Sunday, November 26, 2017

The Ongoing Agony of the Obama-Trump War on the People of Yemen! by Ajamu Baraka / November 21st, 2017

The Ongoing Agony of the Obama-Trump War on the People of Yemen!

We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation.
— Martin Luther King, “Beyond Vietnam”
Yemen, the poorest Arab nation on Earth, is the victim of a savage, illegal war waged by the Saudi Arabian monarchy.  Armed to the teeth with the most sophisticated weapons in the world manufactured and supplied by the merchants of death in the United States, the Saudis are providing another grotesque example of what happens when a powerful nation with modern weapons is unrestrained by law and basic human decency.
Flying hundreds of sorties and targeting the civilian infrastructure—water and sanitation plants, the electrical grid, agricultural fields, food storage facilities, hospitals, roads, schools the result is over 20 million people, or 70 percent of the population,  are now dependent on food imports; 7 million of them are facing famine-like conditions and rely completely on food aid to survive. Conservative reports put the number of dead from the Saudis’ barbaric air war since March 2015 at over 11,000, with the vast majority being innocent civilians. Meanwhile, untold millions have been displaced.
All of the above acts against the Yemenis are war crimes.
But the trauma and devastation of the people doesn’t end here.
For the last two weeks, the gangster family running the Saudi state has imposed a murderous air, sea and land blockade preventing vital aid to those millions now dependent on it for their basic survival.
However, the Saudis are not the only ones implicated in this unfolding international crime. Like most of the egregious, international human-rights crimes of the late 20th and 21st centuries, the U.S. state is once again complicit.
The fact is the Obama administration gave the green light to the Saudi war on Yemen. This is a war that could not then or today have been launched and executed without direct support from the U.S. military. The United States provided critical support in the form of intelligence sharing and targeting, air-to-air refueling, logistics support, participation in the naval blockade, and billions of dollars in weapons sales.
That support continues under the Trump administration, including the finalization of the multi-billion-dollar arms deal with the Saudis that was initiated under the Obama administration.
Starvation is rampant, and the innocents are dying but who cares when there is money to be made and geopolitical interests to protect. As the indispensable nation, the nation above all nations, it is of no real concern that starvation is a war crime. Rogue states, especially if they believe in their “exceptionality” don’t restrict themselves to the rules that apply to others. So like other elements of international law that the United States ignores, starvation according to the Department of Defense, the U.S. Department of Defense considers starvation a legitimate weapon. Therefore, its use is strategic, and morality or its legality is of no concern to the masters of the universe.
Mass starvation is not the only tragedy the people are facing. Yemen is also experiencing one of the worst outbreaks of cholera in the world since the epidemic in Haiti that began in 2010. The Red Cross reports that there are over 750,000 cases of infection with the number expected to rise to over 900,000 by the end of the year. So far there have been over 3,000 deaths.
In this period when the corporate capitalist press and social media companies coordinate with the U.S. state to determine the range of acceptable information and selected facts presented to the U.S. public, it is not surprising Yemen has received scant coverage. Yet, in those few instances when the Obama administration felt compelled to comment on the situation—usually when the foreign press asked—it downplayed its role. When pressed, the Obama administration provided a ludicrous explanation: Apparently, Saudi Arabia was justified in intervening for its own security and to restore democracy in Yemen!
Today, the Trump administration doesn’t even need to bother to provide an explanation for continued U.S. support to the barbarism in Yemen. More focused on domestic political intrigue, his critics are not concerned about the crimes against humanity and war crimes being committed by the U.S. administration in Yemen. Recent legislation introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives in the form of a resolution to compel the administration to comply with the War Powers Act on Yemen or withdraw U.S. forces has stalled after generating miniscule interest. Since the people who are dying are “over there,” to borrow from Senator Lindsey Graham, who cares, and who cares if U.S. involvement is constitutional or not!
Once again, the hypocritical morality of the U.S. and the West is exposed. With all of its moralistic pontificating about human rights, humanitarianism, the responsibility to protect, the global public is reminded that U.S. and Western geo-political interests will always “trump” their supposed commitments to the rule of law, human rights, and all of the other high-sounding principles that they have consistently violated through practice.
Dr. King suggested 50 years ago that the United States was approaching spiritual death, that the deep malady in the “American” spirit was producing a sick people and making the United States a danger to the world. With mass shootings, the epidemic of suicides, pervasive drug addiction, intensifying anti-Semitism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, misogyny, white supremacy, generalized narcissism, and the normalization of war, the conclusion should be obvious today, the United States is a much sicker nation and an even more dangerous threat to the world.
The people of Yemen are suffering. They cry out for help, for an end to their misery, respect, and protection of their human right to live. But their voices are unheard, drowned out by the noise of Russia-gate, arguments about the meaning of Trump’s latest tweet, and the latest episode of the TV show “Scandal”.
While many activists in the U.S. who are aligned with the democratic party would reject it, the people in the global South, the racialized “others” whose lives have never mattered, understand clearly that Trump is not an aberration, he is the reflection of the “American” spirit.
Ajamu Baraka is a board member with Cooperation Jackson, the national organizer of the Black Alliance for Peace and was the 2016 candidate for vice president on the Green Party ticket. He is an editor and contributing columnist for the Black Agenda Report and contributing columnist for Counterpunch. He can be reached at www.AjamuBaraka.com Read other articles by Ajamu, or visit Ajamu's website.

Is Puerto Rico Being 'Ethnically Cleansed' for the Superrich?

Is Puerto Rico Being 'Ethnically Cleansed' for the Superrich?

A woman shows her pendant featuring a Puerto Rican flag. She lives in a school-turned-shelter after Hurricane Maria destroyed her home. (Ramon Espinosa / AP)
Two months after the Sept. 20 landfall of Hurricane Maria, Puerto Rico—like the nearby Virgin Islands—is still in a state of horrifying devastation. The help being offered by the Trump administration is thin to the point of being cruel and unusual.
At this point one must ask: Is Trump’s astonishing lack of aid part of a larger plan to cleanse the islands of their native populations, drive down real estate values and create a billionaire’s luxury hotel-casino-prostitution playground à la Cuba before the revolution?
In other words: ethnic cleansing for the superrich.
There is just one piece of good news: Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., has joined Rep. Stacey Plaskett of the Virgin Islands in proposing that Puerto Rico’s electric grid be rebuilt with wind, solar and a network of micro-grids. More than half the original electric grid is still not functioning, with frequent blackouts occurring in areas where the grid is operational.

Amid a widespread green campaign (more on that later), Lieu and Plaskett have asked the public to cosign their letter to the head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency to “invest in a more resilient energy infrastructure focused on renewable energy technology and distributed generation.”
One major wind farm on Puerto Rico’s south shore did survive Maria intact, as did the solar array of a local greenhouse business. Elon Musk has revived a children’s hospital by shipping in a solar/battery array that is sustaining the few medical facilities in San Juan with reliable power.
But overall, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands are in such horrific shape that it’s hard to dismiss the idea that the weak recovery effort might be by design. Consider this:
● Throughout the islands, U.S. citizens are dying due to lack of clean water. Tens of thousands are still without food, clothing, medical care or even basic shelter.
● A CNN survey of Puerto Rico’s burial services found a minimum of 499 deaths in the wake of the storm. That number cannot begin to cover the entire scope of the casualties, as many of the corpses have never made it to funeral homes. The official government death toll is about 65. When Trump visited the island he proudly put it at 16, complimenting FEMA for keeping it so “low.”
● Despite enormous resources available, the Trump administration has failed to deliver even sufficient tarps to cover rooftops that have been shattered or blown away altogether.
● North Carolina activist Ana Blackburn reported on prn.fm radio’s “Green Power & Wellness Show” that her mother, who lives in central Puerto Rico, is feeding more than 100 people per day at a church kitchen that can barely scrap together enough food for everyone.
● She also confirmed widespread reports that FEMA workers are delivering small quantities of bottled water, but nowhere near enough to prevent desperately thirsty locals from drinking contaminated water from polluted streams and even from designated SuperFund sites (hazardous waste dumps), resulting in widespread sickness and death.
● FEMA has been responding to requests for help by handing people without phone service or electricity a flier with a phone number to call and a website on which to fill out an application.
● Many in Puerto Rico have died because most of the island’s hospitals have no power and cannot provide surgery, dialysis and other basic life-saving services. Insulin and other medicines have spoiled due to lack of refrigeration.
● Because so many businesses were destroyed, unemployment is rampant, and the numbers are impossible to accurately estimate, according to the island’s governor. With so many hotels and other attractions wiped out, revenue from the island’s core tourist industry has disappeared.
● Those who do have work restoring power and providing other emergency services return home at night to homes or apartments with no electric power, no air conditioning, no refrigerated food, no means to cook what they have and partial roofs that leak during the frequent rains.
● A New York Times report estimates that at least 168,000 of Puerto Rico’s 3.5 million pre-storm residents have already come to Florida, about half to the Orlando area, and thousands more may be trying to flee. Uncounted numbers of Puerto Ricans have fled to other states. Many, many more are expected to follow.
● Just prior to Hurricane Maria, Hurricane Irma had grazed Puerto Rico and left some 80,000 people without power. They were still blacked out when Maria hit.
● Puerto Rico’s notoriously corrupt public-owned utility soon gave a $300 million contract to a two-year-old, two-person firm based in Whitefish, Mont., to restore a centralized grid. Whitefish is the hometown of Trump’s interior secretary, Ryan Zinke. His son has previously worked for the firm.
● On the ground in Puerto Rico, local workers were ignored in the hiring process. The line workers Whitefish brought in at huge expense were massively overpaid, with high commissions added to their salaries. They were soon showered with rocks and bottles thrown by angry Puerto Ricans. The Whitefish contract was finally cancelled, and the utility chief in Puerto Rico who signed it was forced to resign.
● When Irma and Hurricane Harvey devastated large swaths of Florida and Texas, federal aid and resources poured in with reasonable efficiency. As part of a trans-utility agreement, thousands of trucks and line workers rushed into both regions to restore water and power. Many Texans and Floridians still suffer, but the FEMA response has made a major difference.
● Immediately after Irma ravaged the Caribbean, Trump harped on debts owed by Puerto Rico to Wall Street; critics say this was a pretext for not sending aid.
● Trump also attacked San Juan’s Latina mayor for being allegedly ungrateful and incompetent.
● When he finally visited the island, Trump staged a public meeting at which he tossed packages of paper towels at desperate survivors. He then flew home ahead of schedule.
Trump’s “discovery” that Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands are surrounded by water did, of course, complicate his administration’s response.
Critics have inevitably raised the issues of race and poverty—along with a possible ulterior motive. On KPFK-Pacifica’s “California Solartopia” Show, longtime activist Joel Segal, a former congressional aide, discussed with me the widespread efforts by independent, safe energy activists that he has helped organize to see the islands’ electric grid be rebuilt with solar, wind and micro-grids.
These, says Segal, would not feed the global warming that will make future storms so powerful. They also would give the islands a reliable electric system at far cheaper prices than the old fossil burners that powered the islands before Irma and Maria.
But in confronting Trump’s non-response to the humanitarian crisis now gripping the islands, Segal also addresses the possibility that the neglect is deliberate.
“There is ethnic cleansing in PR, not enough food, water, medicine, and medical care. People dying in hospitals,” Segal said. “Why? Because they are black and brown people who speak another language. They are not white, therefore, why care about their well-being?”
Segal speculates that while the proposed GOP tax plan would give the rich a $1.5 trillion tax cut, Republicans in Congress do not want to spend $90 billion rebuilding the Caribbean.
In an email to me, Segal added that the hurricane response also might be about stripping the islands of their inconvenient natives and converting them into yet another billionaire’s paradise filled with Trump-type hotels, casinos and sex trade centers.
Even if they are, as Trump complains, surrounded by water.

The Meaning of Black Friday

The Meaning of Black Friday

When Black Friday devours Thanksgiving, capitalism consumes one of its sustaining myths.

Black Friday began as a traffic accident. Or a series of them. In Philadelphia in the early 1960s, police noted that the two days after Thanksgiving were characterized by heavy traffic, and, in the pre-Nader days of perilous auto travel, more bloody mayhem than usual.
The relationship between extra traffic and downtown sales had been observed early on, and traders were unhappy that the ominous name was sticking to one of their best sales days. Doubtless this had happened elsewhere too, but in Philadelphia business had Abe Rosen as their municipal representative. One of the country’s leading PR gurus, Rosen suggested the city rename the two days after Thanksgiving “Big Friday” and “Big Saturday.”
The crude boosterism worked, but not as intended. “Big Saturday” dropped away. “Big Friday” was noted, but simply reverted to its earlier designation as “Black Friday.” Picking it out as an event had drawn attention to it, and the Philadelphia Inquirer played it big. By the 1980s, the name began to spread across the country.
That “Big Friday” returned to “Black Friday” was inevitable. Black days have a history as long as the calendar, and attach to many events, but they have one common attribute: reversal, subversion, undermining. In modernity it has attached itself to financial collapse, natural disaster, terrorism, and military defeat. In the Roman calendar, a “black letter day” was one marked with charcoal on the wall calendar, one to be waited out with circumspection.
More pertinently in the Christian era, these days were marked with the idea of “black mass,” initially applied by the early official Church to gnostic sects, who included sexual rituals in their masses. By the medieval period, “black masses” also referred to parody church services held on fair days, and “Mad May,” when long-suffering parishioners conduct comic masses, wearing silly hats and reciting the Eucharistic with barnyard animal cries.
The church tolerated Mad May and the like as a necessary release valve, perhaps with some awareness of just how oppressive their official theology could be. “Black” anything, in this respect, is a nod to the incompleteness of any belief system, its inability to map onto the full range of human experience — its materiality, muck, and venality.
So it was inevitable that “Big Friday” would revert, for “Black Friday” is constitutionally mired in sin. By the time it stuck in the eighties, it had acquired a new meaning that cemented it. It was allegedly the day that retailers finally “went into the black” — made a profit — and shopping thus acquired a civic and patriotic dimension.
That didn’t hold either. As the day became bigger through the 1990s and 2000s, with ever-more dramatic price reductions, ever-larger and rambunctious crowds, and greater acts of consumer durable acquisition, the character of it as a day of disorder returned.
As with all aspects of American consumption in the 2000s, it acquired a surreal aspect. The many objects being hoarded and carted away were so large, the malls were so big, the cars were so oversized that the spectacle was almost a parody of consumption.
It was a kind of reverse potlatch, the somewhat mythical ceremonies of object-destruction crafted by anthropologists out of various ceremonies in the Native American Pacific Northwest. In such ceremonies, weapons, tools, and even canoes were destroyed in tribute and competition, and as a release from objects themselves, their sequestration of energy in material.
The social purpose of such activities — in the very abundant Pacific Northwest — appears to have been to prevent the accumulation of surplus, which would distort reciprocal relations. The side effect was Dionysian release, energy returned to energy, the present moment reasserted. We are not what we have made, we are what we do.
In its heroic era, from the 1980s to 2008, “Black Friday” had a paradoxical cast. It was an accumulation of things, but it was also a dissipation of energy, a breaking of rigid structures. That structure was, of course, Thanksgiving itself, which has long since lost its festive aspect and become a dutiful occasion, larded with anxiety and forced conviviality.
In its original form, Thanksgiving combined Dionysian excess — the joy of eating actual meat! — with agape, collective love. Right into the 1970s, meat consumption was not an everyday possibility for many in the middle class and below; limited incomes remained associated with limited caloric intake. The holiday retained its pre-modern association with luxe and indulgence. It’s no coincidence that the iconic Thanksgiving portrayal — Norman Rockwell’s 1943 painting as part of his “Four Freedoms” series — was dedicated to “Freedom From Want.”
The turkey in the picture looks average to our eyes, but it was exaggeratedly large for the time, a period when the birds were not dosed with antibiotics. Moreover the freedom Rockwell was commemorating had nothing to do with the “negative” freedoms endemic in the American tradition. It was one of the two “positive freedoms” (together with “freedom from fear”) that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had smuggled into patriotism, from the European socialist tradition.
In its original form, Thanksgiving took the Christian sacrament and regressed it to a degree, to its pagan roots in harvest celebration. The rare mood of well-being from adequate protein and carbs could submerge whatever irritations with each other the pilgrims might have entertained. This infrequent satiation bonded together people who otherwise spent a lot of time damning each other to hell (and massacring native peoples).
That, of course, no longer holds. For nearly half a century, Thanksgiving has occurred in a society where food for many Americans is not only not scarce, but in perpetual excess. For not a few, most of life consists of warding off food — resisting its intrusion into every area of existence, its ability to attach to multiple forms of desire.
Relationship to food defines class. In popular depictions, the rising professional class is defined by its ability to resist food, its puritan moral strength. A broader working class is increasingly defined but its joyful surrender to it. Whole regional cultures — the Gulf South around Mississippi for example — have come to be characterized by it. You can see its register in that ultimate arbiter of American class, sitcoms, where middle-class examples are populated by thin, tight people, while those with broader appeal — The King of QueensMike and Molly — put obesity at the center of everyday life.
Thanksgiving now consists of doing what most people try not to do all the time — systematically overeat — with relatives one may or may not wish to spend some time with.
In its original formulation it was Dionysian, a feast of food it may well have been wiser to store, but what the hell. It was, in its way, a kind of Black Thursday, when the meager stores got used up in ill-advised excess. The celebration was a zero-sum game, since every additional course meant further shortage later. Now, for many in the advanced capitalist world there is no shortage.
So in response to duty — to the alleged abandon disguised as duty — Black Friday has developed as the sly alternative. The activity is, by its very nature, as anti-Thanksgiving as you could get. Thanksgiving is, after all, a subject, even an abject celebration, in which one acknowledges submission to the whims of a distant God. Its role is in part to balance out Christmas and the practice of giving to children, in which non-reciprocity is celebrated: the child receives gifts without any expectation of reciprocal action on its part. The child’s role is simply to be. As adults we take our joy from that — Christmas Day without children is worthless and sad.
In that respect, Black Friday has a mutant aspect to it. It has taken the cornucopia effect of Christmas, and applied it to adults. It is, or was, a release from the duty of giving thanks, into a day of infantilized desire. Everything about Black Friday in its high phase acquired a ritual meaning: the drive to the mall, the lining up in the snow, the fist fights, the local news crews there for the fist fights, the rush as the doors opened, the carting away, the staggering under the weight of seventy-inch plasma screens.
The actual utility of the discount goods really functioned as a McGuffin for the activity of acquiring them. What possible improvement in viewing could a seventy-inch plasma screen offer that exceeded the sheer joy of carting it away at a major discount? You enacted the Dinoysian ceremony, but then all the shit stuck around, silting up your house. Black Friday participants, if they had any sense, would buy their goods, leave the store, and dump them straight in waiting garbage cans. They would never feel as good in their adult lives.
For two decades, Thanksgiving and Black Friday had an uneasy truce. Right up until the last five years or so, the stores observed the limits of Black Friday, holding to the daylight hour of nine 9 AM before opening the doors. Until the 2007–8 crash, that implicit limit was respected. But after that, as the country dipped into recession, those rules began to collapse. The start of Black Friday got earlier and earlier, as big box stores tried to compete with each other for scarce customers, and against online retail, which could offer discounts at any time.
Cyber retail has dissolved the commercial nexus of time and space altogether. Discount waves can be offered on specific classes of goods, geared to specific algorithms, and a bargain can be had on an iPhone, in a two-minute exchange, while waiting for the pie to brown properly.
Online retailing de-fetishizes consumption and turns stores into delivery depots. No matter how much online retailers try to replicate the ritual fetish of physical shopping, they cannot, and online retailing starts to reduce consumption of consumer durables back to a more rational pattern. The relative shrinking of the circuit of consumption — which lies at the root of the current non-recovery — appears to be in part a result of the dephysicalization of retail. The core techniques relied on by retailers of the past century, such as the “paradise effect” — the sense of overwhelming plenty in department stores — and the “Gruen transfer” — the disorientation that occurs on walking into an atrium mall — no longer applies. People are less likely to buy shit they have no use for.
The 2007–8 crash saw the collapse of a whole range of chains, but perhaps the most significant were Brookstone and The Sharper Image, mall-fodder selling — what? No one quite knew, even when they had left a store having made a purchase. The Sharper Image, a sort of repository of pointless miscellany, founded in the seventies on a quintessential seventies product, jogging watches, disappeared altogether. With them went Borders and Circuit City and many others. Dozens of chains are now hanging on waiting for the inevitable blow, another recession, and a fresh winnowing. Meanwhile, online retailers continue to trade in loss. Amazon, having destroyed physical retailing as an enterprise of profit, is yet to make one.
Thus the damage at the moment is doubled. Big box stores and chains, in their desperate attempt to keep spatial retailing going, have extended Black Friday to Thanksgiving. Eventually, they’ll push it to Wednesday, in some absurd attempt to pretend it has not dissolved altogether.
By 2011, stores such as Target and Macy’s began opening at midnight plus one second, technically observing the sanctity of Thanksgiving, but traducing it with the technical manner of their obeisance. The next year, the rubicon was crossed. Walmart and others began opening at 8 PM on Thanksgiving Day in states where that was permitted. This year, Radio Shack, that bizarre coelacanth survivor of electronics retailing, announced that they would open at 8 AM on Thanksgiving.
Black Friday consumes White Thursday. The holiday is abolished — not just for the unhappy staff compelled to turn up to half-empty stores on a holiday of family gathering, but for everyone. That’s the whole point of the sacred and the profane, and the asymmetry between them, and the manner in which a culture appends on such.
To remain sacred, a cultural limit must be respected by everyone. To debase it into profanity, into muck, filth, shit, and waste, requires only a single debaser. Thus does the transition from culture to accumulation work. It takes only one hoarder to hold their axe or canoe back from potlatch, for the cultural system to be upended, and reciprocity to be dissolved.
Black Friday came to glory in the last period of Western consumerism, when the economy effectively ran in reverse — when an ever-inflated circuit of consumption kept an ever-shrinking circuit of production alive. The final respatialization of US living — the desperate gold rush of mall building and exurbanization — peaked as a parabola, its high moment a zero point.
Deadmalls.com, that compendium of retail decay, starts in the late 1990s, and has all but concluded by the mid 2000s, after around 20 percent of the malls in the US have met their demise. Many have now been demolished or turned into “new urban” town centers. They are dying too, now, and deadmalls.com, will get a fresh crop in the years to come, if anyone can even be bothered to catalog a fresh round of retail failure. Most likely, the gloss will have gone off.
The first round of deadmalls was spectacular: vast spaces designed for commercial fun rotting away. A few remain, such as White Flint outside Washington, DC, a near-dead mall with two stores remaining, but with the entire mall perpetually running, escalators humming away, lights on. I would advise everyone to make a day-trip of it, before the wrecking ball finally comes through. Not for nothing is the great photographic record of dead malls titled “Black Friday.” The second round will just be sad.
In the last couple of years, the encroachment of Black Friday on Thanksgiving has come to the attention of the wider culture. For years, workers have been protesting the demands of corporations, that they serve on what is a holiday for others. But, since Shays’ Rebellion and before, the American idea of universal celebration and citizenship has never included the propertyless, so their protests were overlooked.
It was only when the encroachment of Black Friday on Thanksgiving became absurd, a stuffing, a farce, that mainstream media began to sit up and take notice. The fact that this could even occur — that a sales event could wholly encroach on a collective holiday that lies at the root of national identity — is a measure of how decayed and compromised that identity has become.
One no longer expects the conservatives, centered around National Review, to object to this winnowing away of grassroots American life, but even the renewed and iconoclastic paleo-conservatives at the American Conservative cannot find it within themselves to make a clear and declarative protest against the cannibalization of tradition by capitalist process. They cannot admit what they will have to acknowledge sooner or later: that capitalism is a deconstructive, nihilistic process that lives off its cultural outside, and thereby consumes it.
Black Friday relies for its occult meaning on the previous inviolability of Thanksgiving, which it then debases. This year, with the 8 AM Thanksgiving openings, it has completed the process, and eaten its way out the other side of what remained of the “holy” day.
As a traffic accident it began, and thus does it end, a disaster that everyone recognizes as such, but no one has much idea what to do about — paralyzed by the contradictions of a culture whose system has gone to war against it.

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside-Its The Same Struggle-Build The Resistance

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside-Its The Same Struggle-Build The Resistance   

This holiday time of year (and Political Prisoner Month each June as well) is when by traditions of solidarity and comradeship those of us who today stand outside the prison walls sent our best wishes from freedom to our class-war sisters and brothers inside the walls and redouble our efforts in that task.  

Don't forget Mumia, Leonard Peltier, Reality Leigh Winner, The Ohio 7's Tom Manning and Jaan Laaman and all those Black Panther and other black militants still be held in this country's prisons for  risking their necks for a better world for their people, for all people.

  

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside -It Is The Same Struggle

Free All The Political Prisoners-From Those Outside The Walls To Those Inside-Its The Same Struggle-Build The Resistance   

This holiday time of year (and Political Prisoner Month each June as well) is when by traditions of solidarity and comradeship those of us who today stand outside the prison walls sent our best wishes from freedom to our class-war sisters and brothers inside the walls and redouble our efforts in that task.  

Don't forget Mumia, Leonard Peltier, Reality Leigh Winner, The Ohio 7's Tom Manning and Jaan Laaman and all those Black Panther and other black militants still be held in this country's prisons for  risking their necks for a better world for their people, for all people.