Free Chelsea Manning Now!
No Chelsea morning for hypocritical world leaders in Paris
| JANUARY 19, 2015
When
a former U.S. army private awoke in her jail cell just over a week ago -- some
17 months into a 35-year jail sentence -- she could have been forgiven for
thinking, in the immediate aftermath of the terrible Paris magazine attacks,
that the commutation of her punitive sentence for exercising freedom of speech
and conscience was about to be placed on President Obama's desk. Obama, like
many world leaders, had just issued stunning, passionate statements about
freedom of the press, human dignity, and all the great things that make
countries like Canada and the U.S. just so undeniably terrific.
For
the now 26-year-old Chelsea (previously known as Bradley) Manning, though, it
was not to be. She had had the audacity to challenge terrorism by exposing it,
not in a manner that humiliated or denigrated her targets, but simply to inform
the public, generate discussion, bolster democracy and hold accountable those
who had committed atrocities. "If you had free reign over classified
networks…and you saw incredible things, awful things...things that belonged in
the public domain, and not on some server stored in a dark room in Washington
DC...what would you do?" she had asked in an online chat room.
Her
answer was simple: copy those documents and videos on a flash drive and share
them with the world through Wikileaks. What she revealed threatened no one's
national security, but certainly put the lie to the notion that wars of "freedom
and liberation" being led by our great democracies were shams built on massive
repression, indiscriminate bombing and torture. Most people outside of the "free
world" knew this, usually from first-hand experience, but here were cold hard
facts, government cables, and the shocking "collateral damage
video" in which two Reuters journalists and nine other civilians are
ruthlessly gunned down by laughing American soldiers.
But
unlike the global reaction to the Charlie Hebdo attacks, Manning's
picture (and most of her revelations) rarely appeared front and centre in
newspapers around the world in a show of defiance against those brutal
authorities that were punishing her for speaking out. Her case was not trumpeted
by brave media and mass rallies of global citizens chanting "Je Suis Chelsea";
her revelations were not printed by the millions and funded by government (the
French government spent over a million euros to print the post-attack issue
of Charlie Hebdo, knowing
that the front cover would be flipping the bird to many of its Muslim citizens);
the symbol of the flash drive was not held aloft as the real way to defeat
terrorism (as pencils were in the Hebdo case); self-righteous
publishers and columnists were not saying "if you don't like her revelations,
just don't look at them" (most preferred to either ignore them, treat them as
isolated instances or make personal attacks against Manning).
Instead,
Manning was hustled away for three and a half decades while those whose crimes
she exposed (including Bush and Cheney) continued gloating about their
decisions, even after the damning U.S. Senate report on torture, one whose
revelations were quickly banished to the back pages after the Paris attacks.
(Manning herself was subjected to over three years of pre-trial solitary
confinement, often refused clothing, in conditions that the UN concluded
constituted "cruel and inhumane" treatment.)
French government
terrorism
Manning's
plight is worthy of consideration in the wake of the Paris attacks, since it
reminds us of a basic truism: when our side commits the terrorist acts, they
aren't seen as terrorist, and are always justified (if they are even deemed
worthy of justification) for reasons ranging from support of oppressed women to
bringing democracy to foreign lands. But when somebody else does it against us
(read the "free world" or the Eurocentric "West"), they are simply cruel,
barbaric and evil. Neither can be justified or defended, whether it is the
terrorist attack against the Charlie Hebdo offices and kosher
Paris grocery or any number of a lengthy series of terrorist acts committed by
the French government: the French terrorist bombing of a Greenpeace ship in New
Zealand, the French government's criminal open-air testing of nuclear weapons in
the South Pacific (knowing such actions were leading to the slow but sure genocidal destruction of the region's residents),
or the 1961 Paris police massacre of over 200 demonstrators calling for peace in Algeria, after
which over 11,000 demonstrators were detained in, among other locations, the
same stadium where two decades earlier, Jews bound for Nazi extermination had
been held.
Another
truism that arises is that such attacks will inspire a barely contained sense of
joy in the offices of intelligence agencies like CSIS, the RCMP and their
brother agencies across the planet. In addition to blanket coverage that
unquestionably parrots their opinions and press releases (and helps to deflect
from their blood-stained reputations for complicity in torture), these agencies
will see new legislation passed at home and abroad that further legalizes the
dangerous practices in which they have long engaged, placing human rights in
grave peril through increased surveillance, kidnapping, rendition to torture,
drone strikes and other insidious tools of repression. In an Orwellian moment,
the attacks on free expression will allow governments to suppress free
expression with new laws resulting in more pre-emptive arrests for alleged
thought crime.
We
already see the results in Paris and throughout France, where tens of thousands
of armed men patrol the streets and scores of individuals have been rounded up
under suspicious circumstances. As the Globe and Mail's European
correspondent Mark MacKinnon reported earlier this week, "dark-skinned"
individuals who allegedly say something viewed as "uncomfortable" are brazenly
nabbed in Paris cafes by heavily armed police. Journalists who try to cover such
kidnappings are told to stop filming and leave the scene, "That is, if you're with us." The us-versus-them
dynamic is clearly as evident here as it was post 9/11.
Then
there was the swift sword of vengeance from French authorities, who quickly
tried and convicted a drunk driver of "glorifying terrorism," for the
uncomfortable, indelicate act of telling a police officer, while clearly under
the influence of alcohol, that he allegedly agreed with the two brothers who
spearheaded the Hebdo attack. He will be in jail for four years. Another individual received a one-year sentence for allegedly proclaiming, "I
am proud to be a Muslim. I do not like Charlie. They were right to do
that." While certainly problematic and insensitive, do such statements seriously
deserve draconian punishment? No one in France, or anywhere else on Planet
Earth, was subjected to such punishment for publicly celebrating and glorifying
the assassination of Osama bin Laden, a clearly
illegal act of terrorism, especially considering he was unarmed and could have
been easily arrested, detained, and put on trial to face the allegations against
him.
Scores
in France have been arrested for "defending" terrorism. They have also been picked
up for alleged hate speech and anti-Semitism. One can guess with a certain
probability the colour and religion of those who have been nailed. Rarely
discussed is the problematic, selective use of free speech celebrations. Given
that the definition of anti-Semitism is now so broad that it includes any
criticism of Israeli government policies, it is a perfect way to clamp down on
any discussion of Palestinian rights, especially at a time when the Palestinians
are being punished for seeking a war crimes inquiry at the International
Criminal Court. Indeed, Canada has been clear that Palestinians will face "consequences" for even
pursuing a rule-of-law solution.
A racist magazine
If
the French were really concerned about hate speech and images, why are they
officially subsidizing Charlie
Hebdo? As Teju Cole writes in The New
Yorker, asking if it is not possible to condemn the terrorist act
without condoning the activities of the victims:
"in recent years the magazine has gone specifically for racist and Islamophobic provocations, and its numerous anti-Islam images have been inventively perverse, featuring hook-nosed Arabs, bullet-ridden Korans, variations on the theme of sodomy, and mockery of the victims of a massacre. It is not always easy to see the difference between a certain witty dissent from religion and a bullying racist agenda, but it is necessary to try. Even Voltaire, a hero to many who extol free speech, got it wrong. His sparkling and courageous anti-clericalism can be a joy to read, but he was also a committed anti-Semite, whose criticisms of Judaism were accompanied by calumnies about the innate character of Jews... Blacks have hardly had it easier in Charlie Hebdo: one of the magazine's cartoons depicts the Minister of Justice Christiane Taubira, who is of Guianese origin, as a monkey (naturally, the defence is that a violently racist image was being used to satirize racism); another portrays Obama with the black-Sambo imagery familiar from Jim Crow-era illustrations."
Meanwhile,
as Reporters Without Borders, among others, pointed out, many of the world
leaders who rushed to take part in what, in some respects, uncomfortably
resembled a Nuremberg-like rally -- beware of mass gatherings organized with the
support and participation of governments involved in war crimes -- are
responsible for grave violations against freedom of the press in their home
countries. To take our closest neighbour, for example, the U.S. under Obama
has cracked down with more uses of the Espionage Act
to silence and jail whistleblowers and journalists than all presidents of the
last century combined. For talking about U.S. involvement in torture and other
crimes, folks like James Risen of the New York Times are facing time in prison.
These
prosecutions are part of a larger pattern that has physically targeted media
which seek to expose U.S. atrocities. It is no secret that the U.S. has targeted Al Jazeera outlets in Iraq and Kabul for
bombing, even though the network always informs militaries of its exact
coordinates. Six weeks after the network wrote to U.S. military officials in
2003 to inform them of their Baghdad office location, a U.S. missile hit the Al
Jazeera office, killing reporter Tareq Ayyoub. Former U.K. Home Secretary David
Blunkett wrote in his 2006 memoir that he clearly advised Tony Blair to bomb Al Jazeera's Baghdad TV transmitter in 2003.
At the same time, Fox News called on the Bush administration to "take out Al Jazeera," reminding viewers that, "To those who
will decry this as censorship, they should be reminded of President Bush's
injunction shortly after we were attacked two years ago: In the War on Terror,
you are either with us or with the terrorists."
Assassinating Al Jazeera
journalists
The
assassination call emanating from Fox News was not simply wishful thinking. It
was state policy. That strategy was confirmed in the infamous (though little
discussed) Al Jazeera bombing memo, details of which had been published by the
U.K.'s Daily Mirror. During
the commission of U.S. war crimes in Fallujah in 2004, George W.
Bush and U.K. PM Tony Blair apparently discussed the idea of bombing the Al
Jazeera offices in Qatar in retaliation for their honest coverage of what had
been taking place in Iraq. A memo relating to that discussion had been
circulated but was ultimately quashed with the arrests of two U.K. men (one a
Labour Party researcher, the other a civil servant), both eventually sentenced
to three- and six-month jail terms for violating the Official Secrets Act, this
following a completely secret trial. Meanwhile, the British government
threatened most of the U.K. press with official sanction under the Official Secrets Act
as well.
Reporters
without Borders issued a statement at that time, declaring:
"We are also shocked by the British government's decision to ban the British press from publishing any information about the content of this memo, classified 'top secret.' Invoking the 1989 Official Secrets Act and threatening to take newspapers to court is disturbing in a country that is usually careful to respect press freedom."
Similarly,
the British attempted to prosecute foreign office official Derek Pasquill for revealing
information about the U.K. role in the rendition to torture program, but
eventually dropped the case given the prosecutors' conclusion that "documents to
be disclosed as part of legal proceedings would have undermined its case that
the leaks were damaging" in the first place. The New Statesmen's editor
concluded:
"This was a misguided and malicious prosecution, particularly given that a number of government ministers privately acknowledged from the outset that the information provided to us by Derek Pasquill had been in the public interest and was responsible in large part for changing government policy for the good in terms of extraordinary rendition and policy towards radical Islam [sic]."
The
U.S. discussion about bombing Al Jazeera is part of that country's long
tradition of seeking to squelch a free press by whatever means necessary. Recall
that President Richard Nixon, who kept an up-to-date enemies list for
neutralization, fretted about what he should do with critical columnist Jack
Anderson, whose stories about Nixon's war crimes and illegal acts got under the
impeached president's skin. A White House memo reported, "We examined all of the alternatives
and very quickly came to the conclusion [that] the only way you're going to be
able to stop him is to kill him."
Canada's new laws
Meantime,
the Canadian government continues to provide all-out support for the Egyptian
dictatorship, which has crushed any notion of press freedom, including the
jailing for over one year of Canadian Al Jazeera correspondent Mohamed Fahmy.
The Harper government has similarly supported post-coup regimes in countries
like Honduras, where being a journalist can get you killed for questioning state
abuses. Harper has also been less than willing to operate in the sunshine of
transparency and freedom. In 2013, the Halifax-based Centre for Law and
Democracy ranked Canada 55th out of 93 nations, behind Colombia and Mongolia,
among others, with respect to government openness and respect for freedom of
information.
It
is in this fearsome environment where the act of speaking certain words and
writing of uncomfortable truths is becoming increasingly risky (though certainly
no less necessary). In this context, the Harper government, whose leader
declared an "international jihadist movement" has "declared war on any country
like ourselves that values freedom, openness and tolerance," is set to introduce
even more repressive measures that mock those stated values. These include
lowering even further the threshold to make preventive arrests, reducing
personal privacy and easing the sharing of personal information with
intelligence agencies (exactly the kind of thing that led to the torture of
numerous Canadian citizens). Also on tap is having Canada's national police
force -- one complicit in torture of Canadians abroad, harassment of and
violence against female officers at home, and various other crimes -- lead a
campaign against those who are angry about such injustices (i.e., those who have
become "radicalized.")
Even
before such legislation is on the books, growing numbers of young men are being
picked up and charged with terrorism-related offences, three last week in
Ottawa, for allegedly wanting to join the fighting in Syria. Details remain very
sketchy, and it is likely the government will invoke "national security
confidentiality" to prevent full disclosure of the case against them. The men
have already been declared guilty by much of the media and unwelcome in certain
communities as "radicalized" individuals.
In
an eerie Kafkaesque moment, individuals under potential new laws against
glorifying terrorism will likely face the prospect of secret trials for a very
simple reason. If it becomes illegal to "glorify" terrorism (whatever that
means, and however broadly that is defined), then receiving pubic disclosure of
the case against you will become impossible, for said information will, if made
public in court, violate the very law which brought you there in the first
place.
The
events of the past week also serve as useful arrows in the quivers of
governments who need headline-stealing events they can point to as rationales
for repression. Canadian officials in speeches and parliamentary presentations
lovingly recall the convictions of individuals in the 2006 Brampton case every
time they testify in favour of new restrictive laws (recall the one in which two
government informers, paid between $400,000 and $1.5 million apiece, essentially
entrapped a group of misguided men -- some with some pretty sick opinions --
into a bombing plot, resulting in numerous life sentences). Similarly, the
French government, as it seeks Patriot Act-style legislation in the coming
weeks, will also now have a fallback. In the words of Humphrey Bogart, they'll
always have Paris.
Matthew Behrens is a freelance writer
and social justice advocate who co-ordinates the Homes not Bombs non-violent
direct action network. He has worked closely with the targets of Canadian and
U.S. 'national security' profiling for many
years.
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