Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Valls extradita a Aurore Martin-¡Abajo la orden de detención europea! ¡Libertad inmediata a Aurore Martin! ¡Abajo todos los cargos!

2 de noviembre de 2012
Valls extradita a Aurore Martin
¡Abajo la orden de detención europea! ¡Libertad inmediata a Aurore Martin! ¡Abajo todos los cargos!
2 DE NOVIEMBRE—El CDDS (Comité de Defensa Social) condena la extradición, llevada a cabo por el estado francés, de Aurore Martin a España, donde enfrenta hasta 12 años de cárcel. Apenas unos días antes de la detención de Martin, sucedida ayer, otros dos militantes vascos, Izaskun Lesaka y Joseba Iturbe, fueron también arrestados en una operación conjunta dirigida por la unidad policiaca de élite francesa RAID al lado de la Guardia Civil española cerca de Lyon. Presuntamente, tanto Lesaka como Iturbe pertenecen a ETA, el grupo independentista vasco, y se afirma que Izaskun Lesaka fue una de los tres militantes que leyeron la declaración que anunció el fin definitivo de la actividad armada de ETA en octubre de 2011.
A pesar de la renuncia etarra a la lucha armada, los estados capitalistas francés y español no tienen intención alguna de abandonar su violenta venganza contra los nacionalistas vascos. Las burguesías francesa y española utilizan como espantajo multipropósito a los vascos y a otras minorías nacionales como los catalanes y los corsos, y especialmente a la población musulmana. En el contexto de la peor crisis económica en décadas, se les utiliza para tratar de dividir y debilitar a la clase obrera en aras de imponer cada vez más ataques de austeridad patronales y justificar la larga lista de nuevas leyes que incrementan la represión estatal, y cuyo blanco es también, a fin de cuentas, la lucha obrera contra la opresión capitalista. Y todo ello sin mencionar las opacas maniobras y rivalidades en juego en la Unión Europea, donde las vidas de los militantes son monedas de cambio en un cínico comercio para favorecer intereses imperialistas. El caso de Martin y la orden de detención europea muestran vívidamente en torno a qué está forjada la Unión Europea, en la medida en que existe tal “unión”: la opresión de las minorías y del movimiento obrero. ¡Abajo la UE!
En lo que va del año, 24 supuestos etarras han sido arrestados en total: 16 en Francia, tres en España y cinco en otros países. Exigimos el retiro inmediato de todos los cargos contra Aurore Martin, Izaskun Lesaka y Joseba Iturbe, así como su libertad inmediata de manos de los estados francés y español. ¡Exigimos también la libertad de los cientos de activistas nacionalistas vascos encerrados en las mazmorras francesas y españolas!
La extradición de Aurore Martin: Valls termina el trabajo que Sarkozy y Guéant iniciaron
Aurore Martin, militante vasca francesa, fue objeto de una orden de detención europea emitida por el estado español desde octubre de 2010, la cual exigía su extradición sobre la base de su supuesta “pertenencia a organización terrorista”. La “evidencia” citada en su contra fue el haber asistido a seis reuniones públicas de Batasuna, cuatro en España y dos en Francia, durante los años 2006 y 2007. Batasuna, proscrito en España, es un partido enteramente legal en Francia. A Martin se le acusa además de haber escrito un artículo para el periódico legal vasco Gara y por haberse relacionado con el Partido Comunista de las Tierras Vascas (EHAK), proscrito en España desde 2008. Ni el estado francés ni el español han hecho el menor intento de presentar pruebas que la vinculen con actividad armada alguna; el policía en jefe Valls extraditó a Martin, una ciudadana francesa, por sus opiniones y su solidaridad política con la causa de la independencia vasca. Martin se encuentra ahora recluida en una celda española. Su extradición con base en cero evidencia ha provocado airadas protestas contra Valls por parte de prácticamente todos los diputados de la región, incluso los más “republicanos”.
Tras la orden de detención de 2010, Aurore Martin primero había pasado a la clandestinidad, pero seis meses después, a principios de junio de 2011, expresó su deseo de “reiniciar una vida pública normal” y asistió a un coloquio en Biarritz sobre la orden de detención europea. Unos días después, el 21 de junio, Claude Guéant, ministro del interior de Sarkozy, envió a sus policías a arrestarla en Bayona; vecinos y militantes del lugar literalmente echaron atrás a los policías, y Martin eludió el arresto. En aquel entonces, Guéant declaró que Francia cumpliría con su “deber” y se impondría su extradición; sin embargo, tras una marcha de 3 mil personas en Bayona que exigía la revocación de la orden de detención, el estado francés desistió de sus intentos de arrestarla —hasta que Valls y el gobierno de frente popular de Hollande llegaron para terminar el trabajo—. En una entrevista reciente en El País, Valls elogió la “ejemplar” colaboración de los gobiernos español y francés y afirmó que el estado francés ayudaría “al 100% a España” al proseguir la lucha contra ETA “con toda firmeza”.
Estas acciones encajan perfectamente en la tradición de la sucia cruzada contra los nacionalistas vascos emprendida por los predecesores socialistas de Valls y Hollande. Como escribimos en una breve declaración en denuncia de la orden de detención europea contra Aurore Martin en marzo de 2011: “Denunciamos la colaboración policiaca entre Francia y España: desde los años 80 —con los terroristas de estado de los GAL bajo Mitterrand y el gobierno del PSOE de Felipe González— hasta hoy, esta colaboración ha cobrado las vidas de decenas de personas y conducido al arresto y encarcelamiento de cientos de militantes”. ¡El movimiento obrero debe protestar contra la extradición de Aurore Martin! ¡Por el derecho a la autodeterminación del pueblo vasco, al sur y al norte de los Pirineos! ¡Abajo la orden de detención europea! ¡Abajo la Unión Europea capitalista!
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El CDDS es una organización clasista y no sectaria de defensa legal y social que toma casos y causas en el interés de todos los trabajadores. Este objetivo está de acuerdo con las concepciones políticas de la Ligue trotskyste de France.

More Strikes Rock Greece — But how can the struggle against austerity be won?
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Nov 20, 2012
By socialistworld.net
An interview with Paris Makrides, Xekinima (Greek CWI)
Yesterday was the first day of another 48 hours general strike. How big was the strike and protests of the Greek workers and youth?
The strike paralyzed Greece completely. Athens was like a deserted city as nothing moved except the demonstration of the striking workers. Not only workers were on strike but small shopkeepers as well, even taxi drivers, who together with the strike in public transport paralyzed Athens entirely. The picture was similar in every other city of Greece.
The numbers on the Athens strike demonstration however were not that big, due to the lack of transport; workers and youth had no means of getting to the center of Athens other than by foot. Despite this, we estimate that 30,000 to 40,000 people were on the streets of Athens.
Today’s rally at Syntagma Square, which is intended to encircle the parliament building, where MPs will be voting on the new (third) Memorandum [new austerity measures at the behest of the Trioka] at 5.00pm, will probably be much bigger. But there is always an element of uncertainty, as the broad population, including workers and youth, know that most probably there will be violent clashes largely between anarchists and provocateurs (secret police agents), on the one hand, and the riot police, on the other hand. These clashes turn away the mass of the population from taking part in the demos. If this element did not exist, we can safely say that this afternoon one million people, if not more, would be on the streets of Athens surrounding Syntagma Square.
What does the new, third ’Memorandum’ mean for the Greek people?
The third Memorandum will be a disaster, added to an economy and society already devastated by the two previous Memorandums.
According to estimations of the Troika [European Union, European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund], Greece’s GDP will be reduced for a sixth consecutive year. And public debt, notwithstanding the austerity measures that have been adopted these last years and “haircut”, for 2013 will reach 346 billion € (189% of GDP) increased by 66 billion since last February!
Over the last years, Greek people have paid much higher taxes, have see their wages slashed, unemployment has reached 24% and youth unemployment 55% (these are the official figures). Public health and education have been destroyed and public services and companies privatized and sold off for peanuts. But European and Greek capitalists have no interest in the terrible social effects their policies are having.
The third Memorandum contains new cruel austerity measures, such as increase on the retirement age to 67 years, massive dismissals of public employees, more taxes, greater so-called “flexibility” concerning labor relations and privatizations. And it is clear this will lead to more social misery and catastrophe, just like the earlier Memorandums.
How do you explain the fact that despite all this huge mobilizations of the Greek people, the Troika is still able to apply its anti-working class policies?
The Greek people’s struggles over the last two years have been massive. People understand that they have to do something to stop the Troika’s policies. So they participated in general strikes, refused to pay taxes and occupied squares. People want to resist and fight. On the other hand, the trade union leaderships don’t. These leaderships don’t want to overthrow the government because they are tied with the government parties.
The parties of the Left support people’s demands but do not have a plan about how the capitalist’s policies will be stopped and how the government will fall. SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) recently called for new elections. But elections are not the Left’s primary field of battle at this moment. What is necessary is an indefinite general strike which, of course, will raise the question of power in society – who decides, who controls and who manages the economy and society. This is the only way to go forward, to overthrow the government, and to pave the way for a government of the Left which will be based on worker’s power, through democratic rank and file committees and assemblies, in every workplace, neighborhood, university and school etc.
Is the huge anger of the Greek working class reflected inside the trade unions?
The role of the leaders of trade union is absolutely exasperating. But whatever they do they cannot stop the class struggle. People are outraged with the Troika’s policies. This anger has pushed several rank and file unions and union federations to call the GSEE and ADEDY (the private and public sector trade union centers) for an indefinite general strike, as the only reply that corresponds to the scale of government’s and the Troika’s vicious austerity attacks.
However, the GSEE and ADEDY refused to call an all-out general strike (which was to be expected) and the unions calling for this action did not try to take the next necessary step, which is to co-ordinate actions between themselves; to prepare for and set a day of strike action and to call on the rest of the union movement to come out in coordinated, indefinite strike activity. We are convinced that such an initiative, given the explosive mood in Greek society, would trigger an avalanche of class action and would push aside the official union federation leaderships. Militant, mass industrial action, as described, could maximize workers’ mass pressure against the government and Troika and give society with a perspective to defeat the attacks.
But what really infuriates working class people and drives them “mad” is that often breaks on the strikes movement are made by the parties of the Left. For example, a resolution for at least one week’s strike action was voted down on the Central Council of the ADEDY federation (civil servants’ union) because of the votes of the KKE (Communist Party) faction. The resolution for a week’s long strike had the support of 19 votes, with 17 votes against, but the KKE used its seven votes to defeat it.
In the journalists’ union, two days ago, a similar role was played by the SYRIZA faction, which is the biggest faction in that union. The PASOK vote split, with half supporting the demand of the anti-capitalist Left for indefinite strike action. But SYRIZA voted, together with the conservative section of the union, to have only one 24 hour strike and some three hour stoppages.
These examples show the extent to which the mass parties of the Greek Left are far behind the needs of the situation and the mood of the working masses.
What impact do these developments have on the political landscape?
Despite dissatisfaction with the Left, a big section of the population now regards a new government of the Left as the only hope on the horizon. There is thus a huge turn in favor of SYRIZA (although opinion polls reveal that Syriza’s support has not essentially grown, but it is the largest party because support for the New Democrats, the main party in government, has fallen). But this turn towards SYRIZA is not enthusiastic. This is not without reason. SYRIZA’s political platform is not clear. People do not know exactly what SYRIZA is going to do if it takes the power, and that makes them suspicious. On the other hand, the KKE (communist party) is continuously isolated from the bulk of the working class because of its sectarian tactics. The KKE speaks, in general, about the need for “revolution” and “socialism” but it refuses to link this call, in any way, to today’s reality and to mass consciousness. On the contrary, the KKE say that things are not ‘mature enough’ yet for system change. So, in practice, they have ‘maximum and minimum’ approach (i.e. make radical and general rhetoric for ‘socialism’ etc, while only putting forward minimum demands and without linking the two concretely), rather than a transitional approach (campaigning on the key class demands of the day, while linking this up with the need for a workers’ government and to change society). In reality, as we can see from the union votes mentioned above and other actions, the KKE leadership functions like a strike breaking force.
Despite SYRIZA’s inadequacies, the struggle for a government of the Left is what the movement needs to campaign for and this is the approach of Xekinima. Of course, we link this struggle to the absolute need for a socialist programme and the need to base this on rank and file assemblies and committees of action. We emphasize that if a government of the Left, based around SYRIZA, fails to adopt a socialist platform this will represent a massive defeat for the Greek Left and the working class, particularly given the fact that the neo-fascist Golden Dawn received around 12% to 14% in recent polls.
How is Golden Dawn being combated?
The far right, anti-immigrant Golden Dawn is not invincible, however. Opposition to it is growing. There are many anti-fascist committees being set up. The mass parties of the Left do not really understand how to tackle the problem of rising fascism, which requires working class unity, combating the real danger and propaganda of the far right and also fighting for an end to cuts, and for jobs, decent homes, a living wage and for decent public services, health and education for all etc.
But things are changing. In September, every proposal made inside SYRIZA to create anti-fascist committees (usually made by members of Xekinima who participate in local branches of SYRIZA) was voted down. In the course of the last week, however, the central secretariat of SYRIZA changed its stand and is now in favor of anti-fascist committees. The KKE, on the other hand, makes no such call but it has a sectarian, abstract approach towards resisting Golden Dawn and the need for a united front against the far right threat. The KKE continues to live on its own isolated planet, refusing to understand what is happening around it.
How is the Left responding to the crisis?
SYRIZA is not the only field where developments are taking place. In the rest of the Left important developments are taking place. It is correct to say that the Greek Left, in general, is in a state of crisis, which takes different forms for different parties of the Left. There are splits inside ANTARSYA (the anti-capitalist Left Alliance); there is a mass exodus from the KKE; there are major clashes inside SYRIZA as the leadership turns to the right; and the Left Current of SYNASPISMOS (the main constituent force making up SYRIZA) is reacting to this rightward turn but without clarity as regards what should be done; and, of course, the huge mass of Left voters remain outside the Left parties and formations.
In this context, Xekinima (CWI in Greece), came together with other forces of the Left, from ANTYARSYA and the rest of the anti-capitalist Left and we have also linked up with forces inside SYRIZA, to create the ‘Initiative of the 1000’, as it has become known (1013 individuals signed the launching statement before it became public). This initiative bases itself on the need for a radical anti-capitalist programme, as the only way to come out of the devastating social and economic crisis. This includes calling for a repudiation of the debt, nationalization of the banks and the commanding heights of the economy, and for a planning of the economy, on the basis of social needs, and under workers’ control and management. The programme also calls for a united front of the parties of the Left and for support for a Left government i.e. a government based around SYRIZA. At the same time, this means fighting against the reformist programme of the leadership of SYRIZA. The majority of the leadership think they can manage the crisis better than the ruling class and do not prioritize fighting to get rid of the capitalist system and for a socialist society.
The Initiative of the 1000 has only been publicly alive for a few days but it has already been noted by the whole of the Left. It is an entirely new innovation, uniting forces from all sections and parties of the Left, on the same programme and with similar aims for the mass movement in the immediate period ahead. Its development and potential are not yet clear. But it is certainly worth the attempt to build the Initiative of the 1000. We will be able to say more about its role and perspectives in the very near future.


Socialist Alternative, P.O. Box 45343, Seattle WA 98145
Phone: (206)526-7185
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General Strike Movement Gathers Momentum Throughout Europe
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Nov 18, 2012
By SocialistAlternative.org
Opening towards an all-European strike
CWI Statement
A powerful momentum is gathering around the trade unions’ call for a European day of struggle against austerity on November 14. In an increasing number of countries decisions are being made for strikes and protests on what will be a significant event, the first ever coordinated European strike action. Millions in different countries will join together in protest against the international drive to solve the crisis of the capitalist system at the expense of the working class, poor, youth and many sections of the middle class.
In our last CWI statement on the European day of struggle we said that the announcement of N14, to include at least an Iberian-wide general strike, was an historic development, a potential turning point in the situation in Europe, and the fightback of the working class majority against the unfolding disaster. This immense importance of the announcement has been reflected and proven in the impact it has had, in the few days since its announcement.
A catalyst throughout Europe
We have seen how as well as uniting the explosive struggles of the Spanish and Portuguese workers in a powerful united blow, such international action can also serve as a catalyst to drive union leaders into action in other countries. The boost of confidence and militancy that the announcement of this, the most advanced expression of organised workers action seen for decades, has given an impulse to workers in numerous countries to push for serious mobilizations, in some cases with important results.
In Italy, after initial hesitation by the majority CGIL confederation, it has come out for general strike action, although only of half a day, while the smaller CO.BAS confederation has come out for a 24 hour strike. In Greece, fresh from the immense paralysis of a 48-hour strike on 6/7 November, leaders of GSEE have also indicated that a general strike could be called. If realized, this would give way to a coordinated general strike of the South of Europe in all but name.
However, as well as this, the call for European-wide action has had an impact outside of the "periphery". In Belgium, a series of job cuts including the complete closure of the Ford plant in Genk has produced a mighty surge of pressure from below has brought a general strike within reach. Regional and sectorial union organizations from all major federations have announced coordinated strikes, including a general strike of the Liege region, as well as important strikes in the transport and metal workers’’ sectors, with the late calling of a general strike not to be ruled out. In France, an united platform of unions including the CGT have announced a day of “mass mobilizations” although to which extent they are built for remains to be seen.
Towards an all-European strike
In many countries at least symbolic or limited actions are being planned for N14. Alongside these in Britain, the campaign set in motion by the British National Shop Stewards’’ Network for a 24 hour general strike, which the TUC is currently “considering”, is gathering momentum. In France, the Hollande government is turning towards its own austerity offensive, with the announcement of new tax rises and spending cuts. Even in the "AAA" countries, events are taking a turn. Along with the sudden upturn in struggle in Belgium, these developments, show how following N14, the path towards an intensification of coordinated action, with strikes taking place in more and more countries in a coordinated manner, would be opened up.
As the CWI has previously outlined, the catalyst of international mobilizations, along with the extension of the misery of the capitalist crisis towards the core countries, opens the way for a general strike of the whole of Europe. However, for this to be made a reality, N14 needs to be followed up with a serious plan of sustained and escalating actions to both fight the attacks in each country and link them internationally. Following the mobilizations on November 14 plans needs to be laid now for follow up action. November 14 must only be the start. Pressure needs to be built now for calling a European wide 24 hour general strike in early 2013. The announcement of savage austerity packages in a series of countries means such a call is certain to get an echo.
The ETUC has called this action which is to be welcomed. However, to struggle for it to be followed up with even bolder action workers need to establish direct links in the work places across the national boundaries especially in multinational companies like Ford to co-ordinate and organize solidarity action and struggles.
The struggle of workers at home against the austerity packages also means, fighting for an intensification of the struggle following next week’s general strikes that socialists will strive to link to a programme to bring down the pro-capitalist governments, replacing them with left, genuinely socialist governments that will break with capitalism.
At the same time the workers’ movement internationally must link these struggles up, work to escalate coordinated action, extend its geographical scope in future days of action building towards a European general strike of 24 hours. The CWI will work to ensure that such a plan is fought for, and linked to the struggle for a socialist Europe of the workers, youth and unemployed, over the bones of the capitalist EU and the rivalries of the competing European ruling classes.


Socialist Alternative, P.O. Box 45343, Seattle WA 98145
Phone: (206)526-7185
Comments? Suggestions for improving our web page? Please email info@SocialistAlternative.org
Voters Reject Right-Wing Agenda — Prepare to Fight the Bipartisan Policies of the 1%
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Nov 9, 2012
By Bryan Koulouris and Ty Moore
Tens of millions breathed an enormous sigh of relief upon hearing that Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan wouldn't be entering the White House. Union members, women, African-Americans, Latinos and the LGBT community correctly saw the Republican agenda as a vicious and real threat.
The right wing tried to steal the election with voter intimidation, suppression and fake-populist posturing on the economy in the final weeks, putting over one billion dollars in campaign cash into trying to disenfranchise the poor, young people and people of color.
Obama's vote was nothing like the excited and energetic campaign of 2008. This year, voter turnout was down by 12 million compared to four years ago. Most people voted for Obama as a “lesser evil” rather than as the savior they saw in 2008, who would bring “hope” and “change.”
Last year's Occupy Wall Street movement made an impact on this election by bringing a discussion about economic inequality between “the 99% and the 1%” to the forefront. A brighter spotlight shone down on the record $6 billion spent on federal races, to the outrage of millions. Occupy's message against corporate domination also fueled a healthy hatred for Mr. 1% himself, Mitt Willard Romney.
Obama won this election in spite of his pro-corporate record. Banks received trillions in handouts while social services were cut and millions of families lost their homes. Many antiwar voters supported Obama, despite continued bombing of civilians in country after country, expanding Bush's model of an unaccountable imperial Presidency, waging war in Libya, and drone strikes around the world without discussion in Congress.
Many of Obama's voters were deeply disappointed in his performance over the past four years, correctly seeing him as a puppet of Wall Street and the 1%. The Obama administration begins its second term without any real mandate. The Democratic Party “base” among the unions, people of color, women and the LGBT community, swallowed their anger at Obama during the elections, holding their nose to vote for the “lesser evil.” Now, with the elections behind them, all the pent-up anger and frustration is set to boil over.
Demands for jobs, clean energy investments, education funding, housing rights, and solutions to an endless list of injustices will again come to the surface. And again, Obama will put the interests of Wall Street and big business first, provoking fresh outrage and opposition. The time is ripe for building new movements of workers and oppressed, politically independent of both corporate parties.
Changed Situation and Attitudes
For the first time nationally, voters in Washington, Minnesota, Maine and Maryland voted in favor of same-sex marriage rights, marking a historic turning point in the struggle for LGBT equality. Many other progressive ballot questions won across the country, from minimum wage increases to defense of union rights to measures against the racist “war on drugs.” Minnesota voters narrowly rejected an attempt enshrine the harshest voter restriction laws in the country into their constitution. This shows a shift in demographics and a shift in attitudes among young people and workers. Combined with massive working-class anger, this is the basis for explosive movements in the next year.
Romney based his strategy largely on a solid white male vote (especially in the South) and hopes of a (rigged) low voter turnout. The Republican tactics ever since the 1960s have been to win elections by whipping up fear and hatred among white voters. This strategy will be more difficult to be implemented in national elections, a reality that will become even more clear with coming elections, as the rising generation reaches voting age. This election defeat will deepen this brewing crisis in the Republican Party, which will be forced to redefine its identity or face being reduced into a permanent minority party.
While there wasn't a big shift in the composition of Congress along party lines, the changes in the Republican legislators are worth noting. The “moderate” Maine Republicans and “centrist” Dick Lugar are out of office as are several of the most crazed Tea Partiers. Despite many Tea Party defeats, the over-all balance of power within the Republican congressional delegation has shifted even further right, setting the stage for more bipartisan gridlock.
Yet in Obama's victory speech, he repeated his stale pledge to “reach across the aisle” to the Republicans. In reality, Obama's bipartisanship is cynically designed to provide cover for his nakedly pro-corporate policies, which will soon be on display. Both parties are preparing historic cuts to Social Security, Medicare, and other vital programs before the end of 2012. This could provoke radicalization, street protests and further struggles. In this context, there will be opportunities to build mass united working-class resistance, anti-corporate electoral campaigns, and a political party of the 99%.
Building the Socialist Movement in a New Environment
The historic result for Socialist Alternative candidate Kshama Sawant in Washington State shows the potential to build the movement against capitalism. Running openly as a Socialist, Sawant got more votes than any Republican has ever received against Frank Chopp in this powerful Democratic politician's 18-year career.
Running against budget cuts and corporate tax evasion, and calling for public ownership of Boeing, Microsoft, and Amazon, Socialist Alternative's electoral challenge helped popularize the ideas of democratic socialism, winning over 11,906 working-class votes which is projected to grow to over 20,000 votes once counting is finished. This result is the biggest highlight for local independent left candidates in 2012 and needs to be built upon.
To take advantage of this situation, we need to boldly call for organized resistance against cuts involving hundreds of thousands of union members, Occupy activists, community campaigners and young people. These coalitions will need to prepare for strikes and mass direct action to defend living standards against the corporate assault. Out of these struggles, we can lay the basis for what is needed—a mass party of working people with a democratic socialist program.
In other news outside the two main establishment parties, we saw the threat of right-wing populism. Gary Johnson, the Libertarian Party presidential candidate, got over one million votes, three times the votes won by the most prominent left presidential candidate, Jill Stein from the Green Party. Like the Tea Party victories in 2010, this provides a glimpse of the potential for right-wing populist ideas to grow if the left and workers movement fail to build a mass political alternative to the hated corporate establishment.
These elections, taking place in the fifth year of a grinding economic crisis, showed the deepening polarization in U.S. society. At root the political and social polarization flows from the sharpening class divide, and the growing desperation of tens of millions of workers. Lacking a clear working-class political voice in the elections, the contests between corporate politicians gave distorted expression to the class anger. In this situation, right-wing ideas could gather support, and the last four years have seen the rapid growth of hate groups.
On the other side, where a bold lead from the left is given, the class polarization can also provoke people to consider far-reaching left-wing solutions. There is a widespread search for ideas that can offer a way out of the capitalist misery overseen by both parties of big business. As the Socialist Alternative campaign for Kshama Sawant in Seattle illustrates, U.S. society is becoming increasingly fertile for the rise of socialist ideas.


Socialist Alternative, P.O. Box 45343, Seattle WA 98145
Phone: (206)526-7185
Comments? Suggestions for improving our web page? Please email info@SocialistAlternative.org

"The New Jim Crow"- A Book Review

Book Review: ‘The New Jim Crow’ — Review of Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness
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Nov 18, 2012
By Eljeer Hawkins
Today the United States of America has become the leading society in world history to incarcerate its own population, standing shoulders above Iran, China, and even Stalin’s monstrous gulags in the Soviet Union, with 2.3 million men and women warehoused in prison cells and six million under criminal “justice” supervision.
A hugely disproportionate number of these inmates are African American or Latino. The NY Times reports the conclusions reached by Dr. Becky Pettit in Invisible Men: Mass Incarceration and the Myth of Black Progress: “Among male high school dropouts born between 1975 and 1979, 68 percent of blacks (compared with 28 percent of whites) had been imprisoned at some point by 2009, and 37 percent of blacks (compared with 12 percent of whites) were incarcerated that year,” (10/27/2012). With increased numbers of youth caught in the school-to-prison pipeline, and with police state tactics like Stop and Frisk and vile acts of police violence like in Anaheim, CA, we are witnessing a system of social control, criminality, and cheap, prison-based labor.
Why History Matters
Michelle Alexander’s book The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness has greatly helped the developing grassroots movement to challenge this system of mass incarceration of working and poor people, particularly people of color and youth. Published in 2010 and recently released in paperback with a new introduction from Dr. Cornel West, The New Jim Crow has brought into focus this new system of incarceration as a deliberate plan of social control.
Alexander explains how, following the abolition of slavery and the brief period of reconstruction, a “great comprise” between the Democratic and Republican parties came about in the 1870s. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, and the Democratic Party, allied with the former planter caste, introduced the Jim Crow system to re-enslave black people.
Alexander shows how the establishment of this Jim Crow caste system was based on fostering disunity, dividing and conquering poor whites and blacks. Despite being given a status elevated above that of blacks, white workers and poor whites still suffered low wages and remained economically exploited by the ruling white elite.
Alexander explains the Jim Crow system of social control as racial segregation, political disenfranchisement, judicial racism, an imprisoned black labor force based on phony criminal charges like vagrancy, and unbridled terror by the racist Ku Klux Klan. Alexander states, “Convicts had no meaningful legal rights at this time and no effective redress. They were understood, quite literally, to be slaves of the state. The Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution had abolished slavery but allowed one major exception: slavery remained appropriate as punishment for a crime,” (p.31). Despite the formal abolition of slavery, black labor was enslaved in a system of mass incarceration cemented by judicial rulings and state and vigilante violence.
Alexander affirms the historic importance of the Civil Rights Movement and militant social struggle on the street in smashing the Southern Jim Crow system and in legal victories: Brown v. Board of Education and the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts. However, a “law and order” Southern strategy was soon developed by the rich white elite. This culminated in Richard Nixon’s successful 1968 presidential campaign. Using coded racial language to define the revolutionary movements and people of color - particularly black youth - as “criminals,” this strategy politically disoriented and galvanized sections of white workers and poor not only in the South, but around the country, to the side of the rich elite.
New War on Communities of Color
Today both parties of big business - Democrats and Republicans - follow policies that criminalize black and brown youth, using this same strategy of labeling blacks as “criminals,” “welfare queens,” and “menaces to society.” This method of social control is so normalized in U.S. society that it’s not even critically questioned by the mainstream. Crime and drug activity has been racialized, despite similar crime rates among different ethnicities and whites.
Alexander points out how communities of color became war zones: a highly militarized police force, millions of dollars allocated to fight “crime,” the elimination of well-paid union jobs and benefits, and the flooding of drugs to depoliticize the community. The War on Drugs became a one-sided attack on working-class and poor communities.
The New N-Word is “Felony”
Under the War on Drugs, extremely long mandatory minimum prison sentences were established for low-level drug dealing and possession of crack cocaine. Alexander makes the point that, while many whites are ensnared in these drug policies, black and brown youth are disproportionately targeted. Alexander shows how prison population continued to grow during President Bill Clinton’s eight years in office. Clinton was responsible for passing the federal “three strikes and you’re out” law in 1994.
Even the first black president has sought to continue the War on Drugs, despite his rhetoric against the policy. Alexander notes: “Obama is pledging to revive President Clinton’s Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program and increase funding for the Byrne Grant program - two of the worst federal drug programs of the Clinton era,” (p. 240).
The prison label has become a scarlet letter on those entrapped in a system of incarceration, particularly non-violent drug offenders. Alexander states that “people whose only crime is drug addiction or possession of a small amount of drugs for recreational use find themselves locked out of the mainstream society and economy – permanently,” (p. 92). Upon release from prison, these men and women are denied voting rights, employment opportunities, and federally funded public assistance and housing, rendering them outcasts in U.S. society. This is the final nail in the coffin that is the New Jim Crow system of social control, which has now entrapped tens of millions of mainly black and Latino people – a system of economic servitude and denial of rights that affects every aspect of their lives.
Why The New Jim Crow Matters
Alexander correctly calls for a struggle against mass incarceration as part of a wider struggle against poverty and economic inequality. She invokes the need to rekindle the radical vision of Dr. Martin Luther King and the need for a radical grassroots social and political movement to challenge the policies of big business. Dr. King’s legacy and political work should be instructive to us all as a great counterweight to the betrayal of the black misleadership class and the agenda of both parties of big business to criminalize, incarcerate, and ignore a whole generation of youth of color trapped in the prison system.
In order to make Dr. King’s radical vision a reality, a system change is necessary to uproot the seeds of racism and mass incarceration. Alexander fails to show how this New Jim Crow incarceration is a crucial tool of the elite to maintain the capitalist system by dividing the working class. As Eugene Debs stated, “Under the capitalist system, based upon private property in the means of life, the exploitation that follows impoverishes the masses, and their precarious economic condition, their bitter struggle for existence, drives increasing numbers of them to despair and desperation, to crime and destruction.”
The New Jim Crow has raised the consciousness of this present generation, criminalized and discarded by capitalism. Community organizations like Cop Watch and activists like 70-year-old Joseph “Jazz” Hayden, a former prisoner, utilize this book as an organizing tool for study groups and forums, beginning a process of educating and politically arming the working class, poor, and youth. A united movement of the working class, poor, youth, and people of color, and a resurgent militant prisoners’ rights movement, is needed to lead a struggle to dismantle the New Jim Crow. By combining this with a struggle against capitalism, we can forge unity among workers - irrespective of color or race - in the movement to create a truly egalitarian society based on cooperation, solidarity, and democratic socialism.


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