Ban the Bomb! Celebrating Sister Megan Rice's Activism, In support of the Women's March to Ban the Bomb: NYC Sunday, June 11 @ 4:00 pm, All Saints Parish, Brookline

Ban the Bomb!

Celebrating Sister Megan Rice's Activism,

In support of the Women's March to Ban the Bomb: NYC

Sunday, June 11 @ 4:00 pm, All Saints Parish, Brookline

 

(Beacon St and Dean Road, 1773 Beacon Street, Dean  Road T stop on C Green Line)

 

 

Sister Megan Rice with her two associates in the Oak Ridge action.

·         -- On film, Dr. Ira Helfand, Chair, Security Committee, Physicians for Social Responsibility: The increasing threat of nuclear weapons.

·         -- Subrata Ghoshroy, MIT research affilliate and frequent contributor to Bulletin of Atomic Scientists: The current state of nuclear disarmament negotiations.

·         --Joan Ecklein, WILPF, Boston organizer of The Women’s March to Ban the Bomb, NYC: Why we should support the UN Nuclear Disarmament negotiations by marching in NYC, June 17.

·         -- Patricia McSweeney: on Plowshares actions and introducing her long time friend, Sister Megan

·         -- Meet Sister Megan, and converse with her.

·         -- Joseph Gerson, AFSC: In closing:  Nuclear Disarmament, its necessity, and what forms can our activism take?

1) March in NYC on June 17, Bus information

2) Sign a petition to Congressman Joe Kennedy

3) Join a group, sign up sheets available.

Sponsored by Brookline PeaceWorks, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,

Massachusetts Peace Action, PAX Christi, and Greater Boston Physicians for Social Responsibility.

-- More info: Amy Hendrickson, 617  738-8029, amyh@texnology.com

+ GOOGLE CALENDAR+ ICAL EXPORT

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June Is Class-War Prisoners Month-Free The Jericho Movement Prisoners-Free All The Class-War Prisoners

June Is Class-War Prisoners Month-Free The Jericho Movement Prisoners-Free All The Class-War Prisoners!  

Chelsea Manning, Albert Woodfox and Oscar Lopez Rivera are out let's get the rest out as well  

From the Archives of Marxism-Friedrich Engels' “From the Kingdom of Necessity to the Kingdom of Freedom”

Workers Vanguard No. 1096	23 September 2016

From the Archives of Marxism-Friedrich Engels' “From the Kingdom of Necessity to the Kingdom of Freedom”

We publish below excerpts from Friedrich Engels’ 1880 work Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. In explaining scientific socialism, Engels makes clear that only through the conquest of power by the working class and the expropriation of the capitalist class can the benefits of science, technology and education be available to all, laying the material basis for the full liberation of humanity. The excerpts below are taken from the Marx and Engels Selected Works (Progress Publishers, 1976).

The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that the production of the means to support human life and, next to production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history, the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes or orders is dependent upon what is produced, how it is produced, and how the products are exchanged. From this point of view the final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are to be sought, not in men’s brains, not in men’s better insight into eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production and exchange. They are to be sought not in the philosophy, but in the economics of each particular epoch. The growing perception that existing social institutions are unreasonable and unjust, that reason has become unreason and right wrong, is only proof that in the modes of production and exchange changes have silently taken place with which the social order, adapted to earlier economic conditions, is no longer in keeping. From this it also follows that the means of getting rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light must also be present, in a more or less developed condition, within the changed modes of production themselves. These means are not to be invented by deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the stubborn facts of the existing system of production.

What is, then, the position of modern socialism in this connection?

The present structure of society—this is now pretty generally conceded—is the creation of the ruling class of today, of the bourgeoisie. The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie, known, since Marx, as the capitalist mode of production, was incompatible with the feudal system, with the privileges it conferred upon individuals, entire social ranks and local corporations, as well as with the hereditary ties of subordination which constituted the framework of its social organisation. The bourgeoisie broke up the feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order of society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all the rest of the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode of production could develop in freedom. Since steam, machinery, and the making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufacture into modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the guidance of the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in degree unheard of before. But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come into collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will and actions even of the men that have brought it on. Modern socialism is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its ideal reflection in the minds, first, of the class directly suffering under it, the working class....

The perfecting of machinery is making human labour superfluous. If the introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of millions of manual by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery means the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a number of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of capital, the formation of a complete industrial reserve army, as I called it in 1845, available at the times when industry is working at high pressure, to be cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash comes, a constant dead weight upon the limbs of the working class in its struggle for existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping of wages down to the low level that suits the interests of capital. Thus it comes about, to quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working class; that the instruments of labour constantly tear the means of subsistence out of the hands of the labourer; that the very product of the worker is turned into an instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about that the economising of the instruments of labour becomes at the same time, from the outset, the most reckless waste of labour power, and robbery based upon the normal conditions under which labour functions; that machinery, the most powerful instrument for shortening labour time, becomes the most unfailing means for placing every moment of the labourer’s time and that of his family at the disposal of the capitalist for the purpose of expanding the value of his capital. Thus it comes about that the overwork of some becomes the preliminary condition for the idleness of others, and that modern industry, which hunts after new consumers over the whole world, forces the consumption of the masses at home down to a starvation minimum, and in doing thus destroys its own home market. “The law that always equilibrates the relative surplus population, or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of accumulation, this law rivets the labourer to capital more firmly than the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of capital. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time, accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole, i.e., on the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital.” (Marx’s Capital, p. 671)....

The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers—proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State ownership of the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution.

This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the harmonising of the modes of production, appropriation, and exchange with the socialised character of the means of production. And this can only come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the productive forces which have outgrown all control except that of society as a whole. The social character of the means of production and of the products today reacts against the producers, periodically disrupts all production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature working blindly, forcibly, destructively. But with the taking over by society of the productive forces, the social character of the means of production and of the products will be utilised by the producers with a perfect understanding of its nature, and instead of being a source of disturbance and periodical collapse, will become the most powerful lever of production itself....

Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production, the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by sects, as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its realisation were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is in contradiction to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere willingness to abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new economic conditions. The separation of society into an exploiting and an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class, was the necessary consequence of the deficient and restricted development of production in former times....

Division into classes has a certain historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only under given social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of production. It will be swept away by the complete development of modern productive forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in society presupposes a degree of historical evolution at which the existence, not simply of this or that particular ruling class, but of any ruling class at all, and, therefore, the existence of class distinction itself has become an obsolete anachronism. It presupposes, therefore, the development of production carried out to a degree at which appropriation of the means of production and of the products, and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture, and of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has become not only superfluous but economically, politically, intellectually, a hindrance to development.

This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bankruptcy is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis, society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to face with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of production had imposed upon them. Their deliverance from these bonds is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly accelerated development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlimited increase of production itself. Nor is this all. The socialised appropriation of the means of production does away, not only with the present artificial restrictions upon production, but also with the positive waste and devastation of productive forces and products that are at the present time the inevitable concomitants of production, and that reach their height in the crises. Further, it sets free for the community at large a mass of means of production and of products, by doing away with the senseless extravagance of the ruling classes of today and their political representatives. The possibility of securing for every member of society, by means of socialised production, an existence not only fully sufficient materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their physical and mental faculties—this possibility is now for the first time here, but it is here.

With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by systematic, definite organisation. The struggle for individual existence disappears. Then for the first time man, in a certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into really human ones. The whole sphere of the conditions of life which environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real, conscious lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own social organisation. The laws of his own social action, hitherto standing face to face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and dominating him, will then be used with full understanding, and so mastered by him. Man’s own social organisation, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that have hitherto governed history pass under the control of man himself. Only from that time will man himself, more and more consciously, make his own history—only from that time will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom....

To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific socialism.

On The 50th Anniversary Of Doctor Martin Luther King’s Riverside Church “Beyond Vietnam” Speech (1967)

On The 50^th Anniversary Of Doctor Martin Luther King’s Riverside Church “Beyond Vietnam” Speech (1967)

By Political Commentator Frank Jackman

I have mentioned a number of times earlier in this space that I have been at times annoyed by the proliferation of celebrations and commemoratives of events that don’t, to my mind at least, rate either celebration or odd-ball year observance. You know like the 38^th anniversary of some unremarkable space flight or the 10^th anniversary of the demise of some event faded from memory except in some fill-in starved newsroom. On the other hand some events in my left-wing calendar are worthy like the anniversaries of the Paris Commune uprising of 1871 and the Russian Revolution of 1917 are worthy of orderly and odd-ball yearly observance. Then there is the subject today (see above) the commemoration of Doctor Martin Luther King’s important speech to the congregation at the Riverside Church in Manhattan in April of 1967 where he decisively broke with the Lyndon Baines Johnson administration’s Vietnam War policy. No question that the speech is in many quarters and maybe objectively worthy of a fiftieth anniversary commemoration but for personal reasons I had been ambiguous about placing it in this space.           

In my high school days I was a lonely ardent defender in my Irish Catholic enclave in North Adamsville of the black civil rights struggle down south in this country. A struggle that was strongly identified with the personage and non-violent strategies of Doctor King. That defense was one that placed me in an extreme minority both in my Northern lily white school and in the community at large. I was called, falsely at the time, seven kinds of commie red and a n----r loving for the simple acts of heading to Boston several times to join picket lines at the downtown Woolworth’s department store in support of the attempts to integrate the lunch counters down South (and maybe up North as well) and heading down to join the freedom riders trying to integrate the buses. Simple democratic and civil demands. Thus I, of necessity, had a great admiration for both the personal courage of Doctor King (and his supporters in the field in the front line battles of the South) and of his philosophy of non-violent direct action.

As is well known those action were directly responsible for various pieces of civil rights legislation and attempts to integrate various social institutions highlighted by the Voting Rights Act of 1965. That year was kind of watershed on two fronts. It spelled the demise of the intensity of the civil rights struggle and the emergence of the Vietnam War as the decisive social battle of the time. Opposition to the Vietnam War in 1965 was an extremely small and radical position as the start of a seemingly endless war unfolded. Doctor King in many ways was a natural leader for such opposition as more and more people began to protest. Yet for those various reasons just mentioned he held his fire, held it after lesser public figures began to openly oppose the war, until the major Riverside speech. Some of that had to do with pushing the civil rights agenda forward but it also had to do with that latent anti-communism still alive in the land and the politics of the “domino” theory attached to it.

Here is where my personal dilemma comes in dealing with presenting this commemoration. I too was late, very late, in opposition to the Vietnam War for those same domino theory adherence reasons that drove Doctor King. Except mine lasted at least until the Tet offensive of 1968. With that caveat though I present the rightly commemorated speech. Despite the subsequent political gulf that has separated me from Doctor King’s philosophy and strategies the ideas presented still retain their power. 

In Boston- Get Ready to March Together in the DORCHESTER DAY PARADE! (AND COOKOUT AFTER!) Sunday, June 4

Get Ready to March Together in the DORCHESTER DAY PARADE! (AND COOKOUT AFTER!) Sunday, June 4 Gather in Lower Mills by 12:30pm

Dorchester People for Peace will be marching again this year in the Dorchester Day Parade on June 4 along with our friends and allied organizations.  We’re in Division 2 this year:  Line up by 12:30 (or earlier if you like – our blue Honda-CRV will be there from at least 11am) on Richmond St. between Dorchester Ave. and Adams St. (see map below) Every year Dorchester People for Peace reserves a place in the parade, then invites our friends. Together we bring our vision and our values to thousands of people along the four-mile route. Join us this year! Our message will focus on building a neighborhood-based movement to resist wars and military interventions abroad – while opposing racism, dispossession and budget cuts at home; reducing excessive military spending; and funding urgent needs in our communities.  Thousands of marchers and parade watchers will see our banners and get our anti-war flyers.  Marchers will gather around Noon in Dorchester Lower Mills (Richmond St.) with the parade kick-off about 1pm.  We’ll have our after-Parade barbeque and celebration at Jeff Klein’s house, 123 Cushing Ave. from about 3:30pm. We’ll have hamburgers and hotdogs – please bring a dish or drinks if you’re able (You can drop off what you are bringing before the parade – Jeff’s house is walking distance from the Savin Hill T-stop) WHERE: Lower Mills, Dorchester Richmond Street between Dorchester Ave and Adams Street (Division 2) Look for the Dorchester People for Peace vehicle You can’t drive or park anywhere near there on Dorchester Day, so travel early and travel by T (to Ashmont Station on the Red Line, Butler or Milton on the Mattapan trolley) …. Or park a ways away and walk. Please let us know if you can make it by responding to this email, writing to dotpeoplepeace@gmail.com.  or phoning 617-288-4578 BRING: A sun hat, comfortable walking shoes (it’s four miles), water. You can bring a banner for your organization if you have the people to carry it. COOKOUT: After the parade at Jeff Klein’s, 123 Cushing Ave (near the end of the parade and near Savin Hill T station). We’ll have hamburgers and hotdogs – bring a dish or drinks if you can. Dorchester People for Peace works to end the wars; to build a multi-racial peace movement against violence and militarism at home and abroad; to oppose budget cuts, racism and political repression.       617-282-3783  *  dotpeoplepeace@gmail.com.

The 50th Anniversary Of The Summer Of Love- Botticelli’s 115th Dream-With Botticelli’s “Venus” In Mind

The 50^th Anniversary Of The Summer Of Love- Botticelli’s 115^th Dream-With Botticelli’s “Venus” In Mind

By Special Guest Alex James

[Frankly my oldest brother Alex, who after all is over ten years older than I am, and I have never been all that close. Maybe that is natural due our age differences and of his decided and vocally not wanting to have an unruly younger brother tagging along while he and his vaunted corner boys did their thing. Later the gap widened as his lawyerly pursues were far removed as a rule from my own social and cultural concerns. A few weeks ago though, knowing that I write for a number of blogs, including here at American Left History, and in various smaller print journals he approached me on behalf of he and his “corner boys,” at least the ones still standing some fifty years later, to help organize and write a small tribute booklet in honor of their fallen comrade and fellow corner boy, Peter Paul Markin, who led them west in the great Summer of Love, San Francisco, 1967 explosion. I took on the tasks after Alex explained to me that he had been smitten with a nostalgia bug when he had gone to a legal conference out there by an exhibit at the deYoung Museum out in Frisco town, The Summer of Love Experience, being presented to honor the 50^th anniversary of the events of that summer.

Fair enough. I was glad to help out since I only knew the events second-hand and have always been interested in writing about and have written extensively about that period. As a result I had thought that the experience of putting out a small publication where we had to maybe for the first time in our lives work closely together “bonded” Alex and me somewhat. Fair enough again. Now though the guy is all hopped up, maybe showing signs of senility for all I know, about an exhibition he had seen at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts where they have Botticelli’s Venus on display. As far as I know Alex could have given a rat’s ass about art, about the Renaissance back in the day or anything since not connected with his law practice. But the other day he asked me for some space here to talk about how that Botticelli painting at the exhibition reminded him about some love interest he had had during that summer of love period. What can I say. He is after all my brother.  Zack James]       

   

[I had written the basics of the small piece I wished to present here about a young girl that I had met out in San Francisco, Jewel Night Star, when I was out there after the Scribe [Peter Paul Markin] got a bunch of us to head out west in late summer 1967. (I will explain that whole moniker business, that serious need to “reinvent” ourselves below but just know now that I was always known out there as Cowboy, or Cowboy Angel, depending on my mood, the day, hell maybe the drug intake) That was before I read my youngest brother Zack’s introduction. I felt compelled to add a note here to announce to what he always likes to call a “candid world” that I am neither senile nor have I been in the past, a past Zack, tied up with his various writing projects about times that he has only lived through vicariously totally oblivious to the call of culture, to the call of art and artifact. What more can I say though as he is my host here. Oh, yes, he is also after all my brother. Alex James.]

I would be the last person in the world to deny that memories, good and bad, creep up on a person sometimes in unusual ways. (Of course in my law practice I have had to pay short shrift in general to anything to do with memory on behalf of my clients but that is out of professional necessity to keep the buggers from huge jail time or cash outlays.) Recently this came home to me in a very odd way. I had been out in San Francisco to attend a law conference which I do periodically to confer with other lawyers in my special areas of concern when as I was entering the BART transit station on Powell Street I noticed on a passing bus an advertisement for an exhibition called The Summer of Love Experience being put on at the deYoung Museum in Golden Gate Park to commemorate the 50^th anniversary of that wild west experiment. That set off the first series of memory bells which forced me to take some time out to go see what they had produced about those long ago times.                    

See, strange as it may seem given my subsequent total emergence into my law practice (at times just to keep afloat with three unhappy ex-wives and a parcel of kids, some happy some not, to support which almost killed me about ten years ago with a crush of college tuitions) I had been one of those tens of thousands of young people who drifted west to see what the whole thing was all about in San Francisco in the summer of love, 1967. Zack has probably told you that when I came back from this recent Frisco trip I gathered those of my old hometown corner boys from the Acre section of North Adamsville who as Zack stated were “still standing” to put together a small tribute book in honor of the event dedicated to the memory of the late Peter Paul Markin, the guiding spirit who led us out West like some latter day prophet.  

Mad monk Markin (and he really was we all called him the Scribe after our leader Frankie Riley gave him that moniker  in junior high school after Markin once had written some total bullshit homage to him and it hit the school newspaper and ever after the Scribe was his “flak” writing some stuff that was totally unbelievable about the real Frankie Riley whom we knew was seven kinds of a bastard even then) had gone out in the spring of 1967 after dropping out of Boston University in his sophomore year and had come back in late summer telling us the “newer world” he was always yakking about (and which we previously had given a rat’s ass about) was “happening” out there. He conned, connived, and begged but six of us beside him (and ever after also including Josh Breslin from up in Olde Sacco, Maine whom the Scribe met out in Frisco who was not a North Adamsville corner boy but whom we made one since he was clearly a kindred spirit)   went out and stayed for various lengths of time. I had gone back out with Markin after his “conversion” plea and stayed for about a year, mostly, as with all of us one way or another riding Captain Crunch’s “merry prankster” converted yellow brick road bus (the latter Markin’s term).     

While out there I had many good sexual and social experiences but the best was with a young gal whom I stuck with most of the time who went by the name Jewel Night Star as I went by the names Cowboy or Cowboy Angel depending on my mood. I make no pretense to know all of the psychological and sociological reasons at the time or thereafter but these monikers we hung on ourselves were an attempt to “reinvent” ourselves. Break out of the then conventional nine to five, beat the commies, and buy lots of stuff world our parents tried to drive a nail in our hearts about. Some people changed their monikers, their personas every other week but I stuck with my based on the simple love that I had had for Westerns growing up and since we were in the West it seemed right. Markin’s Be-Bop Kid was an overlay from his hearty interest in the “beats” who by 1967 were passe, who were being superseded by what was beginning to be called the “hippies.” Such were the times. The Jewel Night Star moniker when she told me about it one night was based on her eyes which in a certain light looked like diamonds, like twinkling stars. As long as I knew her she stuck with that moniker as well.            

Funny when I was out in Frisco for the conference and went to the museum I didn’t think anything about her. Had been through a small succession of women after she left the bus and as I have mentioned have had a whole raft of women since then, married and unmarried. I just mainly “dug” the scene at the museum and thought about the great music we heard (when they played White Bird by It’s a Beautiful Day I freaked out since I had not heard that song in ages), about the plentiful and mostly safe dope we did (we had an unwritten pact among the North Adamsville corner boys not to do LSD, “acid” after Markin explained his “bad trip” on the substance and after we had seen more than a few people going crazy at concerts and need medical attention), and about how we could “outrage” bourgeois society by our dress, our free spirits and, well, our goofiness if it came right down to it. (Tweaking those who were trying to drive those nails into our hearts.)

Then last week, or the week before, I got this postcard advertisement from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston asking me to join their membership. (I assume somehow that having paid my admission to the deYoung on-line I had become a prime target for every museum from Portland East to Portland West). The ‘hook” on the other side of the postcard was that with a paid up membership I could see Botticelli’s Venus up close and personal. A view of that image on that postcard lead me directly, I say straight line directly, to my first memories of Jewel Night Star in maybe the fifty years since that summer of 1967 time.         

In the early fall of 1967 Markin and I had hitchhiked out across the whole country to Frisco. (I can see every mother grimace at that idea now, or then for that matter.) I won’t go into the details about how we got out there which I have written about in that tribute book the guys and I put together and Zack edited. Besides this is about Jewel not about some Jack Kerouac On The Road -influenced fling on our parts. Markin had had some contact with this guy, this wild man, Captain Crunch, who had somehow, most people who knew anything about it agreed that it was through a dope deal, gotten a yellow brick road converted school bus which he was travelling on up and down the West Coast picking up kindred spirits and letting them stay in and around the bus. (The attrition rate was pretty high most people staying a few weeks and then getting off or told to find another way to travel by Mustang Sally, the Captain’s sort of girlfriend, I never did figure out their actual relationship in all the time I was on the bus, if they stole stuff, didn’t keep fairly decent personal hygiene or let the drugs make them too weird and in need of some medical help.) When we got out West the Captain’s bus was stationed in Golden Gate Park and after the Scribe (then going under the moniker the Be-Bop kid-no more Scribe okay) introduced us and the Captain thought I was cool (and I thought he was as well) I was “on the bus.”              

A couple of weeks later the Captain was talking about taking a slow trip south to a place in La Jolla for the winter where he had a friend. The idea was that we would “house-sit” what turned out to be a mansion since that friend was one of the first serious high distribution drug dealers getting his product directly from south of the border only thirty or forty miles away in Tijuana.  We were all for it (me since every place was a new place for me in California and I was curious). It was on that trip as we headed toward Big Sur down the Pacific Coast Highway, a place called Todo el Mundo that I met Gail Harrington, Jewel Night Star.

We had stopped at a campsite where there was a party that was still going after about the six days before we got there so everybody was, using a term of art from those days “wasted.” I was grabbing a joint from somebody when this young woman came up to me and asked for a hit, for a “toke” for some grass. Her look. Well just check out the Botticelli Venus above that accompanies this piece and you get an idea. Tall, thin, hair braided, as was the style when a lot of young woman were on the road and didn’t want to, or couldn’t hassle with that daily chore to look beautiful stuff. Just as we guys grew our hair long and grew beards to avoid having the hassle of shaving. She had on a diaphanous kind of granny dress that showed her shape in detail. Nice. The granny dresses also a question of convenience and an expression that a woman’s shape was not as important as whether she was “cool” or not. But the best thing about her beyond being a Botticelli vision, a dream, what did I call it in the title to this piece. Yes, his 115^th dream, was that she was very friendly, and a little flirty, in a nice way unlike all the girls from North Adamsville that I knew who might be nice but who thought sex was a mortal sin before marriage, maybe ever.

At first I was a little disoriented when we hit Frisco and joined up with the bus since the girls were really without much guile friendly in a way that it was easier talking to them than the Bible between the knees girls I was used to. By the time we got to Todo el Mundo I had had a few dalliances, a few what we called back in the neighborhood, “one night stands” which didn’t go anywhere and nobody worried about it but I was still unsure about what to expect from the young women who were travelling that same “road” we were travelling. So I was kind of shy a little around Jewel at first since she struck me as something out of the Renaissance, something out a painting by Botticelli who before he “got religion” later in his life under the influence of Savonarola which I had seen in an art book when I was taking an art course in high school (and have been unable to find in recent Internet searches looking for that exact painting). They were mostly young countesses and merchants’ daughters who had time on their hands and whom Botticelli was interested in painting for profit and for a different look than the inevitable Holy Family, Jesus, religious paintings that were becoming overdone and passe. (I thought it was funny how many of his young women looked like Northern European women since I had a fixed idea of dark-eyed, dark haired, dark complexion Italian women who I saw at school or in the Little Italy neighborhood that started about ten blocks from the Irish-dominated Acre.)              

Well Jewel was not from Renaissance Italy but from Grand Rapids in Michigan. Had come west when she finished her first year at Michigan after she had heard one night on a date what the folk singer at the club she was attending talked about the music explosion going on out there. She had been out for several months and had headed south to Todo el Mundo when she thought things had gotten too weird in San Francisco. She had hitchhiked down with a guy who was heading further south to Los Angles but she was just then content to stay along the rugged rural coast for a while. Which she would have done for longer she said except when I asked to travel south on the bus she agreed. But that was a few weeks later.           

I suppose I have been somewhat beaten down in the women department because I had forgotten how easy to be with. Jewel was, I guess, thinking back she was one of those “flower children” that we kept hearing about. Meaning nothing more than she was whimsical, was relatively hassle-free and liked nothing better than to roam the hills around Todo el Mundo and the hardscrabble beaches in the area. With me in tow.  All of this may sound kind of simple-minded, kind of what is the big deal about his woman. But look at the look of Venus above, look at that faraway look and that twisting of her braids and you will get an idea of what Jewel was like. Look at Botticelli’s Venus eyes and you will see the same night star that I finally saw in Jewel’s.     

Like I said we stayed together more or less for most of that year I was out there until in the spring of 1968 Jewel said she was getting tired of the road and wanted to either settle down out in the desert, out in Joshua Tree where several communal groups were being formed or head back home to school. I didn’t like either idea although a few months later I would head back east to finish college. We agreed that our paths were going in different directions and one day she told me that she had purchased a bus ticket to Joshua Tree (actually when I went out there many years later Twenty-nine Palms the nearest bus stop then). The next day was the last day I saw her. Although we had agreed to keep in touch that like a lot of things in those days it never happened.  I wonder if she is still alive wherever she is if those eyes of hers still sparkle in a certain angle like a night star. I hope so.  

March Against President Trump's Budget Plan-In Boston

March Against President Trump's Budget Plan

Wednesday, May 31, 11:30am, Tip O'Neill Federal Bldg, Boston

This time it's a matter of life and death.

The country has never seen anything like it! The budget cuts and tax breaks proposed in the President’s Fiscal Year 2018 budget proposal and the forthcoming House budget proposal to follow will impact every program that helps each of us achieve a decent quality of life – and in many cases, to maintain life itself. It’s time to rise up in opposition while there’s time and to insist on a budget that puts people first:

Webinar: Understanding the FY2018 People's Budget Today, Tuesday, May 30, 1pm More info

11:30am: Assemble at Tip O'Neill Federal Bldg 10 Causeway St Boston
12:00 noon:  Rally at O’Neill Bldg
12:30 pm:  March to JFK Federal Bldg
1:00 pm:   Rally at JFK Bldg

Confirmed Speakers

State Senator Jamie Eldridge
Patricia Downs Berger, MD, co-chair, Mass-Care
Michael Kane, executive director, Massachusetts Alliance of HUD Tenants
Steve Tolman, President, Massachusetts AFL-CIO
Barbara Madeloni, President, Massachusetts Teachers Association
Rich Rogers, Secretary-Treasurer, Greater Boston Labor Council
Katherine Anderson, 350 Massachusetts
Warren Pepicelli, Executive Vice President, UNITE HERE
Jonathan King, Professsor, MIT
Roxanne Reddington-Wilde, ABCD
State Rep. Mike Connolly
Conrad Ciszek, Burbank Tenants Association
Chuck Collins, Institute for Policy Studies
Darrin Howell, 1199 SEIU

The President’s plan released on May 23 would cut over $800 billion in mandatory spending from Medicaid, food stamps, SSI & SSDI, child health, housing, and education over 10 years. These cuts would be on top of the $54 billion each year the President intends to take out ofclimate protection, housing, meals on wheels, worker safety, cancer research and many other key programs and move into the Pentagon budget – AND on top of the $880 billion cut to Medicaid in the health care repeal bill already passed by the House of Representatives! All to help pay for his proposed $5 trillion in tax cuts, primarily for corporations and high rollers. And these budget priorities – and even worse – will be mirrored in the official House Republican Budget that will be put up for a vote in the upcoming months.

There Is An Alternative! The People's Budget

On May 31 we will not only march against the President’s Budget priorities. We will also promote The People's Budget. Released on May 2 by the Congressional Progressive Congress, this comprehensive and economically sound budget can serve as the “Roadmap for the Resistance”. The People's Budget gives us a sound alternative budget to fight for that moves our country away from the human disaster awaiting us and toward prosperity and a society in which people matter. It cuts Pentagon spending including the dangerous nuclear weapons build-up. The People's Budget will also be voted on in the upcoming months.

Sign me up -- I'll be there on May 31!

We Thank These People's Budget Supporters

Jim McGovern • Mike Capuano • Katherine Clark

Please Call These Reps to vote for the People's Budget

Stephen Lynch 202-225-8273 • Joe Kennedy III 202-225-5931 • Seth Moulton 202-225-8020 • Ed Keating  202-225-3111 • Niki Tsongas 202-225-3411  • Richard Neal 202-225-5601

Massachusetts People's Budget Campaign (formerly the Budget for All Campaign)

www.mass-peoples-budget.org • 617-354-2169

Endorsers: Mass. Alliance of HUD Tenants • Massachusetts Peace Action • American Friends Service Committee • Our Revolution Massachusetts • Massachusetts Senior Action • Massachusetts Jobs with Justice • Veterans for Peace/Smedley Butler Brigade • Boston Homeless Solidarity Committee • Watertown Citizens for Peace, Justice & the Environment • Cambridge Residents Alliance • Neighbor to Neighbor • Progressive Democrats of America • Mass-Care (list in formation)

For a People's Budget,  Cole Harrison Executive Director, Massachusetts Peace Action

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Visit our website to learn more about joining the organization or donating to Massachusetts Peace Action!

We thank you for the financial support that makes this work possible. 

Massachusetts Peace Action, 11 Garden St., Cambridge, MA 02138
617-354-2169  • info@masspeaceaction.org

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