Showing posts with label february is black history month. Show all posts
Showing posts with label february is black history month. Show all posts

Sunday, September 27, 2015

From The Archives-The Struggle To Win The Youth To The Fight For Our Communist Future-"Remember Jackson State"-"Workers Vanguard" (April 5, 1985)

February Is Black History Month

Markin comment on this series:

One of the declared purposes of this space is to draw the lessons of our left-wing past here in America and internationally, especially from the pro-communist wing. To that end I have made commentaries and provided archival works in order to help draw those lessons for today’s left-wing activists to learn, or at least ponder over. More importantly, for the long haul, to help educate today’s youth in the struggle for our common communist future. That is no small task or easy task given the differences of generations; differences of political milieus worked in; differences of social structure to work around; and, increasingly more important, the differences in appreciation of technological advances, and their uses.

There is no question that back in my youth I could have used, desperately used, many of the archival materials available today. When I developed political consciousness very early on, albeit liberal political consciousness, I could have used this material as I knew, I knew deep inside my heart and mind, that a junior Cold War liberal of the American For Democratic Action (ADA) stripe was not the end of my leftward political trajectory. More importantly, I could have used a socialist or communist youth organization to help me articulate the doubts I had about the virtues of liberal capitalism and be recruited to a more left-wing world view. As it was I spent far too long in the throes of the left-liberal/soft social-democratic milieu where I was dying politically. A group like the Young Communist League (W.E.B. Dubois Clubs in those days), the Young People’s Socialist League, or the Young Socialist Alliance representing the youth organizations of the American Communist Party, American Socialist Party and the Socialist Workers Party (U.S.) respectively would have saved much wasted time and energy. I knew they were around but not in my area.

The archival material to be used in this series is weighted heavily toward the youth movements of the early American Communist Party and the Socialist Workers Party (U.S). For more recent material I have relied on material from the Spartacus Youth Clubs, the youth group of the Spartacist League (U.S.), both because they are more readily available to me and because, and this should give cause for pause, there are not many other non-CP, non-SWP youth groups around. As I gather more material from other youth sources I will place them in this series.

Finally I would like to finish up with the preamble to the Spartacist Youth Club’s What We Fight For statement of purpose:

"The Spartacus Youth Clubs intervene into social struggles armed with the revolutionary internationalist program of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky. We work to mobilize youth in struggle as partisans of the working class, championing the liberation of black people, women and all the oppressed. The SYCs fight to win youth to the perspective of building the Leninist vanguard party that will lead the working class in socialist revolution, laying the basis for a world free of capitalist exploitation and imperialist slaughter."

This seems to me be somewhere in the right direction for what a Bolshevik youth group should be doing these days; a proving ground to become professional revolutionaries with enough wiggle room to learn from their mistakes, and successes. More later.
*************
letter reprinted from Workers Vanguard No. 376, 5 April 1985
Remember Jackson State

Atlanta, GA 16 February

Editor, Workers Vanguard

Unfortunately, in the article "Blacks Hated the Vietnam War," Workers Vanguard left out some of the atrocities committed against black people during the late '60s and early '70s (which were fairly tho­roughly covered up by the media): "...hundreds of thousands of stu­dents were marching against the war, driving army recruiters off campus, even being shot down by the National Guard at Kent State." While the murders at Kent State are appropri­ately mentioned, we should remem­ber that murders and attempted murders of blacks on black campuses were all too common. At Texas Southern University, May 16, 1967, police fired several thousand rounds into the dorms; at South Carolina State College in Orangeburg, Febru­ary 7, 1968, 33 students were shot with three dead at the hands of state troopers backed by the National Guard. In this regard, within ten days of the Kent State murders, there was a similar event at Jackson State College in Mississippi. Kirkpatrick Sale in the book SDS says the following: "On May 14, white police and state patrolmen in the city of Jackson, Mississippi opened fire on an unarmed and unsuspecting crowd of black students at Jackson State College, killing two and injuring twelve. Another wanton murder by officials of the state, but this time, no doubt because the students were black, the country was more subdued in its reaction: The New York Times, which had given a four-column headline and fifty-one inches of copy to the Kent State killings, gave this story a one-column headline and six inches; the students, who had been outraged at Kent State, mounted protests this time at only some fifty-three campuses, most of them black" (p. 638).

Comradely, Joe Vetter

P.S. To my knowledge, the only GI ever successfully court-martialed for a fragging was black and then he had to be brought to California for trial.

Saturday, February 25, 2012

From The Pages Of "Workers Vanguard"-Black Liberation: A Key Task of Proletarian Revolution

Click on the headline to link to the International Communist League website.

Workers Vanguard No. 996
17 February 2012

Black Liberation: A Key Task of Proletarian Revolution

(Quote of the Week)

To celebrate Black History Month, we print below an excerpt from a 1933 document by Max Shachtman, then a leader of the U.S. Trotskyist movement. Addressing the central importance of the fight against black oppression, the document was written a few years before the explosive class battles by black and white workers that built industrial unions in this country. What Shachtman stressed at a time of Jim Crow segregation in the South is just as true today: the liberation of black people in the U.S. can be achieved only through the overthrow of capitalism by the revolutionary proletariat.

The Civil War and the Reconstruction Period, so far as the bourgeoisie was concerned, completed the bourgeois democratic revolution commenced in 1776 with the declaration of independence from England. For the Negro masses, this second revolution—to destroy the stranglehold of slavocracy over the unfoldment of industrial capitalism—yielded all that the democratic revolution in this country will ever yield them. It gave them “legal” rights; it freed them from chattel slavery. It ended with their betrayal: the “legal” rights were confined to paper; the emancipation ended with the partial restitution in parts of the South of semi-serfdom instead of with converting the plantation slaves into free landed peasants, as the French bourgeois revolution did. More than this, the bourgeoisie could not give. Since that time, these outdated economic forms have been merged into the general capitalist economy of a decadent, parasitic imperialism.…

There is only one correct way of formulating the problem of the remnants of slavery and serfdom under which hundreds of thousands of southern Negroes live to this day, and it gives the key to the whole problem: the Negro was liberated from chattel slavery as a by-product of the military-political struggle of the progressive northern bourgeoisie to consolidate the nation on a modern capitalist basis, free from the fetters of a reactionary slavocracy. The Negro will not only be liberated from the wage slavery of today but the survivals of feudalism and slavery will be exterminated, as a “by-product” of the military-political struggle of the last progressive class in American society—the class of black and white proletarian—to establish a socialist nation by means of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The historical aims of the imperialist bourgeoisie are not incompatible with the preservation of social and caste inequality for oppressed peoples, or with the preservation of antiquated modes of production and exchange. The historical aims of the socialist proletariat are incompatible with the maintenance of any anti-democratic institutions, of any capitalist or pre-capitalist modes of production. In this fact lies the only guarantee that the victorious working class will truly and completely emancipate the Negro masses by emancipating itself.

—Max Shachtman, “Communism and the Negro” (1933), reprinted as Race and Revolution (Verso, 2003)

Wednesday, February 15, 2012

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY FORUM! In Boston- Saturday-February 18th

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY FORUM! In Boston- Saturday-February 18th

February Is Black History Month

In his final days, Dr. King planned a mass OCCUPATION FOR JOBS

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY Forum!

Demand jobs/ housing, education and people's rights!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18th 4:00 P.M.

Hear Larry Holmes, National Coordinator, OCCUPY 4 JOBS

SAVE GROVE HALL POST OFFICE - STOP POST OFFICE SHUTDOWNS!

NO THREE STRIKES LAW IN MASSACHUSETTS!

STOP MBTA FARE HIKES AND CUTS!

STOP THE RETURN TO RACIST, SEGREGATED "NEIGHBORHOOD"
SCHOOLS!

WPA-STYLE 30 MILLION JOBS PROGRAM - JOBS OR INCOME FOR
ALL

MONEY FOR JOBS, NOT FOR WAR AGAINST IRAN!

JOBS NOT JAILS!

Save the date - check iacboston.org for location

Occupy 4 Jobs Network c/o USW L. 875125 Colgate Rd, Roslindale, MA 02131

617-524-3507 Minister Don Muhammad, Temple 11, Nation of Islam

For info, call International Action Center 617-522-6626 or email occupy4jobsboston@gmail.com

On The 41st Anniversary Of The Death Of Black Panther George Jackson-From San Quentin To Attica To Pelican Bay- Never Forget!

Click on the headline to link to a Wikipedia entry for the black liberation fighter and Black Panther Party leader, George Jackson.

Bob Dylan- George Jackson Lyrics

I woke up this morning
There were tears in my bed
They killed a man I really loved
Shot him through the head

Lord, Lord, they cut George Jackson down
Lord, Lord, they laid him in the ground

Sent him off to prison
For a seventy dollar robbery
Closed the door behind him
And they threw away the key

Lord, Lord, they cut George Jackson down
Lord, Lord, they laid him in the ground
He wouldn't take shit from no one
He wouldn't bow down or kneel
Authorities, they hated him
Because he was just too real

Lord, Lord, they cut George Jackson down
Lord, Lord, they laid him in the ground

Prison guards, they cursed him
As they watched him from above
But they were frightened of his power
They were scared of his love

Lord, Lord, so they cut George Jackson down
Lord, Lord, they laid him in the ground

Sometimes I think this whole world
Is one big prison yard
Some of us are prisoners
The rest of us are guards

Lord, Lord, they cut George Jackson down
Lord, Lord, they laid him in the ground

*Black Studies Pioneer Professor John Hope Franklin Passes On- A Belated Tribute

Click on the headline to link to a "The New York Times" obituary, dated March 25, 2009, for the pioneer black studies scholar, Professor John Hope Franklin.

February Is Black History Month

Markin comment:

Somehow I missed the passing of this great black studies academic pioneer last year, a vital source for my knowledge of black history in my youth when this kind of information was not readily available, or had not been "discovered". My missing his passing is strange as well since last February (2009) I reviewed his "Black Reconstruction" as part of Black History Month. I make belated amends here. Hats off to Professor Franklin.

Tuesday, February 14, 2012

From The Archives-The Struggle To Win The Youth To The Fight For Our Communist Future-Black Oppression & Proletarian Revolution-Part 6: The American Communist Party And Black Struggles In The American Great Depression Of The 1930s ("Young Spartacus," September 1974)

One of the declared purposes of this space is to draw the lessons of our left-wing past here in America and internationally, especially from the pro-communist wing. To that end I have made commentaries and provided archival works in order to help draw those lessons for today’s left-wing activists to learn, or at least ponder over. More importantly, for the long haul, to help educate today’s youth in the struggle for our common communist future. That is no small task or easy task given the differences of generations; differences of political milieus worked in; differences of social structure to work around; and, increasingly more important, the differences in appreciation of technological advances, and their uses.

There is no question that back in my youth I could have used, desperately used, many of the archival materials available today. When I developed political consciousness very early on, albeit liberal political consciousness, I could have used this material as I knew, I knew deep inside my heart and mind, that a junior Cold War liberal of the American for Democratic Action (ADA) stripe was not the end of my leftward political trajectory. More importantly, I could have used a socialist or communist youth organization to help me articulate the doubts I had about the virtues of liberal capitalism and be recruited to a more left-wing world view. As it was I spent far too long in the throes of the left-liberal/soft social-democratic milieu where I was dying politically. A group like the Young Communist League (W.E.B. Dubois Clubs in those days), the Young People’s Socialist League, or the Young Socialist Alliance representing the youth organizations of the American Communist Party, American Socialist Party and the Socialist Workers Party (U.S.) respectively would have saved much wasted time and energy. I knew they were around but not in my area.

The archival material to be used in this series is weighted heavily toward the youth movements of the early American Communist Party and the Socialist Workers Party (U.S). For more recent material I have relied on material from the Spartacus Youth Clubs, the youth group of the Spartacist League (U.S.), both because they are more readily available to me and because, and this should give cause for pause, there are not many other non-CP, non-SWP youth groups around. As I gather more material from other youth sources I will place them in this series.

Finally I would like to finish up with the preamble to the Spartacist Youth Club’s What We Fight For statement of purpose:

"The Spartacus Youth Clubs intervene into social struggles armed with the revolutionary internationalist program of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky. We work to mobilize youth in struggle as partisans of the working class, championing the liberation of black people, women and all the oppressed. The SYCs fight to win youth to the perspective of building the Leninist vanguard party that will lead the working class in socialist revolution, laying the basis for a world free of capitalist exploitation and imperialist slaughter."

This seems to me be somewhere in the right direction for what a Bolshevik youth group should be doing these days; a proving ground to become professional revolutionaries with enough wiggle room to learn from their mistakes, and successes. More later.
*********
From Young Spartacus, September, 1974

Black Oppression & Proletarian Revolution-Part 6: The American Communist Party And Black Struggles In The American Great Depression Of The 1930s

[Markin: Title somewhat expanded for today's young audience who may not have been able to decipher the abbreviated original title]

Communist Party black work in the 1930's took place in the context of the so-called "Third Period." The Sixth World Congress of the by-then Stalin-ized Communist International (CI), held in 1928, heralded an impending "Third Period" of inevitable and final capitalist collapse in which the struggle for reforms was no longer possible. Thus, all reformist organizations, especially the "yellow" trade unions and social-democratic parties (which contained the majority of the organized labor movement), were now considered to be "social-fascist" organizations. Much of the CPUSA's work in this period was thus marked by sectarianism and ultraleftism.

While the CP of this period was deformed by dishonesty, political zigzags and egregious departures from Marxism, nonetheless in the area of black work the 1930's represents the CP's heroic period. Despite the erroneous "Black Belt" theory and the call for "Negro self-determination" in this territory (a call which was never raised agitationally but remained part of the CP's written propaganda), the CP's work in practice combined a proletarian orientation with an awareness of the strategic need to fight racial oppression throughout all layers of American society, especially to address the problems of poor and unemployed blacks.
Thus, the CP's black work took place in the labor movement, among the unemployed, in the South and in the area of legal defense. This work stands in stark contrast to the CP's subsequent plunge into abject opportunism (and even adaptation to Jim Crowism in WWII) and is rich in lessons on how to conduct and how not to conduct a genuine Leninist struggle against racial oppression.

The Depression, Blacks and the Communist Party

The catastrophic impact of the Great Depression on the U.S. working class was keenly felt by its most oppressed members, black workers. By March 1933 the Bureau of Labor Standards reported that 25 percent of the workforce, or 17 million workers, were unemployed. For those who could find work, wages on the average had fallen 45 percent. While separate statistics on the black population were not kept at this time, the National Urban League estimated that black unemployment exceeded white joblessness by 30 to 60 percent (a figure which has grown larger: since the Depression). Most black employment was in marginal "service" jobs: 25 percent of the black non-farm, wage-earning population were domestics. T. Arnold Hill of the Urban League pointed out:

"Heretofore [the black's] employment problem has been chiefly one of advancement to positions commensurate with his ability. Today he is endeavoring to hold the line against advancing armies of white workers intent upon gaining and content to accept occupations which were once thought too menial for white hands."

—quoted in Raymond Walters, Negroes and the Great Depression

The Depression was a period of massive social struggle on the part of workers and the unemployed in which blacks played a leading role. Much of this social struggle took place outside of the American Federation of Labor-dominated established labor movement. Only 10 percent of the non-farm workforce was organized and, of the 1.5 million non-farm black workers, only a little more than 3 percent or 50,000 workers were organized and one-half of the unionized black workers belonged to the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters.

Much of this social struggle, especially on the part of blacks, was dominated by the Communist Party. At the very beginning of the Depression the CP launched National Unemployed Councils and by 6 March 1930 was able to organize demonstrations in major American cities with 1,250,000 participants.

CP defense work, conducted through its defense arm, the International Labor Defense (ILD), was in the forefront of the struggle against Southern lynch "justice," a struggle which found its most dramatic expression in the Scottsboro defense case. The CP was the first organization since the populist Southern Alliance and the Colored National Farmers Alliance of the 1890's to go into the South to fight lynch law and vigilante terror, and to organize southern sharecroppers and tenant farmers. The CP's launching of the weekly Southern Worker in Chattanooga reflected the commitment to work in the South. During 1930 the CP recruited its first substantial number of black members—1,000 blacks joined the party. The moribund CP black organization, the American Negro Labor Congress (ANLC) was transformed into the League of Struggle for Negro Rights (LSNR) at a convention held in November 1930 and the irregular publication of the ANLC, the Negro Champion, was transformed into a regular weekly,
The Liberator, edited by Cyril Briggs. The CP's struggle against Jim Crowism in the unions, though often conducted through the erroneous and sectarian "red unions" of the "Third Period," laid the foundation for the later success of the Congress of Industrial Organizations in organizing basic industry on a bi-racial basis.

The "Third Period" and CP Black Work

The Sixth World Congress of the CI, where the "Third Period" policies were laid out, also passed a "Resolution on the Negro Question in the U.S." which established the "Negro Self-Determination in the Black Belt" position. This was to haunt the CP until it was finally dropped in 1959 (see "Negro Self-Determination in the Black Belt," Young Spartacus, May-June 1974). But it was also this Congress and its special commission on the black question which spurred the CP into an aggressive orientation toward black work.

Prior to 1930 the CP had never had more than 50 black members. The "Resolution on the Negro Question" stated that the moribund ANLC "continues to exist only nominally" and called for the CP to "strengthen this organization as a medium through which we can extend the work of the party among the Negro masses and mobilize the Negro workers under our leadership."

The next national convention of the ANLC was not held until November 1930, where the ANLC was transformed into the LSNA. This convention capped a recruitment drive which had brought in 1,000 black members. Harry Haywood, the most faithful and consistent advocate of the "Black Belt" position, was made chairman of the LSNR.

In his report on the LSNR founding convention, Cyril Briggs, editor of the Liberator, defined the LSNR as follows:

"To begin with, it is a mistake to lay stress on the LSNR as a mass organization. The LSNR consists of groups of active supporters and followers of the Liberator. The aim is not to build a mass organization, but to build the Liberator into a mass organizer or the agitator and organizer of the Negro liberation movement. "The LSNR supports the Communist Party as the only political party carrying on a struggle against Negro oppression, but the LSNR is not a political party. Nor is it a substitute for any political party. The LSNR supports the revolutionary trade unions of the Trade Union Unity League in opposition to the treacherous, reformist and Jim Crow policies of the American Federation of Labor with its fascist leadership. But the LSNR is not a substitute for the TUUL or any of its unions." —Liberator, 11 November 1930

Part of the problem was that the CI under Stalin transformed the Leninist transitional organization from a vehicle for mass work into a substitute for mass work. Lenin saw the. need for special methods of work among the specially oppressed, e.g., blacks and women, and argued that the CPs should set up transitional organizations—led by party cadre and functioning as arms of the party— which would address the special needs of minorities and women and attempt to bring them into the communist movement. Depending upon the period, such organizations might or might not obtain a mass character. The CP under Stalin opted for the creation of front groups that only created the illusion (and probably only for CP members) of mass work but in fact represented an abandonment of genuine mass work. The problem of front-groupism was complicated by the tendency toward sectoralism or poly-vanguardism (a la the present-day Socialist Workers Party), as expressed in the 1928 "Resolution on the Negro Question":

"It is the duty of Negro workers to organize through the mobilization of the broad masses of the Negro population the struggle of the agricultural laborers and tenant farmers against all forms of semi-feudal oppression. On the other hand, it is the duty of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. to mobilize and rally the broad masses of the white workers for active participation in this struggle." This poly-vanguardism flowed from the attempt to fit the dynamic of the American revolution into Stalin's "two-stage revolution."

The first, “national-democratic" stage would be carried out by blacks in the "Black Belt" against "semi-feudal oppression." Hence, the principal axis of the black question was seen as agrarian, concentrated in the "Black Belt," and the principal enemy of blacks was not capitalism but "semi-feudal oppression"!!

It is easy to see from this schema how the ultraleft rhetoric of the "Third Period" in which Roosevelt, the NAACP and the AFL leadership were all considered "fascists," was easily converted in the post-1935 "People's Front" period where political blocs with the NAACP, Roosevelt and the AFL bureaucracy became "progressive."

To its credit the CP transcended in practice its poly-vanguardist theories and insisted on the bi-racial character of the LSNR. However, the CP could not decide whether to restrict the LSNR to a newspaper support club or to create a real black transitional organization, with its own organizational life and linked to the party through its leading and most conscious members.

CP Sectarianism on the United Front

The relationship between the LSNR and other black and non-CP labor organizations was shaped by the "Third Period" concept of the united front. Since, according to the CP, the acuteness of the capitalist crisis had converted the leaderships of all non-CP-led organizations into fascists, there could be no agreements with such leaderships, even for common action (the united front from above). Instead there could only be "united fronts from below," i.e., between the CP's Trade Union Unity League and the ranks of the AFL around the TUUL program, between the LSNR and the ranks of the NAACP or Pan-African Congress around the LSNR program.
Several years later when the CP had liquidated the LSNR into the pro-Rooseveltian National Negro Congress, James W. Ford, leader of CP black work during the "People's Front" period, stated:

"The original weaknesses of the LSNR were identical with those of the American Negro Labor Congress. Calling for affiliation on the basis of the complete program, the LSNR tended to make the ANLC. Its demands ran from a "boycott of newspapers and radios that portrayed the Negro in a derogatory manner" to "armed self-defense."

There was in fact enormous confusion in the CP on just what the LSNR was supposed to be aside from a weekly newspaper. While the Briggs report denied that the LSNR was supposed to be a mass organization, subsequent CP reports presented the LSNR in another guise. For example, the CP Party Organizer for May-June 1932 reports: "We have in the Party in Chicago alone approximately 500 members....We organized 13 groups of the LSNR with over 1,000 members, 80percent non-party, 20 percent Negroes."

In reality the weakness of the LSNR was that it was not transformed into a genuine Leninist transitional organization, seeking to recruit both individuals and groups to its complete program and at the same time pursuing agreements for common action even with the "social-fascist" leaders of the petty-bourgeois black organizations and the reformist trade unions. By attempting to address the ranks of these organizations without politically confronting 'their leaderships, the LSNR assisted the reformists in maintaining a hold on their memberships.

TUUL and CP Black Work

The LSNR was made additionally superfluous because many of the tasks which might have fallen to a transitional black organization were absorbed by the "Third Period" "revolutionary unions. “While the Sixth Congress still exhorted Communists to work in the "social-fascist"-led reformist unions, the CPs were expected to organize their own "revolutionary unions" even where reformist unions already existed.

In order to carry out this new turn the old industrial arm of the CP, the Trade Union Educational League, was converted into the Trade Union Unity League, at a convention in Cleveland in 1929. Departments of the TUEL, often no larger than the CP fraction in that particular industry were converted into "red unions." These unions were supposed to be more than just the most militant defenders of the economic interests of workers. They were to organize the unemployed, organize the unorganized, champion black rights and directly struggle for power. The program of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (which, like the TUEL and TUUL, was affiliated to the Red International of Trade Unions, the industrial arm of the CI) called for "Special Unions of Negro Workers" in the following cases:

"a. where white unions refuse Negro workers, b. in unions where Negroes are admitted but treated as second class members, without equal rights and privileges, special unions must be organized."

It combined the call for special black trade unions with the demand for "Negro Self-Determination in the Black Belt."

However, the CP" revolutionary dual unions" were the first serious effort to organize black workers and the first serious outside challenge to AFL Jim Crow unions since the demise of the IWW. The importance of this work was based on an objective reality which "was in direct contradiction to the CI's characterization of the black question as an agrarian question, namely, two-thirds of the blacks gainfully employed by 1930 were not in agriculture.

While many were in the marginal service sector, blacks were also concentrated in unskilled jobs in basic industry, previously considered too "menial" for whites but which were becoming increasingly important to modern industrial capitalism. In mining blacks composed 7.6 percent of the workforce, in transport 10.3 percent, in steel 16.2 percent, in the building trades 22.7 percent and in the unskilled jobs in meatpacking, 25 percent.

Communist Black Work in the South

One exhortation of the "Resolution on the Negro Question" was "the beginning of systematic work in the South." Such work required the greatest courage, tenacity and self-sacrifice. In the 1930's the South still contained a large majority of the black population, two-thirds of which lived in rural areas. A large portion of the black rural population was composed of the elderly, the young and the unemployed—capitalism’s "surplus population."

Those blacks who could find work on the land were subjected to peonage,
debt and convict slavery, vagrancy laws, disenfranchisements, segregation, lynching and mob violence. In the spring of 1931 the CP organized the Sharecroppers Union (SCU) in Tallapoosa and Lee Counties, Alabama. According to the Birmingham News of 20 July 1931, the unions were organizing blacks to demand "social equality with the white race, $2 a day for work, and not ask but 'demand what you want, and if you don't get it, take it'" (quoted in Jamieson, Labor Unions in American Agriculture).
The struggle to organize the SCU was conducted in a state of perpetual civil war with both "legal" and extra-legal armed vigilante groups. One of the most serious events in this war was the shoot-oat with vigilante gangs organized by the planters at Camp Hill, Tallapoosa County, in December 1932. Four blacks were murdered, twenty were wounded and five were given long prison sentences. The SCU was finally able to launch its first strike in the fall of 1934 when 500 cotton pickers struck for a wage rate of 75 cents per hundredweight, a demand won in a few areas. By 1935 the SCU claimed 10,000 members. In the spring of that year it led a strike of 1,500 cotton pickers for almost a month for a basic wage of $l/day.

The Scottsboro Case

The most famous CP black work during the Depression centered around a defense case: the Scottsboro nine. On 21 March 1931 nine black youth, all under the age of 21 (the youngest was 13) were charged with raping two white girls on a freight train and were jailed in Scottsboro, Alabama. Despite contradictory testimony at the trial, a local court found eight of them guilty and sentenced them to death. The CP, through its defense arm, the International Labor Defense, rapidly rallied to the defense of the Scottsboro youths and turned their case into an international symbol of the horrors of southern lynch law.

The ILD was begun by James Cannon, who later became the founder of American Trotskyism. At the time of his expulsion from the CP in 1928 for Trotskyism, Cannon was also removed from the ILD. The ILD rapidly followed the "Third Period" drift into ultraleft, phrasemongering and the sectarian "united front only from below" policies.

Thus, the ILD sent a telegram to the first trial judge threatening that he would be held "personally responsible unless the defendants were immediately released." Needless to say, such empty threats did nothing to win the release of the Scottsboro defendants. Just before he became the most groveling spokesman for the application of the "People's Front" to black work, James W. Ford wrote in an article inappropriately titled, "The United Front in the Field of Negro Work" (Communist, February 1935):

"... among liberal groups who still believe in democratic and civil rights, support will be gained when the fight for Scottsboro is bound up with the national liberation of the Negro people and with the struggle of the entire American working class for the dictatorship of the proletariat."

Nevertheless even the CP/ILD's most persistent and nagging critic at the time, the NAACP, gave the CP and ILD grudging support for the power and effectiveness of their defense efforts. For example, the NAACP publication Crisis (December 1935) stated: "The exploitation of Negroes by the South has been pitilessly exposed to the world. An important legal victory has been won against the lily-white jury system, As far as propaganda is concerned the whole Negro race is far ahead of where it would have been had not the Communists fought the case in the way they did."

The Scottsboro defendants were not executed, but were nevertheless given long prison terms; the last of the Scottsboro defendants was not released from prison until 1950.

CP Polemics in the Black Movement

There are important lessons for revolutionaries today in the CP's polemics with other tendencies in the black movement and in its ability to assimilate and transform a rapidly acquired black membership into a communist cadre. And in this area a most useful document is Harry Haywood's report on black work to the Eighth Convention of the CP in 1934, subsequently reprinted under a title which is in itself a polemic: The Road to Negro Liberation: The Tasks of the Communist Party in Winning Working Class Leadership of the Negro Liberation Struggles and tine Fight Against Reactionary Nationalist-Reformist Movements among the Negro People. Haywood's attack on black nationalism, especially the "self-help" schemes of cultural nationalists and community-control advocates, still rings true to-day:

"These movements for the most part advocate a voluntary acceptance of segregation and Jim Crowism as inevitable. The fight against it is a folly, make the best of it. The Negroes must draw in upon themselves, build
up their own life within the Jim Crow ghettoes. Hence they propose fantastic schemes for building self-sufficing economies among Negroes within the walls of segregation, in the Black Belt of the cities, under the leadership of businessmen and professionals, advancing all sorts of illusionary schemes for the establishment of cooperatives and industry along Jim Crow lines, holding forth the bourgeois Utopian perspective of eventually establishing industries which will be owned and operated by Negroes and furnish employment to Negro workers .... Here presumably... [black petty bourgeois] will have the opportunity of exploiting 'their own masses' free from competition and develop into a full-fledged bourgeoisie." Ironically, while no one denounced more vehemently than Haywood the "reactionary-Utopian schemes" of the black petty bourgeoisie to build up a black self-sufficient economy in the "Black Belt" of the urban ghettoes, there was also no stronger advocate of the reactionary-Utopian scheme of black "self-determination" in the rural ghetto of the southern "Black Belt." This highlights the contradiction between CP black work in practice and the erroneous theories developed to analyze the condition of southern blacks.

Party, Race and Cadre

CP black work during the Depression, work among tenants and sharecroppers, among the unemployed, the unorganized black proletariat, tenants' councils, and so on, attracted thousands of black members to its ranks. But the enduring test of the party which aspires to lead the proletariat to power is its ability to transform members into- cadre—into lifelong professional revolutionaries. And it is here that the CP in its "Third Period" may be judged and found wanting.

Many joined the CP but few stayed. Part of the problem was objective:
Social oppression which is the fuel or the spontaneous indignation and rebellion of the masses, the motor force of revolution, also cuts "across lie all-sided development of human capacities which are demanded of the professional revolutionary. A few individuals rise above their circumstances. But the evicted tenant, the
downtrodden sharecropper, a spinner working the 14-hour days of the Gas-
Tonai mills, found the yoke of social oppression so great that they could only follow the CP for the short-term struggle.

But part of the problem was with the CP itself. No matter how aggressively it might champion the black liberation struggle and call forth from its membership enormous dedication and sacrifice, the CP was bureaucratized arty which was led by men who had traded their revolutionary perspective and integrity for Stalin's good favor, and this loss of integrity and perspective permeated all sides of the organization.

Thus when the Seventh CI Congress heralded the new period of the " People's Front" where yesterday's "social fascists" became today's "friends" of democracy,” labor or blacks, surprisingly little commotion occurred within the CP—few left or expressed >position to this major turn. The "principle" of unprincipledness had already been established. The party members and leadership had become inured to the necessity (i.e., if one intended to stay in the party or, in some cases, stay alive) of going along with Stalin's previous turns and zigzags somewhat minor relative to the 1935 turn)—many of which contained the political kernel of the future "People's Front" policies.

The cynicized CPUSA went on to rather discredit itself by its adaption to Jim Crowism in WWII. The triumphant revolutionary proletariat will bring the CP leadership to account for its many crimes, not the least of which was squandering a whole generation of Black recruits.

Tuesday, February 07, 2012

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY FORUM! In Boston- Saturday-February 18th

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY FORUM! In Boston- Saturday-February 18th

February Is Black History Month

In his final days, Dr. King planned a mass OCCUPATION FOR JOBS

OCCUPY 4 JOBS BLACK HISTORY Forum!

Demand jobs/ housing, education and people's rights!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18th 4:00 P.M.

Hear Larry Holmes, National Coordinator, OCCUPY 4 JOBS

SAVE GROVE HALL POST OFFICE - STOP POST OFFICE SHUTDOWNS!

NO THREE STRIKES LAW IN MASSACHUSETTS!

STOP MBTA FARE HIKES AND CUTS!

STOP THE RETURN TO RACIST, SEGREGATED "NEIGHBORHOOD"
SCHOOLS!

WPA-STYLE 30 MILLION JOBS PROGRAM - JOBS OR INCOME FOR
ALL

MONEY FOR JOBS, NOT FOR WAR AGAINST IRAN!

JOBS NOT JAILS!

Save the date - check iacboston.org for location

Occupy 4 Jobs Network c/o USW L. 875125 Colgate Rd, Roslindale, MA 02131

617-524-3507 Minister Don Muhammad, Temple 11, Nation of Islam

For info, call International Action Center 617-522-6626 or email occupy4jobsboston@gmail.com

Wednesday, February 01, 2012

February Is Black History Month-From The Pages Of The Socialist Alternative Press-The Life And Legacy Of Malcolm X

Click on the headline to link to the Socialist Alternative (CWI) website.

The Life And Legacy Of Malcolm X

Introduction

"You're living at a time of revolution...people in power have misused it and now a better world has to be built."
— Malcolm X

On 21 February 1965 Malcolm X was shot dead minutes before he was about to address a rally in Harlem, New York. As with the firebombing of his home a week earlier, the finger was automatically pointed at the Nation of Islam with whom Malcolm had split the previous year.

Threatened by his radical ideas and appeal to young blacks, the FBI had Malcolm X under surveillance. Speculation continues that the capitalist state itself used its own agents to eliminate their number one public enemy.

Of what there is no doubt is that after the murder the American state drew a huge sigh of relief. One of the most vocal, uncompromising opponents of their system had apparently been silenced. However history continues to show that revolutionary ideas can never be silenced.

The assassination of Malcolm X spawned the Black Panther Party. In Seize The Time, the story of the Black Panthers, Co-founder Bobby Seale tells us the tremendous effect the killing of Malcolm X had on him: "I got mad, I put my fist through a window. I told them all, I'll make my own self into a Malcolm X, and if they want to kill me they'll have to kill me...That a big change for me...Malcolm X had an impact on everybody like that". The next year the Black Panther Party was formed. They represent the highest point in the civil rights movement that engulfed the US for over two decades. They took Malcolm's message of self-defense for blacks and translated it into action. During the 1970s they became a focal point for young blacks wanting to fight back against the racist police and state in America. They inspired youth and blacks internationally with their preparedness to fight racism and police brutality. They too posed a threat to the American state. At one stage300 of their leaders were imprisoned on various trumped up charges. Many more were gunned down by police.

For many youth today - black and white - the life and ideas of Malcolm X a great inspiration. The X icon we see depicted on T-shirts, baseball caps etc. represents a lot more than merely a fashion accessory. It shows a layer of people groping for the ideas and strategy to take them forward. There're few if any obvious leaders that young people today identify with. Internationally the leaders of the labor movement certainly have no attraction. Their "do nothing" policy does nothing but frustrate radical youth looking for away out of the conditions they are condemned to live in.

In the 1990s little has changed. The situation certainly hasn't improved for most blacks in the US or Britain. Every social statistic from education to housing to employment finds blacks at the bottom of the heap. The rise of racism and fascism across Europe has resulted in blacks being brutalized and murdered. The public lynchings that were commonplace for decades in the US have not gone away, they have merely been replaced with less visible racist attacks and murders. In New York alone there were 1,110 "hate crimes" committed against blacks and Jews in 1992. There are over 300 white supremacy groups active in the United States. Against this background Malcolm's message of fighting back "by any means necessary" is as relevant as ever.

Big business has jumped on the bandwagon of a man who wholeheartedly denounced their system. They attempt to sanitize his message and make a profit out of doing so! A mass industry has developed that expects to net over £63million in 1993 from the sale of X merchandise, including board games, crisps and air fresheners!

Eighty four percent of young black Americans consider Malcolm X their hero. However it is claimed that only one in four of those aged under 24 know what he actually stood for. Almost every black leader in America now attempts to claim the mantle of Malcolm - even those reformist leaders embroiled in the Democrat Party that Malcolm consistently condemned. Louis Farrakhan, current leader of the Nation of Islam, while quick to sing the praises of Malcolm X today, joined in denouncing him at the time of Malcolm's split with the Nation. He wrote in the Nation's main publication: "such a man as this is worthy of death."

There is much debate over which direction Malcolm's ideas were going in the last year of his life. Militant believes that his experiences and international outlook was leading him to understand that the system had to be overthrown. There is no doubt however that he was an internationalist and a revolutionary, who clearly perceived the rottenness of world capitalism.

Militant have produced this pamphlet to trace the life and ideas of Malcolm X and the civil rights movement and most importantly to explain their relevance today. His courageous stand must not be forgotten and his ideas must be built on. In the 1990s we must draw the same conclusions that Malcolm X and hundreds of other heroic blacks drew in the course of their struggle. Only a revolutionary fight to change society will truly lead to black liberation. But Militant goes further. We fight for a socialist society based on the needs of working-class people, black and white. We believe that only a society run democratically by ordinary people will end once and for all the racism and exploitation that is part and parcel of this capitalist system.

Andrea Enisuoh, 1993

The Early Years

"They called me the angriest Negro in America."
— Malcolm X



Malcolm Little was born in 1925 in Omaha, Nebraska. Malcolm was still very young when after threats from the Ku Klux Klan his family was forced to move to Omaha. He was only six years old when his father was savagely murdered by a local white supremacy group. The same group had earlier torched his family's home.

At school he proved a promising pupil with the talents and enthusiasm that exist in all young people. Unfortunately, as with numerous other young blacks even today, the system was unable or unwilling to develop those talents and aspirations. Instead they were to be crushed. He was told by his teacher that his dream to become a lawyer was "unrealistic for a Nigger."

After school Malcolm turned to a life of petty crime. He spent some time in state detention centers. In 1945 he was sentenced to 8-10 years in prison for burglary. There is little doubt that the severity of his sentence was provoked by the outrage of the jury after they were told that Malcolm had been assisted by his white mistress.

For the first 20 years of his life Malcolm experienced nothing but racism. It was those experiences that alienated him, firstly from whites, but also from the whole American system. It was later that he began to realize that the "American system" that failed to offer him any hope of a decent future was the capitalist system. Militant believes that the political consciousness of individuals is formed by their day-to-day experiences. It was Malcolm's own conditions and accumulated experiences that eventually led him to the correct conclusion: "You can't have capitalism without racism."

During his first year in prison Malcolm expressed his frustration and despair in the only way he knew. He deliberately alienated himself, not only from prison guards but also other inmates.

Eventually he used his time to educate himself. He began classes in English and Latin and read so voraciously, even after lights out, that he permanently impaired his vision.

It was in prison that Malcolm eventually converted to the Nation of Islam, a Black Muslim organization espousing separatism as the way forward for the black race. It was this radical religion, described to him as "the natural religion for the black man" that seemed to offer him a way out. Malcolm grasped it with his heart and soul.

The Nation of Islam (Black Muslims)

"Any time I have a religion that won't let me fight for my people, I say to hell with that religion. That's why I am a Muslim."
— Malcolm X



The Nation of Islam was founded in 1931 by Wallace D Fard. He presented himself as a Muslim prophet and preached a message of "black redemption within Islam". He claimed "the Asiatic Black Man" had been the original inhabitant of the earth. The white race had been given 6,000 years to rule and eventually whites and white Christianity would be destroyed. Elijah Muhammad, who became leader of the Nation after Fard disappeared, developed this. He claimed originally that the black race had inhabited the moon and that at one time the moon and earth were one. A black scientist, Yakub, supposedly caused an explosion that separated the two. The first people to inhabit the earth were members of a black tribe called Shabazz. While these theories seem, they are no more so than the Christian theory of Adam and Eve and the Garden of Eden. However, white Christianity in all its permutations has been developed over centuries. It has been used to justify slavery, racism and imperialism. It is a religion that the ruling class needed and continue to uphold.

The attraction of the Nation of Islam to blacks was its apparent ability to voice the anger and discontent that existed in every black community. In terms of rhetoric they were amongst the strongest advocates of black pride but their separatist outlook and refusal to actively engage in the civil rights struggle left them spectating from the sidelines of the movement. They produced proud books on black history. Discarding their surnames as marks of their slave past, they replaced them with the suffix "X". Converts had to follow a strict code of discipline - no pork, tobacco, alcohol, drugs or extra marital sex. Engagement in political activity with non-Muslims was not permitted. Until their demand for a separate state was met Muslims were to have no social, political or religious contact with whites. They demanded self-determination; an independent black state in America or a return to Africa.

As Marxists, Militant would argue that this policy is fundamentally flawed. We believe that the sustained division of the working class along racial lines will greatly weaken the potential of the struggle against capitalism. It can also aid the policy of the ruling class to keep divisions running through the class. It was to keep black and white workers divided that the ruling class created and nurtured organizations like the Ku Klux Klan.

While holding this position we do not arrogantly condemn blacks attracted to nationalist ideas. We would support the right to self-determination for any nation, but we also have a duty to point out that under the capitalist system this is unrealistic. We need only look to Zionism - the establishment of Israel on a capitalist basis - to illustrate the point Israel is no safe haven for Jews. It is an armed camp for US imperialism. The creation of a separate black state in America would pose even more difficulties. By the l960s, blacks did not make up the majority in any one state. Two in three blacks lived in the cities so for a black nation to be created, tens of millions of blacks and whites would have to be forcibly uprooted.

Black nationalism is not black racism. Of course, taken to ludicrous extremes, it can be thoroughly reactionary. Louis Farrakhan today uses Black Nationalism to try to justify black capitalism. Malcolm X as a leader of the Nation of Islam met with the Ku Klux Klan to discuss ways of ensuring separatism. However many ordinary blacks who conclude that there is no road out of this capitalist system turn to the ideas of separatism. The job of Marxists is not to dismiss blacks drawn to these conclusions but to show that struggle for a socialist revolution is the only true road to black liberation.

From having just a few hundred supporters initially, by the early 1960s the Black Muslims had 100,000 members. The liberation struggles sweeping Africa and Asia at the time undoubtedly affected blacks in the US. Racial pride was stimulated amongst the whole of the black population. It was on the tide of this new wave of confidence that the Nation of Islam was able to grow. Malcolm X was one of their foremost ministers; his oratory skills attracted a new section of youth towards the religion. Even the media and press hyped up the Black Muslims. A section of the ruling class recognized that they would eventually be forced to make concessions to the black masses of America. They deliberately portrayed the Nation as the nasty vicious side of the black movement, thus bolstering the respectable non-violent mainstream of Martin Luther King.

It was a conscious strategy of the Nation of Islam to target prisons as a recruitment ground. This can be traced back to 1942 when Elijah Muhammad and 62 of his followers were convicted of draft evasion (their religion does no tallow them to serve in the armed forces) and jailed for three years. While in prison Muhammad recognized the fertile ground that existed for any radical ideas amongst what was known as the black underclass. After the war much time and energy was devoted specifically to winning over prisoners.

But to many, the Black Muslims were rife with contradictions. It wasn't enough for them to simply attack white society and preach black unity. In the early 1960s demonstrations, sit-ins and marches swept almost every state. At a time when militant blacks were involved in mass action the Nation were seen to be doing nothing. They would attack the strategy of the mainstream civil rights movement and yet offer no alternative struggle outside the confines of their own organization.

Malcolm X became a popular leader of the Nation. He threw himself into his work and into the black community. He was catapulted to fame in the press. Much more able than Elijah Muhammad to gauge the killings of young blacks, he became frustrated by the restraints of the organization. When he eventually split with them in 1964 he said: "If I harbored any personal disappointment whatsoever, it was that privately I was convinced that our Nation of Islam could be an even greater force in the black man's overall struggle if we engaged in more action. It could be heard increasingly in the Negro communities 'Those Muslims talk tough, but they never do anything.'" Although the eventual split was put down to "internal differences" there is no doubt that his desire to politically organize blacks in action was unimportant factor. At his first press conference after the split he still defended the Nation, Elijah Muhammad and their 'back to Africa' policy. But he did say: "separation back to Africa is a long term program and while it is yet to materialize 22 million of our people who are still here in America need better food, clothing, housing and jobs right now...Now that I have more independence of action, I intend to use a more flexible approach toward working with others to get a solution to this problem."

The Civil Rights Movement

"The black revolution is much more than a struggle for the rights of Negroes. It is interrelated...racism, poverty, militarism and imperialism. Evils that are deeply rooted in the whole structure of our society."
— Martin Luther King

"If George Washington didn't get independence for this country non-violently...and you taught me to look upon heroes, then it's time for you to realize - I have studied your books well."

— Malcolm X



The tremendous Civil Rights movement of the 1950s, 60s and early 70s shook America to its very foundations. It was a movement that in one or another touched every black family in the US. Internationally throughout Africa, the Caribbean and even Europe blacks were imbued with a new confidence. It seemed on every continent a liberation struggle was taking place. America the 'land of the free' was no exception.


Jim Crow (Racial Segregation)

This was a struggle that had to be fought Blacks in America did not just face poverty, but a degrading, racist social system commonly known as Jim Crow (racial segregation). In the South rights to vote, organize, even to assemble were taken away from blacks. Segregated schools, transport, public toilets etc. condemned blacks to the worst conditions.

Jim Crow was not simply some nasty piece of legislation that evolved over the. It was a carefully worked out, carefully executed, social system devised by the ruling class. At times of economic crisis the ruling class often use racism to divide working people. It is also used to drive down wages and working conditions thus providing pools of cheap labor. Before World War Two in the South there were vast amounts of land and yet an enormous shortage of labor. Taking away the rights of blacks enabled the bosses to force them to work for pitifully low wages. After World War Two the mechanization of agriculture solved the bosses problem and blacks were literally driven off the land. There now existed, after the war, a labor shortage in the factories of the North. Migration of huge numbers of blacks to the North began. This continued through the 1950s and 1960s and created the black ghettos we see there today.

During World War Two over 3 million blacks registered for the army. Over 500,000 fought and many died "to defend democracy" in racially segregated units. Those that returned did so in the knowledge that things would never be the same again. Blacks came back wanting, expecting and prepared to fight for change.


1954 Supreme Court Ruling

There had often been struggles through the courts by blacks to end segregation, but before 1954 they had little effect. Now the ruling class realized there had to be change. Throughout Africa and Asia there were huge movements for independence, against military and economic domination by Imperialism. Colonial rule in its previous form was coming to an end. Imperialist America found itself having to negotiate with new, confident black governments. To uphold their position of influence the US had to try to convince these governments that they were the friends of blacks. They therefore looked to produce cosmetic changes at home.

This was the reason for the 1954 Supreme Court Ruling that deemed segregation in schools illegal. But rather than satisfy blacks in the US it led to them demanding more. Blacks demanded the right to vote and boldly went to register.


Lynchings

There was always strong resistance to the dismantling of Jim Crow. The Southern Democratic Party, made up of white small property owners was based on this racist system. While industrialization benefited big capitalist firms, the small property owners still needed to exploit blacks to make their profits.

To sustain the Jim Crow system lynchings and murders became commonplace. Blacks who registered to vote were assassinated and any blacks that fought for their rights in any way were met with a reign of terror.

Lynchings became an integral part of the Jim Crow system. Far from being an aberration they became an American institution. Many people traveled for miles see the lynching of a black take place, with discounts introduced on the railroads for those traveling to a lynching. Rallies with Democratic Party speakers were held before some lynchings took place and photographs of the events were even taken and sold as souvenirs.

In 1955 things began to change. Emmett Till, a 14 year old black boy from Chicago was visiting family in Mississippi. Coming from the North he was seen by Southern whites to have ideas above his station. The final straw came when he sweet-talked' a white woman. For this "crime" he was beaten, shot through the head and his body mutilated. Yet this was not allowed to become just another lynching. His mother had his body shipped back to Chicago and demanded an open casket funeral so the whole world could see what America had done to her son. Over 250 000 people came to view the body. Jet magazine carried a picture of Emmett's mutilated body that sent shockwaves through every black community. Meetings were called in every black ghetto. Demands for troops to be sent to Mississippi to protect blacks spread, not only through the North, but also through the South. Till's mother demanded a meeting with President Eisenhower but this was refused. Instead the FBI was sent to investigate who was organizing the protests. A mock trial with an all white jury let the lynchers off scott free. Everywhere demands for action for demonstrations could be heard. The tide had begun to turn.

Against this background the mass movement began to evolve. In Montgomery, Alabama, action began. In December 1955 Rosa Parks, an activist in the National Association for the Advancement of Black people (NAACP), made her stand.

The bus system in Montgomery was totally segregated, with priority given to whites for the best seats. While 70% of the passengers were black they had to board at the backs of the buses. If all the white seats were taken then whites could demand that blacks gave up their seats. When a white demanded Rosa Parks' seat she refused saying, she was tired from work and tired of giving in. For this she was arrested and fined $ 10. She along with E D Nixon, a black trade union organizer, decided it was time to fight back. They used her case to organize one-day boycott of the buses.

Through the churches, which were the backbone of the black community the campaign was organized. Ministers who were the traditionally accepted leaders of the black community were approached to lead the campaign. One of those that accepted was a new minister in town, Martin Luther King. He went on to become the most famous leader of the Civil Rights movement.


Montgomery Bus Boycott

The whole black community in the area rallied behind the boycott. As the boycott spiraled from one day to almost a year, its demands got bolder. While initially the campaign simply demanded sensitive treatment for blacks on buses, they soon realized they had to go the whole way and they demanded the end of segregation on buses.

Even with support from the whole community it was a long, hard struggle. A complex system of private cars had to be used to transport blacks. Martin Luther King put out a call for 100 station wagons to come to Montgomery to be used as free shuttle services. Some sympathetic whites even gave lifts to blacks. Even so many were forced to walk miles every day to get to work. But the resolve hardened each day. When asked by a reporter why she was walking, one middle aged black woman replied, "For me, my children and my grand children."

The resolve of racist whites also hardened. The white Citizens council developed as the main organization against the boycott and grew massively during this period. Violence spiraled and during the campaign at least eight bombings took place. The Ku Klux Klan held highly visible, intimidatory rallies. Nevertheless six months into the boycott another began in Florida, forcing the bus company there out of business. Eleven months on the battle was won. Enormous pressure forced the desegregation of Montgomery buses and a small taste of what mass action could achieve left the black community hungry for much more.

After the Montgomery boycott Martin Luther King became greatly respected for his leadership qualities. However Malcolm X was quick to condemn his ideas of pacifism and non-violence as ideas that disarmed the black community. "You don't have to criticize Reverend King, his actions criticize him. Any Negro who teaches other Negroes to turn the other cheek is disarming that Negro."


Segregation in Schools

The late 1950s saw the famous Brown vs. Brown case that ruled against segregation in schools. But it would take a lot more than paper legislation to have any effective change.

In Little Rock, Arkansas, 1957, came the first major confrontation to desegregate schools. Nine black teenagers were set to attend a school in Little Rock and the state Governor Orval Faubus, a Democrat, had initially been elected with the backing of groups like the NAACP and the trade union movement. But, once in office he soon shed his liberal image. Playing on the discontent that existed amongst whites to integration, he became a hardened segregationist. Refusing to enforce any law to integrate schools. Racist mobs rallied to physically stop the black teenagers getting to the school. Pressure forced President Eisenhower to act. He sent Federal troops to ensure passage for the blacks students. The fact that the state had been forced to intervene represented another victory for the black movement and greatly demoralized the racists.


Sit-Ins and Freedom Rides

Until the early 1960s the struggles of blacks against segregation had mainly consisted of local action. 1960 changed that and the movement rapidly spread from state to state with young people playing a key role.

It began with the sit-in movement. A new generation inspired by the movements already taking place in the US and internationally, decided they too should get involved. They would enter lunch bars and demand to be served and when they were refused they would literally sit-in! The invasion of the bar meant that its owners lost money. Eventually the police would be called and the youth, predominantly students, would be arrested. Many were beaten. Every time a group was arrested another group would come to take their place. Thousands were arrested and many were expelled from school but the sit-ins continued.

Then came the Freedom Rides where black and white students would board buses and travel through the Southern states. These actions were taken to force the integration of buses that had already been passed in law. Many of the freedom riders were beaten and brutalized by racist mobs. But still the Freedom Rides continued.

It became clear to the youth that they needed their own organization to discuss the strategies and actions they needed to take. They were invited by Martin Luther King to form the youth wing of his Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), an organization that although had a strong pacifist thread, supported direct acts of disobedience. But this offer was rejected and instead the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was formed. While still defending the tactic of non- violence, this was for them a tactic not a principle.


Martin Luther King

Martin Luther King evolved as the most important leader of the Civil Rights Movement. His principles of pacifism were the dominant feature of the movement for a long period. But once youth entered the scene of battle it was much harder for him to hold this line. Faced with beatings, lynching and petrol bombings, the idea of non-violence somehow did not ring true. Figures like Malcolm X with his message of militant action, became a much more attractive focus for young blacks. Malcolm totally rejected the idea of turning the other cheek and he advocated black people defending themselves "...by any means necessary. If someone puts a hand on you, send him to the cemetery."

While King believed that mass peaceful protests would convince the government to implement reforms Malcolm X soon became one of the most vocal opponents of King's strategy for the movement After the famous 250,000 strong 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his well remembered "I have a Dream," speech, Malcolm X was later to comment "While they're dreaming, our people are living a nightmare." Malcolm was not alone in criticizing aspects of King's leadership. He was effectively voicing the thoughts of many younger activists. Anne Mood who was at the Washington demonstration recalled: "I sat on the grass and listened to the speakers to discover we had dreamers instead of a leader leading us. Martin Luther King went on and on talking about his dream. I sat there thinking that in Canton, Mississippi, we never had time to sleep much less to dream."

After King was presented with the Nobel peace Prize Malcolm again used the opportunity to highlight their different approaches. "He got the Peace Prize, we got the problem. I don't want the white man giving me medals. If I'm following a general and he's leading me into battle, and the enemy tends to give him rewards or awards. I get suspicious of him, especially if he gets a peace award before the war is over."

However even Martin Luther King was to talk of revolution towards the end of his life. In 1967 he commented "For the last 2 years we have been a reform movement...But after Selma and the Voting rights Bill (1965) we moved into a new era which must be an era of revolution. What good does it do a man to have integrated lunch counters if he can't buy a hamburger?" This was too much for the ruling class. King started supporting marches of striking workers and was gunned down as he prepared to march with refuse workers in Memphis.

The Last Year

"We are seeing a global rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter."
— Malcolm X



Behind the Split

Malcolm's eventual split with the Nation of Islam was finally provoked by the death of John F Kennedy. Unlike the leaders of the mainstream movement Malcolm had never sown illusions in Kennedy or the big business Democrat Party. Kennedy had come to government on the back of the Civil Rights movement. In 1960 when he closely beat Richard Nixon he had received 68% of the black vote. But like US President Clinton today, he soon ditched many of his election promises. For this Malcolm rightly denounced him: "Kennedy ran on a platform as a white liberal three years ago and said all he had to do was take out his fountain pen put his name on some paper and our problem could be solved. He was three years in office before he found where his fountain pen was...and the problem isn't solved yet". It was therefore true to form for Malcolm to refuse to be silent after Kennedy's death. Elijah Muhammad ordered his members not to publicly comment on the issue. Yet when quizzed by the press Malcolm said simply "The chickens have come home to roost. Being an old farm boy myself, chickens coming home to roost never did make me sad; they've always made me glad." An outraged Muhammad suspended Malcolm for ninety days. During that period Malcolm was not to speak publicly on behalf of the Nation. After the 90 days the suspension was not lifted, it had in reality become an expulsion. This was not a real surprise to Malcolm and reflected the growing differences between Malcolm and Elijah Muhammad. On March 8 1964 Malcolm formally announced that he was leaving the Nation of Islam to build a new organization.

It was clear that Malcolm and Muhammad had begun to differ on the question of how to struggle long before the split. In 1962 the Los Angeles Police, in a highly provocative attack, gunned down seven black Muslims. Sixteen were arrested and charged with "criminal assault against the police."

Malcolm was shipped to LA to deal with the case. He automatically recognized the huge potential that existed to unite Muslims and non-Muslims in a campaign against police brutality. Mass meetings were organized immediately. Media coverage raised the awareness of the campaign. Material was produced that aimed to cross religious divides leaflets pointed out that "It was a Muslim mosque this time; next it will be the Protestant church, the Catholic cathedral, the Jewish synagogue." But Malcolm's plans to launch a massive nation-wide campaign were eventually vetoed by the leadership. It was quickly becoming clear that Malcolm represented the militant tendency within the organization. Elijah Muhammad's conservative tendencies were holding things back. In a statement after the split Malcolm made it clear where he now stood. Talking about the new organization he was to launch he said: "It's going to be different now, I'm going to join in the fight wherever Negroes ask for my help and I suspect my activities will be on a greater and more intensive scale than in the past."

Malcolm did not want to be left on the sidelines of the great revolutionary struggle that was sweeping America. But the Black Muslims abstentionist message of "boycott the civil rights struggle, have nothing to do with the white man and his society" made it inevitable that unless he broke with them he would be left on the sidelines. The break came at the height of the civil rights movement, when Malcolm X realized he had to take part in the struggle.

A week before his assassination Malcolm X publicly revealed that the leaders of the Black Muslims had been colluding with the Ku Klux Klan and Rockwell, the leader of the US Nazi Party. They had looked to giving Elijah Muhammed financial aid. In return he was to continue churning out the separatist message and at the same time keep the heat off racist organizations. This graphically shows how Black Nationalism could play into the hands of the racists. In the course of struggle Malcolm X was forced to question whether Black Nationalism was the correct philosophy. He did not break with the idea of blacks organizing separately but he recognized using the term Black Nationalist was setting him apart from "true revolutionaries dedicated to overturning the system of exploitation that exists on this earth." he said, "Can we sum up the solution to the problems confronting our people as Black Nationalism? If you notice, I haven't been using that expression for several months now."


Muslim Mosque Inc.

Malcolm's new organization, the Muslim Mosque Inc. aimed to organize in action both Muslims and non-Muslims. While he was still a committed black nationalist, his aim being the return of Blacks to Africa, he saw this as a long way off. He wanted the Muslim Mosque Inc., working alongside other civil rights groups to spearhead a campaign for decent housing, education, jobs etc. He correctly saw the crucial importance that youth would play in any radical organization saying "Our accent will be on the youth. We need new ideas, new methods, new approaches. We are completely disenchanted with the old, adult established politicians. We want some new, more militant faces."

He also began to develop his ideas on self-defense for black communities. "Concerning nonviolence: It is criminal to teach a man not to defend himself when he is the constant victim of racial attacks." He called for blacks to take up their legal right to own a shotgun or rifle. Where the state refused to intervene in communities under attack he said those communities should form rifle clubs. "We should be peaceful, law abiding - but the time has come for the American Negro to fight back in self-defense whenever and wherever he is being unjustly or unlawfully attacked. If the Government thinks I am wrong for saying this then let the government start doing it's job."

However from it's inception the Muslim Mosque Inc received little funding or support from established civil rights groups. The SNCC refused to enter into any sort of working alliance. The media also refused to portray the new direction that Malcolm was moving in. In his own words he was "caught in a trap". He wanted to build an all-black organization "whose ultimate objective was to help create a society in which there could exist honest white-black brotherhood." Perhaps the leaders of the Civil Rights movement recognized just what a threat Malcolm's new leftward direction posed. He was now more than just an angry black man. He was beginning to work out tactics and strategies that would mobilize blacks into action. Now more than ever he posed a threat to the leadership of the civil rights movement He was evolving into a revolutionary and challenging not just racism, but the whole of the capitalist system.

Malcolm spent just 50 weeks apart from the Nation of Islam before he was assassinated. But even in that brief time his political thinking changed dramatically. He spent over half this time abroad touring Africa and the Middle East. This was biggest factor to change his way of thinking. "They say travel broadens your scope," he said "and recently I've had the opportunity to do a lot of it. While I was traveling I noticed that most of the countries that have recently emerged into independence have turned away from the so-called capitalistic system in the direction of socialism." "Most of the countries that were colonial powers were capitalist countries...You can't have capitalism without racism."

Initially he still rejected the idea of black and white workers uniting against oppression. "They'll never do it with working-class whites. The history is that working-class whites have been just as much against not only working Negroes but all Negroes period. I think one of the mistakes Negroes make is this worker solidarity thing. There's no such thing -it didn't even work in Russia." But history tells another story. Blacks, in struggles against racial oppression, have always looked to unite with other oppressed groups. During the great slave revolts of the past, black slaves formed strong alliances with Native American Indians. During the Civil War, alliances were formed with northern trade unionists and in 1880, black and white small farmers came together to form the Populist movement to defend their common interests.

Again after visits abroad Malcolm's position on this began to change. "In my recent travels into the African countries and others, it was impressed upon me the importance of having a working unity among all peoples, black as well as white. But the only way that this is going to be brought about is that the black ones have to be in unity first." He went on to say: "We will work with anyone, with any group, no matter what their color is, as long as they are genuinely interested in taking the type of steps necessary to bring an end to the injustices that black people in this country are inflicted by."

Even on the issue black nationalism, Malcolm's thoughts began to change. "I used to define Black Nationalism as the idea that the black man should control the economy of his community, the politics of the community and so forth. But when I was in Africa in May, in Ghana, I was speaking with the Algerian ambassador who is extremely militant and is a revolutionary in the truest sense of the word...When I told him my political, social and economic philosophy was black nationalism, he asked me where did that leave him? Because he was white. He was an African but he was Algerian and to all appearances, a white man. And I said I define my objective as the victory of Black Nationalism - where did that leave him? Where does that leave revolutionaries in Morocco, Egypt, Iraq and Mauritania? So he showed me where I was alienating people who were true revolutionaries, dedicated to overthrowing the system of exploitation that exists on this earth by any means necessary. So I had to do a lot of thinking and reappraising of my definition of Black Nationalism. Can we sum up the solution to the problems confronting our people as Black Nationalism? And if you noticed I haven't been using the expression for several months. But I would still be hard pressed to give a specific definition of the overall philosophy which I think is necessary for the liberation of black people in this country."


Organization of Afro American Unity (OAAU)

In June 1964 Malcolm announced the formation of the Organization of Afro American Unity. Self Defense of Afro Americans was an important feature in the program of this organization.

A voter registration drive was launched in the black community to make "every unregistered voter an independent voter." This in no way detracted from his position that the two capitalist parties of America: The Republican Party and the Democrat Party should in no way be supported by black people.

The OAAU launched a petition to be presented to the United Nations Human Right Commission, calling for the prosecution of the US government for their crimes against Afro Americans. While this may have been an effective propaganda campaign, that was all it could ever be. The United Nations has never and will never be an international upholder of justice. Rather it plays the role of a cover for US interests. We need only look at its role today in the Gulf war with the UN's refusal to lift a finger against Israel despite that government's treatment of Palestinians. Its role has never been to protect the rights of small countries or oppressed minorities.

If anyone was clear what a threat to the system he posed then Malcolm himself knew. He experienced weekly diatribes against him in the Nation of Islam newspaper, the firebombing of his home, FBI surveillance. He himself said, "Anything I do today, I regard as urgent. No man is given but so much to accomplish whatever his life's work...l am only facing facts when I know that any moment of any day, or any night, could bring me death." Malcolm X was assassinated before he was able to effectively translate his new ideas into action. He was buried at the age of 40 but as the next chapter shows, his ideas lived on.



The Black Panther Party

"Working class people of all colors must unite against the exploitative, oppressive ruling class. Let me emphasize again - we believe our fight is a class struggle not a race struggle."
— Bobby Seale, co-founder Black Panther Party



The death of Malcolm X spawned a new, determined layer of black youth. Having tried and tested the strategy of peaceful, non-violence they had found it wanting. They were now prepared for a different kind of action.

The Black Panther Party formed in 1966, drew much inspiration from the ideas of Malcolm X. They rejected pacifism and reformism in favor of militant action and self-defense against racists. They were the logical development of the struggle onto a higher level.

From their formation in Oakland, California, support grew rapidly for the Black Panthers. Their uncompromising Ten-point program called for full employment, decent housing and education for blacks. They demanded that blacks should be exempted from military service because they did not want to defend the American racist government. Most popular of all was their demand for an end to police brutality. Many young blacks, sick of daily harassment from the police were attracted to the Panthers, not only their program but their ability to organize a fight on these issues. Yet the Black Panthers went further, they recognized that to effectively change things they had to fight for an end to capitalism and for the establishment of a socialist society.

They are most famous for exercising their legal right to carry guns. This they used to patrol their communities and monitor the actions of the police.

They also established free food, clothing and Medicare programs for the poor. Much of this was financed by money they demanded off local business. They campaigned for democratic control of the police, for blacks to register as voters and called for a 30-hour week, without loss of pay to create more jobs from the unemployed.

All over America Panther chapters were formed. Panthers drafted into the army during the Vietnam War formed groups there. Panther caucuses were also set up within trade unions.

The state was terrified of the potential for the Panthers to gain mass support. White youth were in rebellion against the Vietnam War. Forty five percent of blacks fighting in Vietnam said they would be prepared to take up arms to secure justice at home.

The government replied to the movement, on the one hand, with concessions to the mass of blacks but they also meted out vicious repression to the most militant black leaders. At one stage, out of a leadership of 1000 three hundred of these were awaiting trial. Thirty-nine Panthers were gunned down in the street by the police.

Prisons became a fertile place where Panther members would recruit and educate other blacks. George Jackson, a young black, was won to the Panthers in this way. When he was eighteen he was convicted of robbery. After poor legal advice he had pleaded guilty expecting a sentence of one year or less. He was sentenced to one year to life imprisonment. Technically the parole board should determine when a prisoner on this sentence could be released. Racist violence was commonplace in the prisons. Any black that fought back would lose their parole. This happened to Jackson year after year.

As revolutionary socialists the leaders of the Black Panthers looked to other revolutionary leaders for guidance. They looked to Mao-Tse-Tung in China and Fidel Castro in Cuba. Although both had successfully carried through revolutions the vital missing ingredient in both cases was a working class leadership and workers democracy. The main mistake of the Panthers was not to clearly recognize the crucial role of the organized working class, both black and white in the struggle for socialism. The Panthers needed to organize black workers and appeal to white workers to form a united struggle to change society. Genuine Marxism would have advised the Panthers to win over the workers not by them robbing the rich to feed and defend the poor but by agitating for working people to take action to defend and feed themselves - by strikes and mass protests which would have given them the confidence of their own strength. This would prepare the movement for the greater confrontations with the ruling class that would inevitably be necessary to change society. In Revolutionary Suicide, Huey Newton, one of the founders of the Party said, "we were looked upon as an ad-hoc military group, acting outside the community fabric and too radical to be part of it. We saw ourselves as the revolutionary vanguard and did not fully understand that only the people can create the revolution. And hence the people did not follow our lead in picking up the gun."

We believe nevertheless that the Black Panthers represented a great step forward in the movement against racial oppression.

Some try to claim that the Panthers stood for black separatism. This is totally incorrect In Seize the Time, Bobby Seale, the other founder of the Black Panthers stressed, "We do not fight racism with racism. We fight racism with solidarity. We do not fight exploitative capitalism with black capitalism. We fight capitalism with basic socialism. We fight imperialism with proletarian internationalism."

They recognized that the working class could not afford to let racial or national prejudices divide them. Speaking about black separatists within the movement Bobby Seale said: "Those who want to obscure the struggle with ethnic differences are the ones who are aiding and maintaining the exploitation of the masses. We need unity to defeat the boss class - every strike shows that. All of us are laboring class people...in our view it is a class struggle between the massive proletarian working class and the small minority ruling class. Working class people of all colors must unite against the exploitative ruling class."

There is no doubt that the potential of the Panthers organizing terrified the American state. J Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, declared them the number one threat to the internal security of the US. The state tried to stamp them out in any way they could. Yet even now the message of the Black panthers can be heard. Internationally from the Middle East to the Caribbean to Britain; groups carrying their name have been formed. From Malcolm X to the Black Panthers to the present day the ideas of struggle and of socialist revolution live on.



Conclusion - Change the System

"The system cannot produce freedom for the Afro American. It is impossible for this system, this economic system, this political system, this social system, this system period. "
— Malcolm X



Governments, press and media would have us believe that much has improved for blacks since the days of the civil rights movement. Yet the illusion they try to create flies in the face of reality. Yes there maybe more black MPs, mayors and businessmen, but facts show that for the vast majority of black people nothing has fundamentally changed.


America

The scenes of wealth and happiness we see portrayed on television in The Cosby are a world apart from the average black family in the United States. Of the urban underclass in America 59% are black. The average white household is 32 times more wealthy than the average black household. One in three of the black population lives below the poverty line.


Britain

In Britain the unemployment rate amongst blacks is twice that of whites. While making up just 4.4% of the population blacks make up over 20% of the prisoners on remand.

These figures show that the few black "high flyers" have become totally removed from the reality of life for black people.

After the assassination of Martin Luther King in 1968, violent protests swept over 100 cities in America, 146 people were killed in riots that shook the government In response to the racial upheavals of the time the Kerner Commission was set up by President Johnson to investigate the causes. It drew the conclusion: "Our nation is moving towards two separate societies, one black, one white - separate and unequal," (with the likelihood of more and more blacks) "extending support to extremists who advocate civil disruption." The ruling class realized that unless reforms were carried out, revolutionary upheavals would develop. The Commission concluded that it would be unrealistic to try to abolish the ghettos i.e. poverty. Instead it recommended a strategy to take "substantial numbers of Negroes into the society outside the ghettos." Black tokenism followed and a practice that in essence amounted to a policy of liberation one at a time. For some this was of benefit. The number of black businesses rose 50% in the six years after 1970. But for most blacks things stayed the same. America, the richest, most powerful country in the world was unable to solve the problems facing ordinary African Americans.

After the upheavals of the early 1980s in Britain - Moss Side, Toxteth, London, Bristol - the ruling class tried a similar strategy here. To take the heat out of the struggle black leaders were drawn into the Government sponsored Race Relations Industry. Thousands of documents were written about meaningless equal opportunity programs and a small minority of blacks has well paid jobs within this industry. Many in effect have turned their back on the struggle. But for most blacks nothing has changed.

This system, capitalism, has miserably failed as far as black people are concerned. Also for white workers and youth this system has nothing to offer. Every major black struggle against racial oppression has been forced to draw the conclusion that unity against class oppression is imperative.

The anti-slavery movements, Martin Luther King, Malcolm X and Huey P. Newton all traveled down the road of believing black liberation could be achieved under capitalism. They were however forced to conclude the need for revolution and class unity.

Militant calls on all people, black-and white who want to fight racism to join us. But our battle will not stop at challenging the evils of racism. This entire system has to be changed. We fight for a socialist society that would eradicate racism, oppression and exploitation once and for all. Join with the Militant in the campaign for socialism internationally.