Street but in Davis Square over in Somerville where Bart had lived for the previous decade) and they had been committed to her defense ever since. (Their own admittedly sorry response to “their” war, Vietnam, by in Ralph’s case joining the Army and in Bart’s case by accepting induction into that same Army had caused then after the fact, after their military service to “get religion” on the questions of war and peace. They saw the Chelsea case as pay-back to a real hero, maybe the only hero of the Iraq War and had worked like seven dervishes on the case. More importantly had kept the faith even after the case inevitably went off the front pages and became a cypher to the general population.)           

Both men had agreed once the fanfare had died down that along with keeping the case in the public eye as best they could they would commemorate two milestones in Chelsea’s live yearly-the anniversary of her incarceration by the government now over six years in May and her birthday in December (her 29th ). That was why Ralph and Bart were struggling with the downtown winds to put their banner in place. These days they were not taking the overall lead in setting up such events but had responded to a call by the Queer Strike Force to do so and they were following that organization’s lead to rally and to make one last desperate push to get Chelsea a pardon. Everybody agreed, willingly or not, that under the impending Dump the Trump regime that Chelsea’s chances of a pardon were about zero, maybe less. So the rally. And so too the desperation in Ralph and Bart’s own minds that the slogan their fellow VFPer Frank Jackman had coined-“we will not leave our sister behind” would now fall on deaf ears, that she would face at least four, maybe eight years of hard ass prison time-time to be served as a man in a woman’s body when the deal went down. Worse that Chelsea had already attempted twice earlier in the year to commit suicide and the hard fact emblazoned in the added sentence on their banner-“she must not die in jail” had added urgency.        

Ralph and Bart had met down in Washington in 1971 after both had been discharged from the Army and had gotten up some courage, with some prompting from their respective very anti-war girlfriends, to go down and get arrested during the May Day actions when in another desperate situation they tried to help shut down the government if it would not shut down the war-the Vietnam War. They had been through a lot over the years in the struggle to keep the peace message alive and well despite the endless wars, and despite the near zero visibility on the subject over the previous ten plus years. 

Both had grown up in very working class neighborhood respectively Troy in upstate New York and Riverdale out about thirty miles west of Boston and had followed the neighborhood crowds unthinkingly in accepting their war and participating in the war machine when it came their time. So no way in 1968,1969 say could either have projected that they would hit their sixties standing out in the lonesome corners of the American public square defending an Army private who in many quarters was considered a traitor and who moreover was gay. In the old days the best term they could think of to describe their respective attitudes toward gays was “faggot and dyke”-Jesus. (That whole gay issue was already well known to them from some information provided by agents of Courage to Resist, the organization which was the main conduit for publicity about the case and for financing Chelsea’s legal defenses. They also were aware through those same agents about Chelsea’s sexual identity which all partisans and Chelsea herself had agreed to keep on the “low” in order not get that issue confused with her heroic whistle-blower actions during trial and only later revealed by her publicly as a matter of self-defense as mentioned above.)     

Later that night after the birthday vigil was over and Ralph and Bart were sitting at Jack’s over in Cambridge near where Bart lives (Ralph still lived in Troy) having a few shots to ward away the cold of the day’s events both had been a bit morose. The event had gone as well as could be expected on a political prisoner case that was three years removed from the serious public eye. The usual small coterie of “peace activists” had shown up and a few who were supporting Chelsea as a fellow transgender and there had been the usual speeches and pleas to sign the on-line petition to the White House to trigger a response from the President on the question of a pardon (see link above). (That lack of response by the greater LGBTQ community to Chelsea’s desperate plight all through the case had had Ralph and Bart shaking their heads in disgust as the usual reason given was that all energies had to expended on getting gay marriage recognized. The twice divorced Ralph and three times divorced mumbled to themselves over that one). 
Ralph and Bart were in melancholy mood no question since they had long ago given up any illusion that the struggle against war and for some kind of social justice was going to be easy but the prospects ahead, what Ralph had called the coming “cold civil war” under the tutelage of one Donald Trump had them reeling as it related to Chelsea’s case. They bantered back and forth about how many actions they had participated in since they got the news of the case that a young whistle-blower was being held for telling the world about the cover-up of countless atrocities committed by American forces in Iraq and Afghanistan (via Wiki-leaks, not the mainstream media who would not touch making the information that Chelsea had gleaned for love or money). 

There were the trips to Quantico down in hostile Virginia in order to get Chelsea out of the “hole,” get her out of Marine base solitary (and where they faced an incredible array of cops and military personnel all to “monitor” a few hundred supporters). The trips to the White House to proclaim their message. The several trips during the trial down at Fort Meade in Maryland where they had to laugh about being on a military base for the first time in decades (they had been barred many years back for demonstrations on a military base against the Reagan administrations war against Central America). The weekly vigils before the case went to trial and over the previous three years the fight to keep the case in the public eye.          


As they finished up their last shots of whiskey against the cold night both agreed though that come May they would be out commemorating Chelsea’s seventh year in the jug if Obama did not do the right thing beforehand. They both yelled as they went their separate ways (Ralph was staying with his daughter in Arlington) old Frank Jackman’s coined phrase-“we will not leave our sister behind.” No way.    

From Socialist Alternative-Historic Victory at Standing Rock Calls for Celebration and Vigilance

To   
Historic Victory at Standing Rock Calls for Celebration and Vigilance
For the last eight months, the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe has led a historic campaign against the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), uniting hundreds of tribes, environmentalists, veterans and other activists inspired by their bold stand in defense of native treaty rights and the environment.  
On Sunday, millions of people around the world celebrated news that the Army Corps of Engineers had rejected an easement to allow DAPL to go forward. This was an enormous victory for the movement and for ordinary people everywhere in the struggle against Big Oil and naked corporate greed.
I congratulate and thank these courageous indigenous people and all others who rallied behind their cause, including the veteran activists who came to strengthen the camp in the days preceding the Army Corps’ ruling. It is these thousands of ordinary people, not the Obama Administration, who deserve praise for this victory. Standing Rock has demonstrated the power of organized mass action for a new generation, as well as the vital need to unite our movements.
The activists on the ground faced down brutal violence at the hands of police and private contractors, including the use of attack dogs, rubber bullets, pepper spray, tear gas, concussion grenades, and water cannons fired in below-freezing weather. Hundreds were arrested and hundreds more injured. Yet the movement would not stand down.
But we must remember: The struggle may not be over. It took Energy Transfer Partners and Sunoco Logistics Partners mere hours to release a statement in which they stated that they are “fully committed to ensuring that this vital project is brought to completion and fully expect to complete construction of the pipeline without any additional rerouting.” This could indicate a possible legal challenge or plans to continue after Trump’s inauguration. A Trump spokesperson has told reporters, “we support construction of [DAPL]. We will review the full situation when we’re in the White House and make the appropriate determination at that time.”
The Obama Administration, on the other hand, has spent the last eight months looking the other way, ignoring both ongoing violence against activists and the environmental impact of the pipeline itself. Unfortunately, this is nothing new. While a national campaign against Keystone XL ultimately led Obama to veto its construction, it took five years of protest to force his hand. Meanwhile, we have seen the equivalent of 10 Keystone pipelines built in the US since 2010!

While the Republican Party has a long track record of championing the interests of Big Oil, Obama and the Democrats have shown themselves thoroughly beholden as well.

This victory should serve as a reminder that in the face of continued pipeline development and attacks on the environment, we can’t rely on either major party to act in our interests. To really defeat the agenda of Big Oil and Wall Street, we’ll need to build powerful movements and a new party of the 99 percent, completely free of corporate cash and corporate influence. We must remain vigilant, in Standing Rock and across the US, as we build our resistance against the incoming Trump Administration and continue our struggles for a socially just and sustainable world.

Movement for the 99%, Socialist Students, and Socialist Alternative are taking the lessons of movement building for change into building a wall of resistance to Trump and his agenda of bigotry, hate, and pro-corporate policies that put profit before planet and people.  We are joining forces to build nationally coordinated student walkouts and mass demonstrations on Trump’s inauguration day, January 20. If you are interested in joining a walkout or organizing one at your school, check out 
our website.

Please contribute $25, $50, $100 or whatever you can to help organize anti-Trump walkouts at colleges and schools across the country.

In Solidarity,


Kshama Sawant
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