Saturday, July 04, 2015

July 5: Day of Reckoning in Greece-Vote No On Austerity-Vote No On The EU Bailbout Plan

July 5: Day of Reckoning in Greece

The ancient Athenians invented the concept and the word “Democracy.”  Though citizenship was much more limited than modern conceptions – women, slaves and foreign residents were excluded – for more than a century a system flourished in which ordinary people exercised a direct and decisive control of public policy that has never been equaled since. Most public offices were chosen by lottery and legal cases were decided by large randomly-chosen juries with secret ballot verdicts.  Of course, this system was not immune from terrible mistakes, as the ancient historian Thucydides documented and the execution of Socrates illustrate. Popular sovereignty was regarded as so dangerous by America’s founding politicians that they chose to model our “Republic” more on Rome’s elite-guided system than on the democracy of Athens.

 

This Sunday, Greeks will vote in a referendum that is as much about national sovereignty and democracy as it is about economic policy.

 

Maybe not much of a practical solution, but a showing or moral support. . .

DPPer Rosemary Keane writes:

Here is info about the 'Greek Bailout Fund' on Indiegogo- do you think some DPP folks might be interested in making a donation or just in knowing about it via the update?  Take a moment to check it out on Indiegogo and also share it with your friends. All the tools are there. Get perks, make a contribution, or simply follow updates. If enough of us get behind it, we can make 'Greek Bailout Fund' happen! The form is set up using Euros but it converts to dollars at the end. The exchange from Euros to dollars means 50 Euros is about $56.00  http://igg.me/p/greek-bailout-fund/emal/800369=

 

 
“July 5, 2015: Let’s Vote NO for Democracy and Dignity”  (In 1940, Greek general/strongman Ioannis Metaxas famously answered with one-word OKHI (NO!) to a demand from Italian Fascist Benito Mussolini for territorial concessions and loss of Greek sovereingty.)

 

GREEK FINANCE MINISTER: “Why we recommend a NO in the referendum”

The future demands a proud Greece within the Eurozone and at the heart of Europe. This future demands that Greeks say a big NO on Sunday, that we stay in the Euro Area, and that, with the power vested upon us by that NO, we renegotiate Greece’s public debt as well as the distribution of burdens between the haves and the have nots.  More

 

JOSEPH STIGLITZ: Europe's Attack on Greek Democracy

The rising crescendo of bickering and acrimony within Europe might seem to outsiders to be the inevitable result of the bitter endgame playing out between Greece and its creditors. In fact, European leaders are finally beginning to reveal the true nature of the ongoing debt dispute, and the answer is not pleasant: it is about power and democracy much more than money and economics… It’s about using “deadlines” to force Greece to knuckle under, and to accept the unacceptable – not only austerity measures, but other regressive and punitive policies… Many European leaders want to see the end of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras’s leftist government. After all, it is extremely inconvenient to have in Greece a government that is so opposed to the types of policies that have done so much to increase inequality in so many advanced countries, and that is so committed to curbing the unbridled power of wealth.  More

 

Alexis Tsipras’s Enemies in Europe See Their Chance in Vote on Greece’s Bailout Terms

By long-established diplomatic tradition, leaders and international institutions do not meddle in the domestic politics of other countries. But under cover of a referendum in which the rest of Europe has a clear stake, European leaders who have found Mr. Tsipras difficult to deal with have been clear about the outcome they prefer.  Many are openly opposing him on the referendum, which could very possibly make way for a new government and a new approach to finding a compromise. The situation in Greece, analysts said, is not the first time that European politics have crossed borders, but it is the most open instance and the one with the greatest potential effect so far on European unity… Martin Schulz, a German who is president of the European Parliament, offered at one point to travel to Greece to campaign for the “yes” forces, those in favor of taking a deal along the lines offered by the creditors.On Thursday, Mr. Schulz was on television making clear that he had little regard for Mr. Tsipras and his government. “We will help the Greek people but most certainly not the government,” he said.   More

 

Syriza can’t just cave in. Europe’s elites want regime change in Greece

There’s no suggestion of genuine compromise. The aim is apparently to humiliate Tsipras and his government in preparation for its early replacement with a more pliable administration. We know from the IMF documents prepared for last week’s “final proposals” and reported in the Guardian that the creditors were fully aware they meant unsustainable levels of debt and self-defeating austerity for Greece until at least 2030, even on the most fancifully optimistic scenario.  That’s because, just as the earlier bailouts went to the banks not the country, and troika-imposed austerity has brought penury and a debt explosion, these demands are really about power, not money. If they are successful in forcing Tsipras out of office, a slightly less destructive package could then be offered to a more house-trained Greek leader who replaced him… The worst outcome of this crisis would be for Syriza to implement the austerity it was elected to end. A yes vote in next weekend’s referendum, if it goes ahead, would probably lead to the government’s fall, and almost certainly new elections. But even a no vote, which would offer the best chance for Greece, would need to be followed by more radical measures if the government was going to strengthen its negotiating hand or prepare the ground for euro exit.  More

 

Greece: Only the 'No' Can Save the Euro

For the North Europeans, the professionals at the “institutions” set the terms, and there is only one possible outcome: to conform. The allowed negotiation was of one type only: more concessions by the Greek side. Any delay, any objection, could be seen only as posturing. Posturing is normal of course; politicians expect it. But to his fellow finance ministers the idea that the Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis was not posturing did not occur. When Varoufakis would not stop, their response was loathing and character assassination… Ultimately, the Greek government found that it had to bow to the creditors' demands for a large and permanent primary surplus target. This was a hard blow; it meant accepting the austerity that the government had been elected to reject. But the Greeks did insist on the right to determine the form of austerity, and that form would be mainly to raise taxes on the wealthiest Greeks and on business profits. At least the proposal protected Greece's poorest pensioners from further devastating cuts, and it did not surrender on fundamental labor rights.  The creditors rejected even this. They insisted on austerity and also on dictating its precise shape. In this they made clear that they would not treat Greece as they have any other European country. The creditors tabled a take-it-or-leave-it offer that they knew Tsipras could not accept.  More

 

KRUGMAN: Europe's Many Economic Disasters

Why are there so many economic disasters in Europe? Actually, what’s striking at this point is how much the origin stories of European crises differ. Yes, the Greek government borrowed too much. But the Spanish government didn’t — Spain’s story is all about private lending and a housing bubble. And Finland’s story doesn’t involve debt at all. It is, instead, about weak demand for forest products, still a major national export, and the stumbles of Finnish manufacturing, in particular of its erstwhile national champion Nokia.

What all of these economies have in common, however, is that by joining the eurozone they put themselves into an economic straitjacket… One of the great risks if the Greek public votes yes — that is, votes to accept the demands of the creditors, and hence repudiates the Greek government’s position and probably brings the government down — is that it will empower and encourage the architects of European failure. The creditors will have demonstrated their strength, their ability to humiliate anyone who challenges demands for austerity without end. And they will continue to claim that imposing mass unemployment is the only responsible course of action.  More
 

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