Tuesday, May 22, 2018

From Veterans For Peace-Save Our VA!



www.veteransforpeace.org

 

 Seven (7) million veterans are in trouble.  We use the VA hospital system for our healthcare and Congress and President Trump are privatizing the VA out from under us.

We all know that the private healthcare industry alongside interests like the Koch brothers have had their eye on dismantling the VA for decades now. This became even clearer in March, when former VA Secetary David Shulkin published an op-ed in the New York Times saying that he had been fired for his opposition to privatization. Since then, with no new VA Secretary yet at the helm, this administration has been paving the way to sell the VA for parts.

Named the VA Mission Act, the legislation passed this week and pushed by the Trump administration is aimed at creating a commission made up of private healthcare executives focused on shutting down local VA hospitals. It encourages and expands the use of private vouchers for veterans to a healthcare system that isn't ready to deal with this influx of vets and isn't familiar with their needs. Worst of all, the $60 billion associated price tag spent is being siphoned off from other existing veterans programs.

As early as Tuesday the Senate may vote on the MISSION bill.  Trump demands passage so he can sign it on Memorial Day.

WE NEED YOUR HELP TO TRY TO BLOCK PASSAGE IN THE SENATE.

Can you give 7 million veterans a half hour of your time?
Sample Script:
I am a (constituent -or- veteran -or- military family member) and I urge Senator ________ to vote against S.2372: The VA Mission Act.

Veterans depend on the VA for physical and mental health treatment and overwhelmingly prefer to get their care from the VA and NOT the private sector. Instead of privatizing services, we need to ensure the VA is properly funded, including filling the 49,000 vacancies that currently exist at the VA. Please oppose the VA MISSION Act and fix, fund and fully staff the VA. Thank you for your time.
After you call your Senator, could you also spare a few more minutes to call another of the 47 Democratic and 2 independent senators and urge them to vote NO on the VA MISSION bill this week?
Call 202-224-3121 and request to speak to each of these Senators
So start burning up those phone lines to D.C.  And you may wish to forward this message to your friends who you know want to help veterans!

P.S. Do you want to join Veterans For Peace “Save Our VA” Action Groups?  Fill out this brief survey!

Veterans For Peace appreciates your generous donations.
We also encourage you to join our ranks.



Fifty years after MLK’s death, activists revive his most radical project: the Poor People’s Campaign

Fifty years after MLK’s death, activists revive his most radical project: the Poor People’s Campaign

Will the poor “be with us always”? Rev. Liz Theoharis on repurposing the true, radical message of MLK and Jesus

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PAUL ROSENBERG
MAY 20, 2018 4:05PM (UTC)
Fifty years after Martin Luther King Jr. first launched the idea in the last months of his life, this past week saw the kickoff of the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival, starting with an initial 40-day period of nonviolent direct action and civil disobedience. Described as "a moral fusion coalition that is multi-racial, multi-gendered, intergenerational, inter-faith and constitutionally grounded,” it shares King’s commitment to fighting the “Triplets of Evil” — systemic racism, poverty, and the war economy and militarism — but adds the interrelated problem of ecological devastation.
Unlike the original, this new campaign is not solely focused on bringing the moral witness of the poor to the nation’s capital. It is simultaneously organizing in dozens of states as well, and building coalitions of poor people’s power in those states is the core of its long-term strategy.
“We had a very powerful launch on Monday, in more than 30 states, and in Washington, D.C.,” the Rev. Liz Theoharis, co-chair of the campaign, told Salon. Along with her co-chair, the Rev. William J. Barber II, she was arrested in front of the Capitol, along with hundreds of others from dozens of states, plus many more in state capitals as well — from Raleigh, North Carolina, to Sacramento, California. Theoharis estimated that 1,000 people were arrested. “People are saying it's the most expansive wave of nonviolent civil disobedience in this country's history," she said. 
Others arrested with Barber and Theoharis in Washington included Women’s March board member Linda Sarsour, Service Employees International Union executive vice president Rocio Sáenz, and Disciples of Christ general minister and president the Rev. Teresa Hord Owens.
Theoharis and Barber both have decades of grassroots organizing experience, and spent two years on a listening tour laying the foundations for the campaign. As part of the buildup, they helped create a policy document, The Souls of Poor Folks, written by the Institute for Policy Studies. Their activism, both say, comes just as much from their own faith struggles as well.
Protesters carried banners reading “Fight Poverty, Not the Poor,” highlighting a moral and theological concern so central to  Theoharis’ work that she wrote a book about it, “Always With Us?: What Jesus Really Said about the Poor.” Properly interpreting the Bible’s teachings about the poor today, she told Salon, is as important as properly interpreting its teachings about slavery and liberation was in the decades leading up to the Civil War. While poverty is sinful, “being poor isn’t,” she writes in the preface. It is one thing "to affirm that God loves the poor, but it is the collective responsibility of Christians and all people of faith and conscience to eliminate poverty. What is ‘good news for the poor’ if it is not ending the poverty and suffering in this life? What do we mean when we pray, ‘on earth as it is in heaven’?"
Protesters also carried signs saying, “Nothing Would Be More Tragic Than to Turn Back Now,” words from Martin Luther King Jr., on which Barber focused during a recent Memphis rally commemorating King’s presence and commitment there shortly before his assassination. That was when King made his famous last speech, telling his audience, "I have been to the mountaintop."
“We must remember,” Barber said, “that before he ever said anything about the mountaintop, he said we must give ourselves to this struggle, because nothing would be more tragic than for us to turn back now. He said that we must rise up with a greater readiness … because you dishonor the movement and dishonor a prophet, if you just remember the prophet without having a revival of the movement that the prophet stood for.”
For almost 40 years now, conservatives have dominated the conversation about religion and politics in America, promoting their narrow moral agenda, centered on defending Puritan sexual strictures and dividing the country between “sinners” and “the saved.” In 2016, however, they threw all that out the window to support Donald Trump in record numbers. Their façade has cracked, and the time is ripe for an authentic American gospel politics to re-emerge.
“We must challenge every lying preacher who strives to pray -- p-r-a-y -- and sanction unjust leaders, while those leaders are preying -- p-r-e-y-i-n-g -- on the poor.” Barber said. “We must turn this nation around, until we are one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty, and justice for all, because nothing would be more tragic than for us to turn back now.”
Salon spoke to the Rev. Liz Theoharis about why the Poor People's Campaign is happening now, how it differs from King's original and how it echoes earlier activist movements as well.
It's been 50 years since Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. helped launch the Poor People's Campaign. He was assassinated while it was still in the planning phase. Why launch a second Poor People's Campaign now?
It is clear from us traveling around the country – and we been doing this for months and years now – that people are ready to come together in new ways and fight for universal single-payer health care, equitable education for kids, voting rights and anti-poverty programs, because things are very bad today. There's 140 million poor people in this country – poor or low- income – there's fewer voting rights than there were 50 years ago, there's ecological devastation wreaking havoc on the planet. We have spent 53 cents of every discretionary dollar on the military, and only 15 cents on antipoverty programs.
So we launch it today, 50 years after the 1968 campaign, because people are telling us the time is now for a Poor People's Campaign. If we don't conquer these evils of systemic racism and poverty, ecological devastation, the war economy and a distorted moral narrative — that blames people for their poverty, that claims there's not enough, that pits people against each other — that we will never be able to achieve the justice that people need and is possible.
What’s similar and what has changed since 1968?
We do get great inspiration from the Poor People's Campaign 50 years ago. We have conducted this audit where we have found that 60 percent more people are poor today, we have fewer voting rights, these issues that I was talking about. What we have been able to learn from that campaign is that it’s important for grassroots leaders across the country to take hold of a campaign of their own, to engage in 40 days of nonviolent civil disobedience, to start having a national conversation on the issues that are plaguing our society and to build power of people from below.
So when we were in El Paso, Texas, when we were in Youngstown, Alabama, when we were in Grays Harbor, Washington, when we were in Detroit, Michigan, we heard, in these very different places, the same need: To organize and unite poor people and moral leaders, and all people of conscience into a nonviolent intergenerational army of freedom for the poor.
Today, Dr. King is a revered historical figure, whom all sorts of people try to claim. But that was not the case when he died, he was very unpopular and the causes he was working on have remained neglected and marginalized -- especially his work on the Poor People's Campaign. By focusing on a single phrase, "the content of their character," his thought has even been stood on its head.
You've devoted a lot of work to explicating how the same could be said of Jesus as well. His teachings about the poor have been perverted or ignored, especially in the Gospel of Matthew. What were they really saying? What common themes do they have that we need to pay attention to?
This quote from Dr. King — “True compassion isn't tossing a coin to a beggar, it is restructuring an edifice that produces beggars” — I think actually sums up much of what King stood for, and much of what Jesus stood for, in terms of the question of poverty.
It's a structural critique, of how it's not the individual fault of poor people, but that it’s the whole system that impoverishes. It's a critique of Band-aid solutions, of charity over justice. And it talks about how change happens. Change doesn't happen just because you will it into being, or because a couple people in power say it's going to be so. Both King and Jesus were leaders of broad-based social movements of impacted people, moral leaders who had come forward saying that what was happening in that society at the time was a moral crisis.
So what is clear to me from Jesus's life, and message, is that the key concern is lifting up the poor and the marginalized. If you do not see that that is the key concern of the gospel, then you're actually missing the point. That one in four passages in the Bible are about justice. When evangelicals cut the words poor and poverty and oppressed out of the Bible, it literally falls apart. This is very connected to the problem that we’re seeing today, because we’ve gotten a perverted kind of gospel that blames poor people for their poverty, calls poor people sinners, and does not say not that poverty is a sin in the eyes of our sacred tradition.
I think this is true about Jesus, and also when we look at King. You said that King in his last years was a very unpopular man. The day after he comes out against the Vietnam War, in his “Beyond Vietnam” speech, 168 newspapers and organizations condemn him for it. And two or three days before he’s killed is the first needing of this minority leaders group, of Native folk and Jewish folk, Chicanos and Puerto Ricans, Appalachian whites and poor blacks from the North and South, where folks come together to think about the Poor People's Campaign. 
They didn't have very much time to try to get people onto the same page about what a Poor People's Campaign could really do. So many people had left and were not supportive of the idea. So it meant that when he was killed, a lot of the energy and vision of what that campaign could be really struggled to go on. Much to this nation’s disgrace, we have paid a huge price for that.
You've written about how Jesus' words have been used to pervert that understanding to blame the poor, or to accept that poverty is just God’s will. How does that connect to what you're doing now?
I've been engaged in antipoverty organizing, grassroots organizing, for 25 years of my life. I got involved in the National Union of the Homeless and the National Welfare Rights Union -- efforts of poor people to come together and win demands and rights for poor people, and for all people.  And in the course of this 25 years, almost every week somebody comes forward quoting that scripture: “The poor will be with you always.” Sometimes to blame the poor and say really cruel, awful things; sometimes to say that poverty is unfortunate, but it's inevitable, and that if God wanted to end poverty, then God would do so.
I believe in reinterpreting this passage, and talking about our sacred traditions and what the Bible really say  about poverty — which is a message of liberation, a message that God is on the side of the poor and marginalized, and that God is with people as they stand up to fight injustice. The Bible is a compilation of stories of poor people coming together to right the wrongs of society, with God on their side.
I really believe that looking at the sacred texts — and especially that passage, “the poor will be with you always” — is similar to the work that abolitionists had to do back when they were working to end slavery. Which is that there was a Bible produced back then that didn't include Exodus, that didn't include the prophets, that took out all the passages were Jesus was talking about freedom to the captives. Folks — slaveholders, basically — preached a gospel of “Slaves, obey your masters.”
But you had folks like Harriet “Moses” Tubman, who led the Underground Railroad, or Frederick Douglass or William Lloyd Garrison. So many of those leaders of that movement found great inspiration from their religion, Christianity, to fight slavery and to fight for abolition.
I think today we have a similar battle on our hands. As long as people think the Bible condones poverty, as long as people think God wills poverty to exist, it will be very difficult for us to build the movement to end poverty, and to lift millions of people out of poverty. The Bible actually tell story after story of bringing good news to the poor. What is good news, if not the fact that everyone can have health care, and everyone can have good wages, and everyone can have food, and everyone can have housing. It's there and it's what God wills.
So if we take that message seriously, how should we change how we see America today, and how should it change us?
You might know that when King, the week that he was killed, he calls his mom, and said what his sermon is going to be, that following Sunday, and it was ‘Why America May Be Going to Hell.” If we look now, 50 years later, we have 140 million poor people in this country, with fewer voting rights than we had 50 years ago. There are 4 million homes where, when they turned on the water this morning, poisoned water with lead came out. This kind of crisis that we’re in is so deep, so rooted in immorality. But at this point, so few people of faith are challenging this kind of immorality,
When we were starting the Poor People's Campaign, we mapped out the states that had the highest levels of voter suppression, the 23 states that have enacted voter suppression laws, since 2010, and the we overlaid that with the map of where the states have the highest poverty — the highest child poverty, the lowest wages — the least environmental protection, the least protection of immigrants or the least protection of LGBTQ folks. All these different issues overlapped.
But also overlaid on that map were the highest concentrations of people who consider themselves Protestant evangelicals, and those maps are more or less the same. So we have the Bible Belt and the Poverty Belt being pretty much similar. We have evangelical Christians living in places where there is environmental and racial poverty and injustice happening. We have has silence for too long, especially people of faith. The heart of the gospel is about justice for the poor, justice for the marginalized, justice for children. It's so important for us to do this work, hand in hand, as we travel around the country, and call for this national moral revival.
Today's Poor People's Campaign has been conceived to build from the bottom up. What is the plan for the remainder of the first 40 days, -- and beyond?
The plan is that on Mondays for the next five weeks, folks will engage in nonviolent civil disobedience, nonviolent direct action and building power from the ground up in the states. We have different themes for different weeks: This coming week we're focusing on systemic racism, in particular voter suppression, and the way that is an attack on our democracy and hurts everybody, and the connection to economic justice. We’re also looking at immigration and the mistreatment of Native American indigenous communities, and how all those things are tied to the 140 million poor people in the country.
Week 3 focuses on the war economy and militarism and the proliferation of gun violence. Week 4 focuses on the right to health and a healthy planet, making connections between health care and ecological devastation, The fifth week's focus is that everybody has a right to live, looking at issues of living wages, education and health care -- all the things people need to not just survive, but to thrive. Then, in Week 6, we have all people coming together and rising up and organizing and building.  
From D.C. every week we're doing national televised broadcasts and teach-ins, we're doing cultural events. We will culminate for the last week of the 40 days with an encampment, kind of a vigil, with the mass mobilization on June 23 that is really about next steps -- about people committing to go back into their communities and build deeply-rooted grassroots moral movements based in these different states. We’ll do voter registration, voter mobilization, community organizing, contributing, continuing to build power. Really the vision is that this is a launch of a multiyear campaign that's really about building a grassroots social movement to conquer these moral injustices that are hurting everybody.
What can people do to support your work?
Great, we need everybody. On the Poor People's Campaign website — there is an interactive map, with all the different states are participating in this campaign, that shows where the Monday trainings and actions are taking place, and where the watch parties and different events are happening. This movement needs anybody who sees that were living in a crisis, and that it requires many of us to stand in the gap, to come forward and say people have been hurt for too long, silent for too long, and we're not going to be silent anymore. We're going to put our bodies on the line. We're going to be willing to engage in nonviolent civil disobedience and organizing, to move toward building a moral movement that will make this country good for everybody.
When MoveOn met the Tea Party
What if you had the opportunity to understand the perspective of someone you vehemently disagree with politically? Would you invite them in for dinner? That’s exactly what Joan Blades, the co-founder of MoveOn.org, and Mark Meckler, co-founder of the Tea Party patriots, did. Blades joined “Salon Now” to detail how it all went down and why the positive interaction inspired her nationwide project “Living Room Conversations,” which creates a framework for people to set up in-person or video chats with people holding opposite viewpoints on dozens of social and political issues. “We keep forgetting that science has shown us that most people make their decisions 90 percent of the time by gut or heart,” Blades told Salon. “So we keep thinking that we can argue people, rationally talk people into a different point of view. The reality is that the most likely way people change their views is when they make a real connection.” Blades and the project are also featured in the new PBS documentary, “American Creed,” hosted by former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Watch the video above to find out what Blades learned from Meckler. And tune into SalonTV's live shows, ["Salon Talks"]( https://video.salon.com/p/lzcPCDNc) and ["Salon Stage"]( https://video.salon.com/p/5n0BV6Ub), daily at noon ET / 9 a.m. PT and 4 p.m. ET / 1 p.m. PT, streaming live on [Salon]( https://video.salon.com/), [Facebook]( https://www.facebook.com/pg/salon/videos/) and [Periscope]( https://www.pscp.tv/Salon).
 


PAUL ROSENBERG

Paul Rosenberg is a California-based writer/activist, senior editor for Random Lengths News, and a columnist for Al Jazeera English. Follow him on Twitter at @PaulHRosenberg.
MORE FROM PAUL ROSENBERG • FOLL

Free The Class-War Prisoners-Support Those Inside From Those On The Outside-Join The Committee For International Labor Defense (CILD)

Free The Class-War Prisoners-Support Those Inside From Those On The Outside-Join The Committee For International Labor Defense (CILD)




Comment by Lance Lawrence

A number of people in the Greater Boston area, many having worked on political prisoner campaigns from freeing Black Panthers in the old days (and a few who still inside the walls all these years later putting emphasis on the FBI vendetta against that organization and other militant black organizations as well) to more recently Mumia, Leonard Peltier, Chelsea Manning and Reality Leigh Winner have over the past couple of years decided to form a Committee for International Labor Defense. If those last three words ring a bell it is because this group consciously is trying to model itself after the organization started many years ago back in the 1920s initiated by the American Communist Party and led at first by founder James P. Cannon and others like Big Bill Haywood and his fellow anarchists who saw the need for the labor movement to defend its own and others who were being persecuted by the capitalist state. In all an honorable tradition including stalwart defenses of the martyred immigrant anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti and the Alabama Scottsboro Boys cases.

In practice what the original ILD (and now the CILD) attempted to do was make sure that those class-war prisoner not all of them necessarily in political agreement with the Communist Party or any party were not forgotten. That those inside were treated with the same dignity as those outside the wall (outside for the present anyway given the ups and downs of capital existence that can be a very close thing). For those who have spent time behind bars knowing that there are others outside looking after your interests has been a tremendous morale booster. That along with taking care of families, providing stipend to prisoners to purchase items inside, providing legal defense funds and personnel, writing letter to those inside are just some of the things that the ILD (and now the CILD) was committed to seeing done. Not as charity or social work as Cannon made very clear but as acts of hard solidarity with those inside. Read the statement, check out the website listed, and if possible support with anything from writing letters to donating legal fund in order to get our class-war prisoners freed as quickly as possible. Thank you   




From The Massachusetts Citizens Against The Death Penalty Website-Never Forget The Sacco and Vanzetti and Troy Davis Cases

From The Massachusetts Citizens Against The Death Penalty Website-Never Forget The Sacco and Vanzetti and Troy Davis Cases




Click below to link to the Massachusetts Citizens Against The Death Penalty website.

http://www.mcadp.org/
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Frank Jackman comment:

I have been an opponent of the death penalty for as long as I have been a political person, a long time. While I do not generally agree with the thrust of the Massachusetts Citizens Against The Death Penalty Committee’s strategy for eliminating the death penalty nation-wide almost solely through legislative and judicial means (think about the 2011 Troy Davis case down in Georgia for a practical example of the limits of that strategy when last minute stay and appeal to the United States Supreme Court went for naught) I am always willing to work with them when specific situations come up. In any case they have a long pedigree extending, one way or the other, back to Sacco and Vanzetti and that is always important to remember whatever our political differences.
Here is another way to deal with both the question of the death penalty and of political prisoners from an old time socialist perspective taken from a book review of James P. Cannon's Notebooks Of An Agitator:

I note here that among socialists, particularly the non-Stalinist socialists of those days, there was controversy on what to do and, more importantly, what forces socialists should support. If you want to find a more profound response initiated by revolutionary socialists to the social and labor problems of those days than is evident in today’s leftist responses to such issues Cannon’s writings here will assist you. I draw your attention to the early part of the book when Cannon led the Communist-initiated International Labor Defense (ILD), most famously around the fight to save the anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti here in Massachusetts. That campaign put the Communist Party on the map for many workers and others unfamiliar with the party’s work. For my perspective the early class-war prisoner defense work was exemplary.

The issue of class-war prisoners is one that is close to my heart. I support the work of the Partisan Defense Committee, Box 99 Canal Street Station, New York, N.Y 10013, an organization which traces its roots and policy to Cannon’s ILD. That policy is based on an old labor slogan- ‘An injury to one is an injury to all’ therefore I would like to write a few words here on Cannon’s conception of the nature of the work. As noted above, Cannon (along with Max Shachtman and Martin Abern and Cannon’s long time companion Rose Karsner who would later be expelled from American Communist Party for Trotskyism with him and who helped him form what would eventually become the Socialist Workers Party) was assigned by the party in 1925 to set up the American section of the International Red Aid known here as the International Labor Defense.

It is important to note here that Cannon’s selection as leader of the ILD was insisted on by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) because of his pre-war association with that organization and with the prodding of “Big Bill’ Haywood, the famous labor organizer exiled in Moscow. Since many of the militants still languishing in prison were anarchists or syndicalists the selection of Cannon was important. The ILD’s most famous early case was that of the heroic anarchist workers, Sacco and Vanzetti. The lessons learned in that campaign show the way forward in class-war prisoner defense.

I believe that it was Trotsky who noted that, except in the immediate pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods, the tasks of militants revolve around the struggle to win democratic and other partial demands. The case of class-war legal defense falls in that category with the added impetus of getting the prisoners back into the class struggle as quickly as possible. The task then is to get them out of prison by mass action for their release. Without going into the details of the Sacco and Vanzetti case the two workers had been awaiting execution for a number of years and had been languishing in jail. As is the nature of death penalty cases various appeals on various grounds were tried and failed and they were then in imminent danger of execution.

Other forces outside the labor movement were also interested in the Sacco and Vanzetti case based on obtaining clemency, reduction of their sentences to life imprisonment or a new trial. The ILD’s position was to try to win their release by mass action- demonstrations, strikes and other forms of mass mobilization. This strategy obviously also included, in a subordinate position, any legal strategies that might be helpful to win their freedom. In this effort the stated goal of the organization was to organize non-sectarian class defense but also not to rely on the legal system alone portraying it as a simple miscarriage of justice. The organization publicized the case worldwide, held conferences, demonstrations and strikes on behalf of Sacco and Vanzetti. Although the campaign was not successful and the pair were executed in 1927 it stands as a model for class war prisoner defense. Needless to say, the names Sacco and Vanzetti continue to be honored to this day wherever militants fight against this system.
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Oh, but you who philosophize disgrace and criticize all fears
Bury the rag deep in your face
For now's the time for your tears."

last lines from The Lonseome Death Of Hattie Carroll, another case of an injustice against black people. - Bob Dylan
, 1963

Frank Jackman comment immediately after the execution of Troy Davis (posted September 22, 2011):

Look, after almost half a century of fighting every kind of progressive political struggle I have no Pollyanna-ish notion that in our fight for a “newer world” most of the time we are “tilting at windmills.” Even a cursory look at the history of our struggles brings that hard fact home. However some defeats in the class struggle, particularly the struggle to abolish the barbaric, racist death penalty in the United States, hit home harder than others. For some time now the fight to stop the execution of Troy Davis has galvanized this abolition movement into action. His callous execution by the State of Georgia, despite an international mobilization to stop the execution and grant him freedom, is such a defeat.

On the question of the death penalty, moreover, we do not grant the state the right to judicially murder the innocent or the guilty. But clearly Brother Davis was innocent. We will also not forget that hard fact. And we will not forget Brother Davis’ dignity and demeanor as he faced what he knew was a deck stacked against him. And, most importantly, we will not forgot to honor Brother Davis the best way we can by redoubling our efforts to abolition the racist, barbaric death penalty everywhere, for all time. Forward.

Additional Jackman comment posted September 23, 2011:

No question the execution on September 21, 2011 by the State of Georgia of Troy Anthony Davis hit me, and not me alone, hard. For just a brief moment that night, when he was granted a temporary stay pending a last minute appeal before the United States Supreme Court just minutes before his 7:00PM execution, I thought that we might have achieved a thimbleful of justice in this wicked old world. But it was not to be and so we battle on. Troy Davis shall now be honored in our pantheon along with the Haymarket Martyrs, Sacco and Vanzetti, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and others. While Brother Davis may have not been a hard politico like the others just mentioned his fight to abolish the death penalty for himself and for future Troys places him in that company. Honor Troy Davis- Fight To The Finish Against The Barbaric Racist Death Penalty!