Hello antiwar friends of UNAC and
Supporters of the UNAC Conference,
Stop the Wars at Home and
Abroad, May 8-10, Seacaucus, NJ (UNACconference2015.org).
Our national conference is developing
nicely with an exciting and Impressive array of speakers, panels and workshops.
Be sure to see the latest details on the conference website.
We believe this national gathering of
activists from a wide range of antiwar and social justice movements is not only
timely, but critical to movement building in the U.S. today. It has been a long
time since a conference of this scope has been held. While the U.S. government
and military is busily expanding its wars for profit, at home, Washington is targeting
communities of color, voting rights, women’s rights, unions, while militarizing
the police and enforcing the surveillance state.
By uniting all the struggles at home
and abroad, we will connect activists from different movements to forge a common
understanding and unity of purpose. As we know through experience, we can’t
rely on elections as the vehicle for peace and social change.
Change can happen, but only if we
join together as a mighty force and take action
The conference looks good on paper
but we will only be effective if large number of activists attend. That is why
we need your help and participation.
This is what we ask you
to do:
(If you would like to help in the
organizing of the conference and learn more about UNAC’s current activities, you
are invited to join the UNAC Coordinating Committee conference call on Sunday,
March 29, 7:30. Let us know if we should send you the call-in
numbers.
Marilyn Levin and Joe Lombardo
Co-Coordinators
Join Hatem Abudayyeh,
Susan Abulhawa, Pam Africa, Abayomi Azikiwe,
Ajamu Baraka, Media Benjamin, The Cuban 5, Lamis Deek, Steve Downs, Bernadette
Ellorin, Glenn Ford, Sara Flounders, Bruce Gagnon, Teresa Gutierrez, Lawrence
Hamm, Chris Hedges, Joe Iosbaker, Charles Jenkins, Antonia Juhasz, Chuck
Kaufman, Kathy Kelly, Jeff Mackler, Christine Marie, Ray McGovern, Cynthia
McKinney, Michael McPhearson, Malik Mujahid, Lucy Pagoada, Lynn Stewart, David
Swanson, Clarence Thomas, Ann Wright, Kevin Zeese & many more at
...
A national conference to connect all the
issues:
“Stop the Wars at Home &
Abroad!”
(to register now, click the link
below)
The United National Antiwar
Coalition (UNAC) invites you to attend the “Stop
the Wars at Home & Abroad!” conference, to be held May 8-10, 2015, in
Secaucus, N.J, just outside New York City.
More and more, we can see how all the
problems of the world are connected. The trillions of dollars being spent on
wars-for-profit abroad could be used here at home to rebuild our cities, educate
our youth, employ our jobless, repair damage to the environment – and try to
make up for the endless suffering the Pentagon is inflicting on people around
the world, most of them people of color, the vast majority of whom have nothing
to do with threatening us or anyone else.
Some of the connections are even more
striking. Some of the very same kinds of military equipment used in Iraq was
seen this past summer on the streets of Ferguson, Mo. Surveillance drones
developed for use by the military are now being used by domestic police
departments. The endless “war on terror” is being used to justify taking away
our civil liberties here at home. Wars for oil in the Middle East keep fossil
fuels flowing, accelerating the climate change that threatens all
humanity.
This conference will be an opportunity
to meet and network with activists from across the country and learn about the
many struggles going on today, both at home and around the world. Speakers with
decades of experience will be joined by members of the new generations of
activists who are bringing fresh energy and ideas into the movement. Together,
we will learn from and inspire each other.
Most conferences cost many hundreds of
dollars to attend, but UNAC organizers are doing their best to keep this one
affordable for young activists and working people. Don’t miss this unique
opportunity to expand your knowledge, make many new progressive friends and
build the movement for fundamental social change.
Stop the Wars at Home &
Abroad!
For more information and to
register for the conference, see:
To place an ad in the conference
journal, see:
UNITED NATIONAL ANTIWAR
COALITION (UNAC)
P.O. Box 123, Delmar, NY 12054
● Ph: 518-227-6947
To view this email in your browser, please go to: http://nepajac.org/blast.html
|
This space is dedicated to the proposition that we need to know the history of the struggles on the left and of earlier progressive movements here and world-wide. If we can learn from the mistakes made in the past (as well as what went right) we can move forward in the future to create a more just and equitable society. We will be reviewing books, CDs, and movies we believe everyone needs to read, hear and look at as well as making commentary from time to time. Greg Green, site manager
Friday, April 03, 2015
Tax Day: A Time to Speak up for our Values
This
year, Republicans control both houses of Congress. They are sharpening their
knives to cut vital programs the country needs. At the same time, both Congress
and the President are calling for increasing the Pentagon budget, going to war
and spending billions to upgrade our vast nuclear weapons capability.
Meanwhile
the highest income groups and corporate tax cheats merrily go their way instead
of paying their fair share.
But
there are voices everywhere in the country speaking up for common sense, peace,
public programs that our families need, and a country we can be proud of. On Tax
Day we will join our voices to theirs and insist on budget priorities and tax
policies that match our values.
We
need a Budget
for All!
Tax
Day Forum
Saturday,
April 11, 2:00 pm
Old
South Church
645
Boylston St, Boston
Mel
King
Jimmy Tingle
Grace Ross
Sen. Jason Lewis
Sen. Jamie Eldridge
Rep. Jay Livingstone
Sen. Sal DiDomenico
Jimmy Tingle
Grace Ross
Sen. Jason Lewis
Sen. Jamie Eldridge
Rep. Jay Livingstone
Sen. Sal DiDomenico
Court Accepts DOJ's 'State Secrets' Claim to Protect Shadowy Neocons: A New Low
By Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept
27 March 15
truly stunning debasement of the U.S. justice system just occurred through the joint efforts of the Obama Justice Department and a meek and frightened Obama-appointed federal judge, Edgardo Ramos, all in order to protect an extremist neocon front group from scrutiny and accountability. The details are crucial for understanding the magnitude of the abuse here.
At the center of it is an anti-Iranian group calling itself United Against
Nuclear Iran (UANI), which is very likely a front for some combination of
the Israeli and U.S. intelligence services. When launched, NBC described its mission as waging economic and psychological
warfare against Iran. The group was founded and is run and guided by a roster of U.S., Israeli and British neocon extremists such as
Joe Lieberman, former Bush Homeland Security adviser (and current CNN
analyst) Fran Townsend, former CIA Director James Woolsey, and former Mossad
Director Meir Dagan. One of its key advisers is Olli Heinonen, who just
co-authored a Washington Post Op-Ed with former Bush CIA/NSA
Director Michael Hayden arguing that Washington is being too soft on
Tehran.
This group of neocon extremists was literally just immunized by a
federal court from the rule of law. That was based on the claim ” advocated by
the Obama DOJ and accepted by Judge Ramos ” that subjecting them to litigation
for their actions would risk disclosure of vital state secrets. The courts
ruling was based on assertions made through completely secret proceedings
between the court and the U.S. government, with everyone else ” including the
lawyers for the parties ” kept in the dark.In May 2013, UANI launched a name and shame campaign designed to publicly identify ” and malign ” any individuals or entities enabling trade with Iran. One of the accused was the shipping company of Greek billionaire Victor Restis, who vehemently denies the accusation. He hired an American law firm and sued UANI for defamation in a New York federal court, claiming the name and shame campaign destroyed his reputation. Up until that point, there was nothing unusual about any of this: just a garden-variety defamation case brought in court by someone who claims that public statements made about him are damaging and false. That happens every day. But then something quite extraordinary happened: In September of last year, the U.S. government, which was not a party, formally intervened in the lawsuit, and demanded that the court refuse to hear Restiss claims and instead dismiss the lawsuit against UANI before it could even start, on the ground that allowing the case to proceed would damage national security. When the DOJ intervened in this case and asserted the state secrets privilege, it confounded almost everyone. The New York Timess Matt Apuzzo noted at the time that the group is not affiliated with the government, and lists no government contracts on its tax forms. The government has cited no precedent for using the so-called state secrets privilege to quash a private lawsuit that does not focus on government activity. He quoted the ACLUs Ben Wizner as saying: I have never seen anything like this. Reuterss Allison Frankel labeled the DOJs involvement a mystery and said the governments brief is maddeningly opaque about its interest in a private libel case. Usually, when the U.S. government asserts the state secrets privilege, it is because they are a party to the lawsuit, being sued for their own allegedly illegal acts (such as torture or warrantless surveillance), and they claim that national security would be harmed if they are forced to defend themselves. In rare cases, they do intervene and assert the privilege in lawsuits between private parties, but only where the subject of the litigation is a government program and one of the parties is a government contractor involved in that program ” such as when torture victims sued a Boeing subsidiary, Jeppesen, for its role in providing airplanes for the rendition program and the Obama DOJ insisted (successfully) that the case not go forward, and the victim of U.S. torture was thus told that he could not even have a day in court. But in this case, there is no apparent U.S. government conduct at issue in the lawsuit. At least based on what they claim about themselves, UANI is just a not-for-profit, non-partisan, advocacy group that seeks to educate the public about the dangers of Irans nuclear program. Why would such a group like this even possess state secrets? It would be illegal to give them such material. Or could it be that the CIA or some other U.S. government agency has created and controls the group, which would be a form of government-disseminated propaganda, which happens to be illegal? What else could explain the basis for the U.S. governments argument that allowing UANI to be sued would risk the disclosure of vital state secrets besides a desire to cover up something quite untoward if not illegal? What state secrets could possibly be disclosed by suing a nice, little not-for-profit, non-partisan, advocacy group? We dont know the answers to those questions, nor do the lawyers for the plaintiffs whose lawsuit the DOJ wants dismissed. Thats because, beyond the bizarre DOJ intervention itself, the extreme secrecy that shaped the judicial proceedings is hard to overstate. Usually, when the U.S. government asserts the state secrets privilege, at least some information is made public about what they are claiming: which official or department is invoking the privilege, the general nature of the secrets allegedly at risk, the reasons why allowing the claims to be adjudicated would risk disclosure, etc. Some redacted version of the affidavit from the government official making the secrecy claim is made part of the case. Here, virtually everything has been hidden, even from the plaintiffs lawyers. Not only did the U.S. government provide no clue as to what the supposedly endangered state secrets are, but they concealed even the identity of the agency making the claim: was it the CIA, the Treasury Department, the State Department, some combination? Nothing is known about any of this, not even who is making the secrecy claim. Instead, the DOJs arguments about why secrecy compels dismissal of the entire lawsuit were made in a brief that only Judge Ramos (and not even the parties) gets to read, but even more amazingly, were elaborated on in secret meetings by DOJ lawyers in the judges chambers with nobody else present. Were recordings or transcripts of these meetings made? Is there any record of what the U.S. government whispered in the ear of the judge to scare him into believing that National Security Would Be Harmed¢ if he allowed the case to proceed? Nobody knows. The whole process is veiled in total secrecy, labeled a judicial proceeding but containing none of the transparency, safeguards or adversarial process that characterizes minimally fair courts. This sham worked. This week, Judge Ramos issued his ruling dismissing the entire lawsuit (see below). As a result of the DOJs protection, UANI cannot be sued. Among other things, it means this group of neocon extremists now has a license to defame anyone they want. They can destroy your reputation with false accusations in a highly public campaign, and when you sue them for it, the DOJ will come in and whisper in the judges ear that national security will be damaged if ” like everyone else in the world ” UANI must answer in a court of law for their conduct. And subservient judicial officials like Judge Ramos will obey the U.S. governments dictates and dismiss your lawsuit before it begins, without your having any idea why that even happened. Worse, in his written ruling, the judge expressly acknowledges that dismissal of the entire lawsuit at the start on secrecy grounds is what he calls a harsh sanction, and also acknowledges that it is particularly so in this case because Plaintiffs not only do not get their day in court, but cannot be told why (emphasis added). But he does it anyway, in a perfunctory 18-page opinion that does little other than re-state some basic legal principles, and then just concludes that everything the government whispered in his ear should be accepted. Just read for yourself what Judge Ramos said in defending his dismissal to see how wildly disparate it is from everything were propagandized to believe about the U.S. justice system: [see image at right] ...the Court has also held two ex parte, in camera meetings with the Government prior to its assertion of the privilege, during which the information as to which the privilege was being asserted was initially disclosed and discovered.What kind of justice system allows a neocon advocacy group to be immunized from the law, because the U.S. government waltzed into court, met privately with the judge, and whispered in secret that he had better dismiss all claims against that group lest he harm national security? To describe what happened here is to illustrate what a perverse travesty it is. Restiss lawyer, Abbe Lowell, said in a statement this week: We are disappointed that some secret relationship between UANI and the government allows UANI to hide from disclosing that association or to defend what has now been proven to be its false and defamatory allegations directed at Mr. Restis and his company. We are mystified that the U.S. government has such a stake in this case that it would take such extraordinary steps to prevent full disclosure of the secret interest it has with UANI or others. And, we are concerned that, in our court system, such a result could occur on the basis of sealed, one-sided filings and meetings in which we were not allowed to participate.Even more critical is what this says about the Obama DOJ. One of the earliest and most intense grievances of civil libertarians during the Bush presidency was its radical abuse of the state secrets privilege. That doctrine began as a narrowly crafted evidentiary rule whereby parties to litigation would be barred from using specific documents that could reveal sensitive national security secrets. But it morphed into the legal equivalent of a nuclear bomb whereby the U.S. government could literally demand not that specific documents be excluded but that U.S. courts dismiss entire lawsuits before they began ” even when those lawsuits alleged criminal behavior by top U.S. officials ” on the ground that the subject matter of the lawsuit was too sensitive to be safely adjudicated. The Bush Justice Department used this weapon to prevent its torture, detention, rendition and surveillance victims ” even those everyone acknowledged were completely innocent ” from having a day in court. They would simply say that the treatment of the plaintiffs was classified, and that disclosure would risk harm to national security, and subservient U.S. federal judges (an almost redundant term) would dutifully dismiss the lawsuits before they even began. It literally removed high U.S. government officials from the rule of law: if you commit crimes or brutally abuse people, you will be immunized from legal accountability if you did it in a classified setting. When Obama was in the Senate and then running for President in 2007, he was highly critical of the Bush use of the state secrets privilege to get rid of troublesome lawsuits. His official campaign website cited Bushs abuse of the privilege as a hallmark of excessive secrecy. But like so many of his purported views, this concern about the use of the state secrets privilege was abandoned almost immediately upon his inauguration. His DOJ invoked the privilege to demand victims of Bush programs of torture, rendition, detention, and surveillance be denied any opportunity to be heard in court even when the U.S. government itself acknowledged they were innocent. Obama lawyers even invoked secrecy to argue that a lawsuit challenging the legality of their own targeted assassination program against a U.S. citizen could not be heard in court. As an early headline in the Obama-supporting TPM site recognized: Expert Consensus: Obama Mimics Bush On State Secrets. And it worked in virtually every case. |
NUCLEAR
FRAMEWORK AGREED WITH IRAN
The
U.S., Iran and five world powers on Thursday reached a preliminary deal designed
to contain Iran’s nuclear program, one that would restrict Iran’s ability to
enrich uranium and subject it to international inspections, but which also would
provide some sanctions relief for the Islamic Republic… “I am convinced that if
this framework leads to a final deal, it will make our country and the world
safer,” Obama said in a statement in the White House Rose Garden… Obama struck
a confident tone, directly engaging potential critics including Netanyahu and
Republicans in Congress. Pointing to the possibility for military conflict
should the talks ultimately fail, Obama said, “I welcome a robust debate.” That
debate started immediately. Netanyahu, speaking several hours after the deal was
announced, said “The concessions offered to Iran in Lausanne would ensure a bad
deal that would endanger Israel, the Middle East and the peace of the world. Now
is the time for the international community to insist on a better deal.”
More
State
Department text of the Framework Agreement here
DON’T
LET
CONGRE$$ DERAIL THE US-IRAN DEAL!
Tell your reps to
support U.S. negotiators, oppose the hawks.
Statement from MASS
PEACE ACTION here
|
Not
surprisingly, the Congressional War Party, the Republicans, the Neocons, the Israel Lobby – and Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel – are freaking out and are mobilizing all-out to block the
agreement.
Why
Congress should give a nuclear deal with Iran a chance
This
agreement – which the United States, Russia, China, Britain and France, plus
Germany (known as the P5+1) and Iran hope to finalize by a deadline of June 30
– will undoubtedly make Americans and the world safer… The finalized agreement
will include five major components:
- Decreasing the stockpile of material that could possibly be made into fissile material for 15 years.
- Limiting the quantity (by two-thirds) and quality of centrifuges that could make highly enriched uranium needed for a nuclear bomb for 10 years.
- Reconfiguring the nuclear reactor (and securing its spent fuel) in the city of Arak so it won’t produce any weapons-grade plutonium.
- Implementing unprecedented and exhaustive inspections and comprehensive monitoring for 20 years or more.
- And lastly, implementing the lifting of specific sanctions on Iran that, if Iran breaks the deal, will snap back into place.
An
agreement with Iran on its nuclear program is better than any imaginable
alternative. More
Skeptical
Senate Puts New Iran Sanctions on Hold But Pushes Other Obstacles
President
Barack Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry have won a three-month reprieve
from the threat of additional Congressional sanctions on Iran with the
announcement Thursday of a political framework for a nuclear agreement. The
delay of the Kirk-Menendez bill doesn't mean the fight between the White House
and Congress over Iran will wait until July -- quite the contrary. A bill
written by Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Corker that would
mandate a Congressional review of any deal is still moving forward. The White
House has warned that this legislation, too, would harm the negotiations… This
week, Democratic Senator Mark Warner came out in support of the bill, bringing
the rough whip count to 64 of the 67 needed votes to override
Obama’s promised veto. More
(More
on the Iran Agreement below)
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Don't Blame It On Rio-Alfred
Hitchcock’s Notorious
DVD Review
From The Pen Of Frank
Jackman
Notorious, starring
Ingrid Bergman, Cary Grant, Claude Rains, directed by Sir Alfred Hitchcock,
1946
No question that in
the aftermath of their defeat in World War II certain Nazis, having seen the
writing on the wall in time before the Soviets and then the Americans stormed Berlin,
got themselves conveniently shuffled out of Germany by any means necessary with
whatever they could bring out and landed wherever they could find some
hospitable locale. (Yeah, let the Fuehrer take the pill, make the big gesture, but
a lot of the others were happy to desert a sinking ship, to live another day.) Maybe
find places with a little sun, a little nightlife to wait out the exile, places
like Rio and Buenos Aires which fit the bill. Those who made their escape
though, at least those who still had political fire and unabated dreams of
empire, when to those locales to make preparations for the next Reich. And it
is the smashing of such a budding network in Rio which is at the heart of the
film under review, Sir Alfred Hitchcock’s Notorious.
Oh, wait a minute, I forgot, there is also a little love triangle to be
taken care of as well, sorry.
Here how love and
intrigue combine to make this I believe Sir Alfred’s first serious romantic
thriller. Alicia (played by, well, beautiful, Ingrid Bergman) playgirl daughter
of a convicted Nazi spy who eventually committed suicide had been estranged
from her father, despised what he had done. An American intelligence agency has
gotten wind of that fact and sent Dev (played by, well, handsome, Cary Grant)
to recruit her ultimately to flush out that Nazi network working out of Rio
(although don’t blame, well, beautiful Rio for who shows up there). She balked
at first but then relents under Dev’s charms, and her own sense of self-worth.
Problem, big problem, always a big problem is that agent and handler, beautiful
and handsome, fall in love while waiting for the new assignment to come in. That
is sure to monkey up the works some way.
And it does because
Alicia’s assignment is to get information about whatever it is the bad boy
Nazis are up to in their next round of wreaking havoc on the world. Her
assignment: get close to one of the members of the circle, Alex (played by
Claude Rains who always seems to be playing second fiddle to somebody for Ms.
Bergman’s favors), who in the past had been smitten by Alicia. Well Alicia
plays her part very well, too well since as part of getting close to Alex she
is asked by Dev’s boss agent to marry him in order to get very close to what
the network is up to (basically looking for minerals for bombs, atomic bombs, I
would image given the time of the film, if anybody is asking). Of course that did
not sit well with Dev since he had his doubts about Alicia and her, ah,
virtues, given her notorious past.
So Dev was in a snit
and became at least formally cool to Alicia from there on in, leaving their
relationship at a professional level. Well not quite “from here on in” because
while trying to find out about what experiments were being performed under the
cover of Alex’s home (okay, mansion) Alicia needed to get access to a wine
cellar where it was suspected the nefarious work was being carried out. Which
she got, by procuring the key to the wine cellar in a famous cinematic scene,
but in the process the job got botched a little by, well, by Dev. By fair means
or foul Alex thus found out the bitter truth that his wife was an American
agent. That is a serious problem for him since, as in Germany, these Nazi thugs
play rough with those who fall off the wagon. So Alex contrives (with his dear
mother) to poison Alicia. No good, no good in the end anyway since Dev finally
figured something had been wrong with Alicia and headed to Alex’s house,
mansion, to save her. And he did, with a little help from Alex who really did
love Alicia when the deal went down. Problem for Alex though was the rough boys
were watching as he helped Alicia and Dev out the door. Out the door but out of
luck as Dev left him in the lurch to face those rough boys. Do you want to bet
they found him face down in some sleepy unnamed hollow with a couple of slugs
in his head? So, yes, this really was a love story disguised as a thriller but
any time the Nazis get their noses pushed around is okay by me. So, thanks Sir
Alfred.
The 150th Anniversary Commemoration Of The American Civil War –In Honor Of Abraham Lincoln-Led Union Side-In The Beginning-The Massachusetts Sixth Volunteers
From The Pen Of Frank Jackman
I would not expect any average
American citizen today to be familiar with the positions of the communist
intellectuals and international working-class party organizers (First
International) Karl Mark and Friedrich Engels on the events of the American
Civil War. There is only so much one can expect of people to know off the top
of their heads about what for several generations now has been ancient
history. I am, however, always amazed
when I run into some younger leftists and socialists, or even older radicals
who may have not read much Marx and Engels, and find that they are surprised,
very surprised to see that Marx and Engels were avid partisans of the Abraham
Lincoln-led Union side in the American Civil War. I, in the past, have placed a
number of the Marx-Engels newspaper articles from the period in this space to
show the avidity of their interest and partisanship in order to refresh some
memories and enlighten others. As is my wont I like to supplement such efforts
with little fictional sketches to illustrate points that I try to make and do
so below with my take on a Union soldier from Boston, a rank and file soldier,Wilhelm
Sorge.
Since Marx and Engels have always
been identified with a strong anti-capitalist bias for the unknowing it may
seem counter-intuitive that the two men would have such a positive position on
events that had as one of its outcomes an expanding unified American capitalist
state. A unified capitalist state which ultimately led the vanguard political
and military actions against the followers of Marx and Engels in the 20th
century in such places as Russia, China, Cuba and Vietnam. The pair were
however driven in their views on revolutionary politics by a theory of
historical materialism which placed support of any particular actions in the
context of whether they drove the class struggle toward human emancipation
forward. So while the task of a unified capitalist state was supportable alone
on historical grounds in the United States of the 1860s (as was their qualified
support for German unification later in the decade) the key to their support
was the overthrow of the more backward slave labor system in one part of the
country (aided by those who thrived on the results of that system like the
Cotton Whigs in the North) in order to allow the new then progressive
capitalist system to thrive.
In the age of advanced imperialist
society today, of which the United States is currently the prime example, and
villain, we find that we are, unlike Marx and Engels, almost always negative
about capitalism’s role in world politics. And we are always harping on the
need to overthrow the system in order to bring forth a new socialist
reconstruction of society. Thus one could be excused for forgetting that at
earlier points in history capitalism played a progressive role. A role that
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky and other leading Marxists, if not applauded, then
at least understood represented human progress. Of course, one does not expect
everyone to be a historical materialist and therefore know that in the Marxist
scheme of things both the struggle to bring America under a unitary state that
would create a national capitalist market by virtue of a Union victory and the
historically more important struggle to abolish slavery that turned out to be a
necessary outcome of that Union struggle were progressive in the eyes of our
forebears, and our eyes too.
Furthermore few know about the fact
that the small number of Marxist supporters in the United States during that
Civil period, and the greater German immigrant communities here that where
spawned when radicals were force to flee Europe with the failure of the German
revolutions of 1848 were mostly fervent supporters of the Union side in the
conflict. Some of them called the “Red Republicans” and “Red 48ers” formed an
early experienced military cadre in the then fledgling Union armies. Below is a
short sketch drawn on the effect that these hardened foreign –born
abolitionists had on some of the raw recruits who showed up in their regiments
and brigades during those hard four years of fighting, the third year of which
we are commemorating this month.
*************
I have spilled no little ink extolling the exploits of the now well-known Massachusetts 54th (and later the 55th) Volunteers-The first black regiment organized as such in the American Civil War commanded by Colonel Robert Gould Shaw and commemorated to this day by a famous frieze by Augustus Saint-Gauden across from the State House in Boston. Less well-known and also worthy of note was activity of the Massachusetts Sixth Volunteers who when summoned to defend the capital moved out in mid- April 1861. Here is a capsule summary of that story-
The Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers...
...in 1861,
the Sixth Massachusetts Volunteer Militia was formally organized. With war
approaching, men who worked in the textile cities of Lowell and Lawrence joined
this new infantry regiment. They were issued uniforms and rifles; they learned
to drill. They waited for the call. It came on April 15th, three days after the
attack on Fort Sumter. They were needed to defend Washington, D.C.. The mood
when they left Boston was almost festive. When they arrived in the border state
of Maryland three days later, everything changed. An angry mob awaited them. In
the riot that followed, 16 people lost their lives. Four were soldiers from
Massachusetts. These men were the first combat fatalities of the Civil War.
In early January 1861, as civil
war approached, the men of Massachusetts began to form volunteer militia units.
Many workers in the textile cities of Lowell
and Lawrence
were among the first to join a new infantry regiment, the Sixth
Massachusetts Volunteer Militia, when it was formally organized on January 21,
1861.
All through the winter and early
spring, the men met regularly to drill. In March, they were issued uniforms and
Springfield rifles and told to be ready to assemble at any time. When Fort
Sumter was attacked on April 12th, the men of the Massachusetts Sixth knew
their days of drilling were over.
Three days later, President Lincoln
issued a call for 75,000 volunteers to serve for three months. They were
ordered to Washington, D.C. to protect the capital and lead the effort to quash
the "rebellion."
Years later the men from Lawrence
and Lowell remembered their hurried visits to say good-bye to loved ones and
gather supplies before meeting their regiment in Boston. One man from Lowell
recalled, "I was working in the machine shop at the time . . . I got my
notice at the armory that we were going in the morning. I hired a horse and
buggy at a livery stable and drove to Pelham, N.H. where I bade farewell to my
sister. I then drove to Tingsboro, as I wanted to see my brother who. . . came
with me to Lowell. The mill bells were ringing as we reached Merrimack
St."
The Sixth Massachusetts gathered
with other regiments in Boston on April 16th. The Lowell Daily Courier published
one soldier's letter home: "We have been quartered since our arrival in
this city at Faneuil Hall and the old cradle of liberty rocked to its
foundation from the shouting patriotism of the gallant sixth. During all the
heavy rain the streets, windows, and house tops have been filled with
enthusiastic spectators, who loudly cheered our regiment . . . The city is
completely filled with enthusiasm; gray-haired old men, young boys, old women
and young, are alike wild with patriotism."
Not everyone was celebrating. A
corporal from Lowell was more subdued. He wrote to his wife at home, "My
heart is full for you, and I hope we may meet again. I shall believe that we
shall. You must hope for the best and be as cheerful as you can. But I know
your feelings and can judge what they will be when you get this. . . ."
The Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers
boarded trains the next day. One soldier reported, "Cheers upon cheers
rent the air as we left Boston . . . at every station we passed anxious
multitudes were waiting to cheer us on our way." In Springfield, Hartford,
New York, Trenton, and Philadelphia, bells, fireworks, bonfires, bands, booming
cannon, and thousands of supporters greeted the Massachusetts men as their
train passed through.
The mood changed dramatically when
the train arrived in Baltimore on the morning of April 19th. Although the state
had not seceded from the Union, many Baltimoreans were sympathetic to the
Confederate cause and objected strenuously to the presence of northern
soldiers.
Steam engines were not allowed to
operate in the city limits, so the regiment crossed the city in train cars
drawn by horses. Most of the men made it before a growing mob threw sand and
ship anchors onto the tracks. At that point, the soldiers had no choice but to
disembark and begin marching.
The commanding officer ordered the
men to load their weapons but not to use them unless fired upon. An anxious
corporal sent a note to a friend, "We shall have trouble to-day and I
shall not get out of it alive. Promise me if I fall that my body shall be sent
home."
Four companies of men from Lowell
and Lawrence were separated by the crowd from the rest of the regiment. As they
attempted to make their way through the city, angry citizens began to shout
insults. As one soldier later told a reporter, we "were immediately
assailed with stones, clubs and missiles, which we bore according to orders.
Orders came . . . for double quick march, but the streets had been torn up by
the mob and piles of stones and every other obstacle had been laid in the
streets to impede our progress. . . . Pistols began to be discharged at us, . .
. Shots and missiles were fired from windows and house tops. . . . The crowd
followed us to the depot, keeping up an irregular shooting, even after we
entered the [railroad] cars."
As The 100th
Anniversary Of The First Year Of World War I (Remember The War To End All Wars)
Continues ... Some Remembrances-Artists’ Corner-Fernand Leger
In say 1912, 1913,
hell, even the beginning of 1914, the first few months anyway, before the war
clouds got a full head of steam in the summer they all profusely professed
their unmitigated horror at the thought of war, thought of the old way of doing
business in the world. Yes the artists of every school the Cubist/Fauvists/Futurists/Constructivists,
Surrealists or those who would come to speak for those movements (hell even the
Academy spoke the pious words when there was sunny weather), those who saw the
disjointedness of modern industrial society and put the pieces to paint,
sculptors who put twisted pieces of metal juxtaposed to each other saw that
building a mighty machine from which you had to run created many problems;
writers of serious history books proving that, according to their Whiggish
theory of progress, humankind had moved
beyond war as an instrument of policy and the diplomats and high and mighty
would put the brakes on in time, not realizing that they were all squabbling
cousins; writers of serious and not so serious novels drenched in platitudes
and hidden gazebo love affairs put paid to that notion in their sweet nothing
words that man and woman had too much to do, too much sex to harness to
denigrate themselves by crying the warrior’s cry and by having half-virgin,
neat trick, maidens strewing flowers on the bloodlust streets; musicians whose
muse spoke of delicate tempos and sweet muted violin concertos, not the stress
and strife of the tattoos of war marches with their tinny conceits; and poets,
ah, those constricted poets who bleed the moon of its amber swearing, swearing
on a stack of seven sealed bibles, that they would go to the hells before
touching the hair of another man, putting another man to ground or lying their
own heads down for some imperial mission. They all professed loudly (and those
few who did not profess, could not profess because they were happily getting
their blood rising, kept their own consul until the summer), that come the war
drums they would resist the siren call, would stick to their Whiggish,
Futurist, Constructionist, Cubist worlds and blast the war-makers to hell in
quotes, words, chords, clanged metal, and pretty pastels. They would stay the
course.
And then the war
drums intensified, the people, their clients, patrons and buyers, cried out
their lusts and they, they made of ordinary human clay as it turned out, poets,
beautiful poets like Wilfred Owens who would sicken of war before he passed
leaving a beautiful damnation on war, its psychoses, and broken bones and
dreams, and the idiots who brought humankind to such a fate, like e. e.
cummings who drove through sheer hell in those rickety ambulances floors
sprayed with blood, man blood, angers, anguishes and more sets of broken bones,
and broken dreams, like Rupert Brooke all manly and old school give and go, as
they marched in formation leaving the ports and then mowed down like freshly
mown grass in their thousands as the charge call came and they rested, a lot of
them, in those freshly mown grasses, like Robert Graves all grave all
sputtering in his words confused about what had happened, suppressing, always
suppressing that instinct to cry out against the hatred night, like old school,
old Thomas Hardy writing beautiful old English pastoral sentiments before the
war and then full-blown into imperium’s service, no questions asked old England
right or wrong, like old stuffed shirt himself T.S. Eliot speaking of hollow
loves, hollow men, wastelands, and such in the high club rooms on the home
front, and like old brother Yeats speaking of terrible beauties born in the
colonies and maybe at the home front too as long as Eliot does not miss his high
tea. Jesus what a blasted night that Great War time was.
And do not forget
when the war drums intensified, and the people, their clients, patrons and
buyers, cried out their lusts and they, they, other creative souls made of
ordinary human clay as it turned out
And then the war
drums intensified, the people, their clients, patrons and buyers, cried out
their lusts and they, they made of ordinary human clay as it turned out, artists,
beautiful artists like Fernand Leger who could no longer push the envelope of representative
art because it had been twisted by the rubble of war, by the crashing big guns,
by the hubris of commanders and commanded and he turned to new form, tubes,
cubes, prisms, anything but battered humankind in its every rusts and lusts,
all bright and intersecting once he got the mustard gas out of his system, once
he had done his patria duty, like speaking of mustard gas old worn out John
Singer Sargent of the three name WASPs forgetting Boston Brahmin society ladies
in decollage, forgetting ancient world religious murals hanging atop Boston museum
and spewing trench warfare and the blind leading the blind out of no man’s
land, out of the devil’s claws, and like Umberto Boccioni, all swirls, curves, dashes,
and dangling guns as the endless charges endlessly charge.
And do not forget
when the war drums intensified, and the people, their clients, patrons and
buyers, cried out their lusts and they, they, other creative souls made of
ordinary human clay as it turned out sculptors, writers, serious and not,
musicians went to the trenches to die deathless deaths in their thousands for,
well, for humankind, of course, their always fate ….
The Promise of a Socialist Society
Their political and intellectual bankruptcy is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis, society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless face to face with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of production had imposed upon them.
Their deliverance from these bonds is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly accelerated development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlimited increase of production itself....
With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by systematic, definite organisation. The struggle for individual existence disappears.... Man’s own social organisation, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by nature and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that have hitherto governed history pass under the control of man himself. Only from that time will man himself, with full consciousness, make his own history—only from that time will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is humanity’s leap from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.
To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific socialism.
—Friedrich Engels, Anti-Dühring (1878)
(Quote of the Week)
Workers Vanguard No. 1025
|
31 May 2013
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TROTSKY
|
LENIN
|
The Promise of a Socialist Society
(Quote of the Week)
In the selection below, Friedrich Engels makes plain how proletarian revolution opens the road to an emancipated future in which the productive powers of humanity are unleashed for the benefit of all mankind.
Their political and intellectual bankruptcy is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis, society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless face to face with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of production had imposed upon them.
Their deliverance from these bonds is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly accelerated development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlimited increase of production itself....
With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by systematic, definite organisation. The struggle for individual existence disappears.... Man’s own social organisation, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by nature and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that have hitherto governed history pass under the control of man himself. Only from that time will man himself, with full consciousness, make his own history—only from that time will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is humanity’s leap from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.
To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific socialism.
—Friedrich Engels, Anti-Dühring (1878)
As Isaac Deutscher said in his speech “On Socialist Man” (1966):
“We do not maintain that socialism is going to solve all predicaments of the human race. We are struggling in the first instance with the predicaments that are of man’s making and that man can resolve. May I remind you that Trotsky, for instance, speaks of three basic tragedies—hunger, sex and death—besetting man. Hunger is the enemy that Marxism and the modern labour movement have taken on.... Yes, socialist man will still be pursued by sex and death; but we are convinced that he will be better equipped than we are to cope even with these.”
Emblazon on our red banner-Labor and the oppressed must rule!
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