Sunday, May 06, 2018

Archive Edition-On The 50th Anniversary Of The “Summer Of Love”- “Hippie Modernism: The Struggle For Utopia” At The Berkeley Art Museum

On The 50th Anniversary Of The “Summer Of Love”- “Hippie Modernism: The Struggle For Utopia” At The Berkeley Art Museum




By Special Guest Social Commentator Alex James 

[Recently, under the aegis of my oldest brother Alex, today’s special guest commentator, I have been “commissioned” to do a wide ranging series of writings, sketches really, around the theme of the “Summer of Love, 1967” to be made into a small tribute book in honor of his and his “corner boys” from the Acre section of North Adamsville long departed friend Peter Paul Markin. It was Markin who was the main connection between them and the events which transpired in the Bay Area that long ago and which arguably changed their lives forever. Of if not changed forever put a big kink in the way that they were originally heading. The impetus for the project had come about after Alex had gone on a business trip to San Francisco and almost by happenstance noticed an advertisement on a passing Muni bus for an exhibit at the de Young Art Museum on entitled The Summer of Love Experience. That perked his interest enough to take sneak time from his conference business to attend. And will be the subject of an up-coming sketch. Today’s commentary is along those same lines because not only was the de Young having its version of celebrating that event but over on the East Bay in Berkeley, another center of that summer’s “youth nation” surge, the University Art Museum had mounted an exhibition with the intriguing title-Hippie Modernism; the Struggle for Utopia. Alex jumped on the BART one day after his business was finished up for the day to check this display out. Zack James]               

*******

I am not usually much for writing outside of my business interests or I should say my law practice which is my business interest and leave the biting or witty social commentary to my youngest brother, there were six of us to divvy up the social chores, Zack, who has made a career out of such endeavors. Except events this spring around the almost half-forgotten Summer of Love, 1967 which I, and the rest of the guys I hung around with all through public school, were as Zack said one time “washed clean” by that extraordinary “new breeze” that got a big tailwind from that happening. “Happening” a word very closely associated with all the crazy, goofy, outlandish and in some sad instances pathetic things that went on when we were forced to head west and see what it was all about. Forced by one mad monk of a man, Peter Paul Markin, known as the “Scribe” from junior high school on. A small letter “prophet” unlike a capital letter prophet like Allan Ginsberg who blew Markin away with his Howl in high school which he would recite to us when he was half drunk (or later half-stoned) and which we could have given a fuck about at the time all we cared about was grabbing petty larceny dough, girls, and fast cars not always in that order, after all was said and done, what little good it ever did him in the long haul to “check out the new breeze coming over the land.”

All that will be, or already has been, detailed in the little tribute book we asked Zack to put together with his sketches on those times and our, the surviving corner boys’ remembrances, in honor of Markin. Like Zack said in his introduction I had been in San Francisco for a law conference and was walking up Geary Street and noticed an advertisement for the de Young Museum in Golden Gate Park which was presenting an exhibition titled The Summer of Love Experience. I did attend that exhibition and will give my take on that emotional experience shortly. While at that exhibition one late afternoon after the conference was over for the day I overheard a conversation between two old geezers (yeah, like me, like me) about an exhibit over in Berkeley at the University art museum. They didn’t give the title of the exhibition at the time. Had just said it was about hippies. But when I went to look it up it had the title, the very interesting title-Hippie Modernism: the Struggle for Utopia I couldn’t resist before I left Frisco taking that exhibit in on two counts; it was an unusual way to describe a certain modernist artistic sensibility that I think we were trying to create and a very apt way to describe what the whole “seek a newer world” experience (a term Markin used incessantly via Robert Kennedy when it counted) was about, or what we thought we were trying to do. Zack has mentioned in a few of his sketches that we have faced more than forty years of blow-back from the Molochs (thanks Allan Ginsburg’s Howl for that) which show no signs of abating soon for not creating that utopia, or something close to it. He was right as rain on that score.                

I have already given Zack notes and paragraphs of information with my take on how we lost dog corner boys from the nowhere Acre section, the dirt poor working class section of North Adamsville, under the whip of one mad monk Markin wound up spending various amounts of time working through the implications of the Summer of Love which kind of brought all the tattered remnants of “youth nation,” and it really was that, at least it is no misnomer to call it that when the sons of working stiffs met up with the scions of the Mayfair swells to give the Molochs a run for their money for a while anyway. What came to mind viewing this Hippie Modern exhibit is how varied the ideas were that we were trying to get people, and frankly “people” then was just shorthand for youth nation for we were in a serious confrontational battle with our parents’ generation and their leaders over these proposed changes. A very unusual time in that respect since generations since have developed their own styles but have not come to blows with their parents’ generations in quite the same way. My three twenty somethings still living at home with seemingly no immediate prospects of leaving to fly on their own against my leaving home as a teenager tell the reader all he or she needs to know about that difference.      

Of course a University museum, especially at an elite school which was probably the overall cultural if not political epicenter of the times, is going to highlight some of the ideas and creations which its alumnus or those who hung around the school there produced. And there really was an amazing amount of printed material produced then detailing everything from how to build an environmentally sustainable house to the outer edges of rational social and political theory (think Marcuse, McLuhan, guys like that). The Chinese only half-seriously had called such a movement in their own country in the late 1950s “let one hundred flowers bloom” and in those naïve blessed hippie days there were many more than that number of ides floating around in the space we had created. Whoever could put pen to ink, or to the drawing board had space to work in. Frankly some of the ideas seem today, today when we are not under the influence of strong drugs, sexual desire, or some odd-ball background music which colored most of our thinking back then, crackpot but others are as fresh as whatever Silicon Valley is pressing on the public these days. I had a thought that maybe, just maybe if we had done more organizing around some simple things instead of creating full-blown manifestos for every occasion we might had struck a deeper chord. Maybe though that time, our print-driven time, was the last gasp of print, of literary means of effective persuasion.

The heart of the exhibit though, the part that along with the de Young exhibit pieces got me on the phone, the cellphone, to all the surviving corner boys who went West at Markin’s beck and call were the photographs and poster art that brought back so many memories. I might as well put in here that not everybody went, wanted to go, or could go like Ricky Russo who got wasted in some fucking rice paddle in Vietnam for no good reason and never even had a chance to have Markin work his words on him to go out like he did with the rest of us.

Memories of going with Markin on the road, yeah, the hitchhike road since I had no real dough, both of us with knapsacks and slim bedrolls, grabbing long and short haul rides, sleeping in ravines and in the back of trucks, getting rides all the way from every kind of traveler from hardened truck-drivers who thought we looked like their wayward sons back home who they did not understand any longer to welcome wagon Volkwagen minibuses filled with “freak” who pulled up and cried jump in and getting to the fresh smell of the bay in anywhere between six days and two weeks. What was time anyway once you were on that road. Sleeping in all kinds of communal flops in or near Haight-Ashbury, panhandling or working day labor for food, and smoking and ingesting every kind of drug except maybe booze which had been our natural “high” around the block but which seemed passe out in the new wilderness where we were to be “washed clean” as Markin when he was the beautified saint of our mission used to say. Most strikingly though were the posters and other artwork that at the time were just “commercial” efforts to let people know when a “happening” or a concert was coming up. I was surprised by how grand the artwork was for items that were just then advertisement but turned out to have been genuine works of art as seen as such by their creators. No one can argue against that point now, or should.

I freaked out when I saw a photograph of an old time school bus, what Markin used to call the yellow brick road magical mystery flying carpet, converted to a moving living communal set-up pioneered by max daddy Ken Kesey and his Merry Pranksters and which travelled up and down the Coast. We had travelled while on the Coast in a caravan like that with a guy named Captain Crunch that one of the guys will talk about in the tribute book who as well as personally knowing Kesey (we had gone to one of those famed be-ins at his La Honda digs) was nothing but the king hell king of our existence for a couple of years. That travelling caravan would be the way we would have gone to this or that concert by the Doors or the Jefferson Airplane at the Fillmore or in Golden Gate Park. Playing for free or a couple of bucks. (I did a double take when I saw those ticket prices beyond the many free concerts by the big name Bay-based bands including one poster which advertised a three day concert for five dollars for the whole thing. Jesus, some things were righteous then when I think I have paid many hundreds of dollars in recent years to go to a Stones concert). Yeah, as Zack said, to be young was very heaven.


The only thing that did not ring true, or was outside our purview, was a section dedicated many photographs of a group of drag queens called the Cockettes (draw whatever conclusion you like about that moniker) and which later morphed into another such group with a different name which I don’t remember. Sure we would see drag queens, “dykes” and “faggots” around the concerts and festivals after all San Francisco even then was a safe haven for same-sex seekers (and other misfits like communists, beat poets, and runaways from North Adamsville and all such places in between). Nowadays in the new sensibility nobody gives a fuck who you love or why, how you want to dress yourself before the world or why but then we sons of the working class had very backward views about the sexually different and those who identified that way. I can remember one time when we went down to Provincetown, Markin included, just to bait the “fags” that made the place then notorious for us straights. But you know you can learn something in this wicked old world as Markin used to say and after “getting religion” as Markin also used to say when we got hip to the world a little better when my son came out of the closet I wish we had gotten to know those “dames” and their hangers-on better because from the photographs some of them looked kind of foxy and probably fun to be around. Yeah, I looked it up, looked up the full Wordsworth quote that Zack is using for the series-the other part applies too-“Twas bliss to be alive.”              

In Boston May 8th -Fight For $15 And Paid Family Medical Leave-Fight As If Your Life Depended On It !

In Boston May 8th -Fight For $15 And Paid Family Medical Leave-Fight As If Your Life Depended On It !


A View From The American Left-Trump, Democrats Threaten China with Trade War Defend China Against Imperialism!

Workers Vanguard No. 1132
20 April 2018
 
Down With Labor Tops’ Protectionist Poison!
Trump, Democrats Threaten China with Trade War
Defend China Against Imperialism!
The Trump administration’s threat to impose tariffs on more than $150 billion worth of imports may well signal the opening of an economic war on China. Prominent Democratic Party spokesmen, who normally denounce every tweet and policy pronouncement of the Republican president, have signed on to this anti-China crusade. So too have the top leaders of the trade-union bureaucracy, which has long combined chauvinist “America First” protectionism with anti-Communist China-bashing.
Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer said he wanted to give Trump “a big pat on the back” for “doing the right thing when it comes to China.” Bernie Sanders, the darling of the reformist left, recently stated, “I think the main target of our concern has got to be China” and reiterated his longstanding call for comprehensive measures against Chinese imports. For their part, the AFL-CIO tops are demanding concerted action by “America and our allies” to “bring tough pressure to bear on China,” while Steelworkers union leaders say they want to “work with the administration” against China to “rebuild our nation’s manufacturing sector and protect national security.”
At the same time, the American capitalists are far from unanimous in backing Trump’s tariff threats. U.S. agribusiness interests are up in arms at the thought of retaliatory tariffs by Beijing cutting off their profitable Chinese export market. Major retailers like Walmart and Costco protested that tariffs would raise the cost of basic household items. Many U.S. manufacturers, including in auto, have warned that the impact of new tariffs on today’s complex international supply chains would drive up their cost of production, undercut competitiveness and trigger layoffs. The U.S. moves against China are loaded with contradictions. Not only are the two countries’ economies closely tied through trade, but China is the biggest holder of U.S. government debt.
Bourgeois spokesmen opposed to Trump’s tariffs, including a hefty chunk of the Republican Congressional caucus, embrace what they call “free trade.” By this they mean the supposedly inherent right of U.S. imperialism to “freely” use its economic and military might to rip off weaker countries’ natural resources and drive their workers and peasants to starvation. Meanwhile, the capitalists have waged a decades-long onslaught in this country that has devastated the jobs and working and living conditions of tens of millions.
Countless factories have rusted into the ground after the bosses threw workers on the scrap heap and moved production elsewhere in a bid to boost profit margins. The ruling class has scuttled maintenance of roads, bridges, transit systems, airports, power grids, dams, water supplies—the very things needed for society to function. For years, the labor tops have screamed about low-wage workers overseas “stealing” American jobs, even as they have allowed much of the U.S. to become a low-wage outsourcing destination for both U.S. and foreign companies.
The labor misleaders claim that by pushing protectionism they are defending the livelihoods of working people against “unfair competition.” They promote the lie that workers in the U.S. have a common “national interest” with the capitalist ruling class. But there is no such common interest. The union bureaucracy’s collaboration with the enemy class is the very opposite of what is needed: class struggle against the capitalists to reverse their rampage against workers and the oppressed. In fact, the labor tops have been active accomplices in this one-sided class war, selling givebacks, multi-tier wages and other “sacrifices” to defend the profitability and competitive edge of U.S. imperialism against its rivals.
In backing Trump’s tariffs (and those imposed by the previous Obama administration), the labor bureaucrats are serving as foot soldiers in the imperialist drive to restore capitalist rule in China. The 1949 Chinese Revolution, led by Mao Zedong’s peasant-based army, overthrew capitalist-landlord rule and established proletarian property forms, centrally collectivized ownership of the productive forces and economic planning. The Chinese Revolution was a huge victory for the world’s working people, even though the workers state that emerged was deformed from birth by the rule of a parasitic bureaucracy that excluded the working class from political power. The collectivized economy made it possible to free China from imperialist domination, lift hundreds of millions out of dire poverty and lay the basis for significant advances in industry.
The current moves toward an anti-China trade war are part of a broader counterrevolutionary offensive by the U.S. and other imperialist powers that also includes military threats and capitalist economic penetration. Just as workers in capitalist countries must defend their unions against the bosses despite the sellout labor leadership, so they must stand for the unconditional military defense of the Chinese workers state against imperialism despite the ruling Stalinist Chinese Communist Party (CCP) bureaucracy.
Imperialism, China and Trade War
While it is often hard to find rhyme or reason behind Trump’s pronouncements, in regard to China there is a clear program of economic and military belligerence. Trump’s top trade advisers, Peter Navarro and Robert Lighthizer, are anti-China hawks. The AFL-CIO bureaucrats have long lionized Navarro for his hard line against China. Six years ago, they organized screenings in Ohio Rust Belt towns of Navarro’s film Death by China, an anti-Communist diatribe that portrays the country as a trade cheat using currency manipulation, illegal subsidies, intellectual property theft and other measures to steal American jobs. Welcoming Navarro’s appointment as a Trump adviser, an AFL-CIO spokesman saluted his “important critiques of American trade policy” and looked forward to “working with him to translate that into real policies that benefit America’s workers.”
Trump launched his anti-China trade war in January with tariffs on solar panels. Where a decade ago China was only a minor player in solar panel manufacturing, it now produces three-quarters of the entire world supply thanks to a state-run drive to develop renewable energy technology. The White House then announced measures against steel and aluminum imports, which have now gone into effect. When initially proposed, these tariffs also hit many U.S. allies, but it quickly became clear that China was the main target, even though Chinese steel and aluminum imports are a fraction of what top exporters like Canada provide. While most capitalist countries (though not Japan or Russia) were given reprieves, the measures against China remained intact. Far more significant was the March 22 threat to impose tariffs on some $50 billion in Chinese goods. When the CCP regime of Xi Jinping responded with equivalent tariffs on U.S. exports, chiefly agricultural products, the U.S. upped the ante by another $100 billion.
Washington’s chief target is China’s rapidly growing high-tech communications and computer industries. The “Made in China 2025” program, adopted by the Xi regime three years ago, aims to make China a global leader in artificial intelligence, advanced microchips, electric vehicles and other cutting-edge technologies. The imperialists are up in arms about such state-sponsored development, including China’s acquisition of technology through joint ventures and overseas purchases. In 2016, there was a backlash in Germany after a Chinese appliance maker bought Kuka, an advanced robotics company.
More recently, the White House blocked the takeover of the Qualcomm chip manufacturer by a Singapore-based company, fearing this would open the door for China, not the U.S., to become the main hardware provider for next-generation (5G) wireless communications networks. The policy is again bipartisan: the Obama administration blocked similar deals on national-security grounds.
Trump’s invoking of national security in announcing the steel and aluminum tariffs was derided by much of the capitalist media. But military-strategic considerations are a central component of Washington’s moves. Advanced computer/communications technology is critical to China’s defense against imperialism. The London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies recently concluded that China had become a military innovator that is “not merely ‘catching up’ with the West” but would soon break the U.S. monopoly of stealth combat aircraft and achieve at least parity in air-to-air missiles.
Washington’s latest Nuclear Posture Review and other strategy papers point to China as well as capitalist Russia as the U.S.’s main enemies. Earlier, the administration rolled out a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy that defined China as a hostile threat. This is consistent with Obama’s promised “pivot” to Asia, which was put on hold when the U.S. remained mired in the Near East. U.S. military jets and warships regularly menace Chinese forces and bases in the South China Sea, as Washington seeks to tighten the military encirclement of the country.
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a further example of the continuity between Trump’s policy of containing China and that of Obama, despite differences over specifics. The TPP was Obama’s proposed trade pact with other Pacific Rim countries, notably Japan. Its central purpose was to counteract Beijing’s economic influence. As part of his “America First” campaign, Trump ditched the pact soon after his election. The effect was to give China more leverage in the region. Japan then moved to reseal the TPP without the U.S.—and now the ever-erratic Trump is talking about rejoining it. The pro-imperialist labor tops rail that the TPP fails to create the “strategic advantage over China.” We defend China’s right to carry out measures to protect and expand its economy. As part of our defense of China, we oppose the TPP, which also further opens up semicolonial countries to imperialist depredation.
Economic Advances of the Chinese Workers State
Contrary to the view propagated by many bourgeois ideologues and reformist leftists that China has become a new capitalist power, the Chinese economy operates in a way that is fundamentally different from capitalism. The CCP has over the past four decades introduced numerous market reforms and welcomed imperialist investment in certain areas. However, the strategic core of the economy—most heavy industry, mining, communications and, especially, banking—remains state-owned.
The CCP’s policies have also led to the cohering of an indigenous capitalist class. Many of these private capitalists (including in high-tech industries) have amassed great wealth, but they do not control the Chinese state, which constrains and ultimately controls their activities. Nevertheless, the policies pursued by the bureaucracy have greatly increased the threat of internal counterrevolution.
It is China’s collectivized economy that underpins the country’s huge economic advances. From 2007 to 2013, as the capitalist world was mired in the Great Recession, China tripled its output of goods and services. Ten years ago it accounted for less than 1 percent of global e-commerce; today its share is 42 percent, more than the U.S., Japan, Germany, France and Britain combined. In recent years, China has carried out gigantic infrastructure development projects including highways, airports and a vast network of high-speed trains. This was made possible because the Chinese government makes investment decisions based on what it considers to be in the interest of national economic development, not the capitalist profit motive. At the same time, these projects are built through bureaucratic mismanagement with its attendant effects, including shoddy construction and dangerous working conditions.
In the U.S., the capitalists are starving the educational system, as underscored by the recent teachers strikes and protests in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Kentucky and elsewhere. The bourgeoisie educates only those it needs in order to keep production for profit going. Meanwhile, China’s universities now graduate nearly ten times as many STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) students as the U.S.
The “unfair trade practices” that Trump, the Democrats and the labor tops denounce with regard to China actually typify the practices of the trusts and cartels that dominate modern capitalist industry, whether under the guise of free trade or of protectionism. When the capitalist magnates hope to seize a bigger market share by selling cheaply abroad, they demand “free trade.” When they are undercut by competitors, they enlist the strong arm of the government to give them an edge with subsidies and trade barriers.
The world is dominated by a handful of imperialist powers, which seek to control natural resources, markets and sources of cheap labor, especially in the neocolonial countries. This leads to the relentless cycle of neocolonial wars as well as the ongoing efforts to restore capitalist rule to China and the other deformed workers states (Cuba, Vietnam, Laos and North Korea).
Historically, trade wars lead to shooting wars, the ultimate means for capitalist states to secure foreign markets and spheres of exploitation. Witness, for example, World War II in the Pacific. During the Great Depression in the 1930s, trade barriers were thrown up against Japan by the U.S., Britain and their allies. For their part, starting in 1931, the Japanese imperialists occupied Manchuria in northeast China and other regions. Interimperialist rivalries in East Asia came to a head in July 1941, when the U.S. and Britain cut off oil shipments to Japan. Having helped provoke Japan into war, Washington then ended it with one of the most coldblooded atrocities of modern times: the A-bombing of the civilian populations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
For Revolutionary Internationalism!
China’s economic growth has produced substantial gains for the population. However, decades of CCP market reforms have also generated an enormous increase in inequality. On average, China remains poor relative to the U.S. and other imperialist powers. This is especially the case in the countryside, where 200 million small peasant holdings averaging about an acre scarcely provide a livable income.
The CCP leaders falsely believe that they can turn China into a great world power—indeed, the global superpower of the 21st century—in the face of the imperialists’ more powerful military forces, advanced technology and labor productivity. This is an expression of the Stalinist dogma of building “socialism in one country,” which accompanies the CCP bureaucracy’s chimerical quest for “peaceful coexistence” with world imperialism. In reality, the current ratcheting up of protectionist measures demonstrates that the imperialists will seek to impede the development of China when they perceive it to be a threat to their military and economic supremacy.
Stalinist misrule has repeatedly undermined defense of the workers states. The ruling bureaucratic caste must be ousted by a proletarian political revolution in order to preserve and extend the working-class property forms, institute workers democracy based on elected councils of the toiling masses, and pursue the struggle for socialism worldwide. The all-sided, egalitarian modernization of China hinges on the successful struggle for international proletarian revolution, not least in advanced capitalist countries like the U.S. and Japan. The establishment of a planned economy on an international scale will lay the basis for eliminating material scarcity through a vast increase in the global productive forces.
The labor bureaucrats who tie the U.S. workers to the class enemy through allegiance to the bosses’ parties (especially the Democrats) must be replaced by a class-struggle leadership. The workers’ fight must be consciously waged as an international one, based on an understanding that the interests of labor and capital can never be reconciled and that the historic gains resulting from the overthrow of capitalism in China and the other deformed workers states must be defended. The struggle for proletarian power in the U.S. requires the building of a revolutionary workers party. Our watchword is what Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels inscribed on their banner 170 years ago: “Workers of the world, unite!”

Hearing May 9th on the future of the draft and national military service


Hearing May 9th on the future of the
draft and national military service?    It is
conveniently in Boston, right by the Park Street T, in the evening. 

Wednesday, May 9, 2018
5:45 - 7:45 p.m.
Sargent Hall
Suffolk University Law School
120 Tremont St. (at Park St.)
Boston. MA 


Please join us our Public Forum in Boston, Massachusetts!

Posted by: admin  |  April 30, 2018
Public Forum Invitation for Boston, MA
Please join the National Commission on Military, National, and Public Service in Boston, Massachusetts on May 9, 2018, from 5:45 - 7:45 p.m. for a public forum to share your thoughts and ideas on the future of military, national, and public service in the United States.* The event is taking place at Sargent Hall at Suffolk University. For any questions on this event please email info@inspire2serve.gov
This event is OPEN press. For media interested in attending, please RSVP to media@inspire2serve.gov
*The Commission seeks to learn more about why people serve and why people may choose not to serve, as well as ways to increase the number of Americans in military, national, and public service. The Commission welcomes comments from the public on any aspect of the Commission's mission. For more information, please click here.
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Concluding Aspirations From the summary of Peme Chodron’s The Places That Scare You

  Concluding  Aspirations
 
         From the summary of Peme Chodron’s
                     The Places That Scare You

May this be the direction of our hopes, our intentions, our         efforts.
 
May the roots of suffering diminish. May warfare, violence, neglect,                     indifference, and addictions also decrease.
 
May the wisdom and compassion of all beings increase.
 
May we clearly see that the barriers we erect between ourselves and                           others are as insubstantial as our dreams.
 
May we appreciate the great perfection of all phenomena.
 
May we continue to open our hearts and minds, in order to work                        ceaselessly  for the benefit of all beings.
 
May we go to the places that scare us.
 
May we learn to lead a life of heroic virtue. 

Cambridge Photojournalist Randy H. Goodman Presents: Iran Reflections 1979 Hostage Crisis to 2015 Nuclear Agreement

Cambridge Photojournalist Randy H. Goodman Presents: Iran Reflections

1979 Hostage Crisis to 2015 Nuclear Agreement

Thursday, May 10 @ 7:00 pm - 9:00 pm ~ First Church in Cambridge, 11 Garden Street

IRAN_Lecture_Photo_©RHGoodman

Join us for a slideshow and lecture on Randy Goodman’s newest series as she discusses the changes in Iran from 1979 to today, including the effects of the Iran Nuclear Deal on the citizens of the country. 
Her photos capture the spirit of the Iranian people whose lives have been irrevocably changed from Iran’s revolution in 1979 to the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Iran nuclear agreement.  She’s captured images from Iran’s revolution to groundswell transitions in Grenada, Nicaragua and Cuba. During her 35-year career, she combined her formal training as a political sociologist with her passion for documentary photography.
Her first foreign assignment was Iran, three months after the November 4, 1979 takeover of the U.S. Embassy.  She photographed a visit by a grassroots delegation of Americans who traveled to Tehran to meet with the Iranian students holding the U.S. hostages.
In 1981, she, along with two colleagues, returned on an exclusive assignment for CBS-TV News.  At the time, they were the only American journalists credentialed to work in Iran. Her third Iran assignment was for Time magazine (1983), where she toured the Iran-Iraq war zone, covered breaking news events and photographed Ayatollah Khomeini from beneath her borrowed chador.
In 2009, she produced her first exhibit of her Iran work titled IRAN: Images From Beneath a Chador: The Hostage Crisis and the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1983. The traveling exhibit was widely shown in the US and Europe.
After a thirty-three year absence, Randy returned to Iran in 2015 to photograph the societal changes during another pivotal period in that country’s history – – the signing of the Iran nuclear agreement.
Randy’s photographs have been widely published in newspapers and magazines throughout the world including The New York TimesThe Boston GlobeThe Washington PostTIME and in Egypt, France, Hong Kong, Great Britain, Libya, Italy and Spain. She has also made numerous appearances on radio and television programs discussing her Iran work.  She is currently writing a memoir of her Iran experiences.




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Nuclear spending stands out in debate among competing defense priorities

Nuclear spending stands out in debate among competing defense priorities

May 02, 2018 |
Tony Bertuca
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The Defense Department wants to spend $1.2 trillion in the coming decades to modernize the U.S. nuclear triad, a sum that senior Pentagon officials behind the recent Nuclear Posture Review argue is both necessary and affordable, despite concerns on Capitol Hill that the plan will prove unrealistic amid mounting deficits.
David Trachtenberg, the deputy under secretary of defense for policy, said at a Wednesday breakfast in Washington that spending to modernize the triad will, at its height, account for 6 percent to 7 percent of the overall defense budget.
"It really is a question of how one assesses affordability," he said. "Yes, of course there's a cost to the modernization program. I would argue there's a greater cost of failing to prevent the kind of catastrophe that we're talking about here. I certainly think the costs are affordable."
Though Trachtenberg said support for the nuclear triad has traditionally been bipartisan, there has been some dissent from senior congressional Democrats, who have voiced concern about the cost and two controversial recommendations in the NPR calling for two new, supplemental weapon systems.
"What we need to do is we need to lay out the rationale behind the recommendations that we are making," Trachtenberg said. "I think there's a case to be made."
The debate will play out on Capitol Hill as Democrats seek political leverage over Republicans amid historic deficits driven by the GOP's $1.4 trillion tax reform package and a $1.3 trillion omnibus fiscal year 2018 spending bill with a significant defense funding boost.
Perhaps the most vocal opponent of increased nuclear spending is House Armed Services Committee Ranking Member Adam Smith (D-WA), who recently told Defense Secretary Jim Mattis that DOD should spend less on the U.S. nuclear triad.
"We ought to be able to come up with a nuclear deterrent strategy that costs us a lot less money," he said during an April 12 hearing. "I don't think we need to spend $1.2 trillion modernizing our nuclear weapons. We certainly need to modernize them, but, again, I'll emphasize -- I've said this before in hearings -- China has 275 nuclear weapons. That's it. We have 15, 20 times as many."
Beyond fiscal matters, Smith has also said he is worried about the Pentagon's NPRwhich calls for lowering the yield of some existing submarine-launched ballistic missile warheads and reinstating the sea-launched cruise missile program to address threats posed by Russia and China
Senate Armed Services Committee Ranking Member Jack Reed (D-RI) recently voice similar concerns, noting that disagreement over the two supplemental systems could threaten the bipartisan consensus the nuclear triad normally enjoys in Congress.
"In any case, such a proposal certainly opens up a debate of deeply held opinions," he said during a March 20 committee hearing.
"While this debate may be important to have -- I think it is important to have, indeed -- I worry that it may disrupt a bipartisan consensus that presently ensures the modernization of the triad." Reed continued. "This process will take decades, and I believe it should be our highest priority and sole focus."
Specifically, Reed said he is most concerned about the low-yield submarine-launched warhead.
"It's my understanding that this system is in response to Russia's military doctrine of using a small-yield nuclear weapon as a means to escalate to de-escalate or escalate to win a conventional conflict," he said. "The Russian doctrine of 'escalate to de-escalate' could easily spin out of control if our response to their low-yield weapon is to use a similar one, which could escalate into an exchange of larger weapons. We have to devote considerable effort to wargaming this problem and ensure that existing systems, both conventional and nuclear, cannot meet this doctrinal challenge of 'escalate to de-escalate.'"
At the same hearing, U.S. Strategic Command chief Gen. John Hyten said, "The most important thing is the continuing modernization of the triad, because that is the foundation of our nation's defense and that's the strength that will continue to deter Russia into the out years."
Trachtenberg said Wednesday that much of the criticism of the NPR and its recommendations of the two supplemental systems has been "hyperbolic" and a "significant mischaracterization" of the Pentagon's position.
"If nuclear weapons are employed in conflict, it's because deterrence failed," he said. "The goal of the 2018 NPR and the conclusions and the recommendations it makes is to do the best job we can to make sure that deterrence simply will not fail."




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Erica Fein 
Advocacy Director
Win Without War
erica@winwithoutwar.org | (202) 232-3317 x 105 | @enfein
winwithoutwar.org | @winwithoutwar
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"Not one step back"

Cole Harrison
Executive Director
Massachusetts Peace Action - the Commonwealth's largest grassroots peace organization
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World Beyond War is teaming up with the Poor People's Campaign.




Fifty years since Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination, his message about the "triple evils" of racism, poverty, and militarism - plus the addition of ecological devastation - is being revived through the Poor People's Campaign. We're teaming up with the campaign to announce the launch of 40 days of nonviolent direct action across the country. 

The kick-off starts on May 14. Can you join us and our partners in the Poor People's Campaign at an action near you?
We will protest at more than 30 statehouses and the U.S. Capitol demanding a massive overhaul of the nation's voting rights laws, new programs to lift up the 140 million Americans living in poverty, immediate action to protect the environment, and measures that curb militarism and the war economy.


In MLK's famous 1967 speech at Riverside Church, he said that the United States would "never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic, destructive suction tube." Half a century later, King's words still ring true. The U.S. military machine spends over $1 trillion annually on war, while millions of Americans live below the poverty line and lack access to safe drinking water, food, jobs, housing, education, and other basic human needs.

King called on people to heed the "fierce urgency of now" by taking immediate, positive action for change. In 2018, that urgency for action remains. Join us in the call for a moral revival. RSVP for an event near you.

P.S. Don't forget to wear your World BEYOND War t-shirt, and bring copies of our peace pledge on a clipboard to collect signatures at the event.

Onward together,

Greta Zarro
Organizing Director
World BEYOND War
greta@worldbeyondwar.org

World BEYOND War is a global network of volunteers, activists, and allied organizations advocating for the abolition of the very institution of war. Our success is driven by a people-powered movement – 
support our work for a culture of peace.
       
World BEYOND War PO Box 1484 Charlottesville, VA 22902 USA