Wednesday, April 20, 2016

Chelsea featured in “The New Progressives” issue of Interview Magazine

Chelsea featured in “The New Progressives” issue of Interview Magazine

April 1, 2016 by the Chelsea Manning Support Network
The following interview was featured in the April 2016 issue of Interview Magazine. Interview’s April issue was centered around “The New Progressives” and also featured interviews from emerging and well-known activists such as Susan Sarandon, Oliver Stone, Rick Owens, Cecile Richards and Jane Goodall.
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Chris Wallace, Published 03/31/16
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In late 2009 and early 2010, a 22-year-old Private First Class and Army intelligence analyst named Bradley Manning downloaded a mass of classified and confidential files, some to a CD marked “Lady Gaga,” and passed them to the online media outlet WikiLeaks. For many, the digital dump of this material, much of which came to be known as the Afghan and Iraq “War Logs”—and which included video of an American helicopter attack on a group unarmed civilians—was the righteous act of a whistle-blower seeking greater transparency of our military’s conduct. Some have even credited Manning’s leak of diplomatic cables with inspiring the progressive uprisings of the Arab Spring, which began shortly thereafter. In 2011, however, the Army charged Manning with, among other things, “aiding the enemy,” a crime akin to treason and potentially punishable by death (and for which she was ultimately found not guilty). For much of that year, Manning had been held in what amounted to solitary confinement—so as to prevent self-harm, it was claimed—in a military brig in Quantico, Virginia. And, on August 21, 2013, Manning was sentenced to 35 years in prison and sent to the United States Disciplinary Barracks at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.
In an announcement made the day after sentencing, Manning came out as transgender, declaring her intent to begin living openly as a woman. The next year, she successfully petitioned to have her name legally changed to Chelsea Elizabeth Manning and, in February 2015, was allowed to begin hormone therapy. Since that time, Manning has written a column for The Guardian‘s U.S. website, recounting the many threats made against her during her more than five years in prison (that she would be sent away to be tortured at a black site or disappeared in Guantanamo, for starters), reflecting on her most dire moments, contemplating castration and suicide, and her hope for a sisterhood beyond bars with which she can claim communion, and to which she can give strength.
Growing up, Manning was bounced around, from Oklahoma to Wales and back, cared for as often by her sister, Casey, 11 years her senior, as by her parents—both of whom Casey has characterized as alcoholics. In Leavenworth, Manning, now 28, has access to psychotherapy sessions, radio, and cosmetics, but is strictly limited in access to visitors and cannot go on the internet. She cannot be photographed, interviewed on camera, or speak with journalists in person or on the phone, but can communicate by post. So, in January, I wrote her to tell her about our special April issue celebrating the pathfinders and conscientious among us who are creating new spaces for themselves and for others, and asked her to be a part of it. She very kindly accepted. Here is our correspondence.
CHRIS WALLACE: First of all, how are you? Is there anything that I—or anyone—can or ought to be doing for you?
CHELSEA MANNING: Thank you. I am pushing myself through at the moment. I have a lot on my plate currently: I’m waiting for the judge’s ruling in my lawsuit challenging the military prison’s hair-length restrictions; I’m still in the process of challenging what I believe to be an unlawful and discriminatory disciplinary board from last year; I’ve challenged the Department of Justice and FBI to release the investigative records related to my case; and, most importantly, I’m only weeks away from filing the brief in my court-martial appeal. It’s an exhausting schedule. As for you and anyone else, I can only ask of those who care about me and the issues in my case to support me and spread the word about what is going on. Donations to my legal defense fund really help, and I think keeping me motivated and spreading the message are also very important.
WALLACE: You wrote recently about how tough the holidays were. How is your day-to-day life? Are there things you particularly look forward to, dread, or are surprised by?
MANNING: Day-to-day life is as simple as it is routine—though my days are often long and very busy. On weekdays, I wake up at about 4:30 each morning. I get dressed, have a cup of coffee, and go to the prison cafeteria for breakfast. Not long after dawn, we show up for work at our day jobs. I work at the prison wood shop. Any legal or medical appointments are scheduled during the workday, too. We have about an hour and a half break for lunch, which is when I make a lot of my phone calls. The workday ends around 4 p.m. When I get back to my cell, I usually have a stack of mail and laundry at the front of the cell. For about an hour, I sort and neatly fold my laundry and read my mail. On a normal day, this includes dozens of cards and letters from supporters, a newspaper, and a handful of magazine subscriptions. Before the evening starts, I eat dinner. The rest of the day is filled with recreation. This includes the library, where I type up legal papers, letters, and assignments for college correspondence courses. I also like to run and do HIIT-style exercises during gym and outside recreation hours—but I recently took a break for a few months because of the hormone treatments. I have only just started doing these routines again in the past couple weeks. There are very few distinctions between el bueno and el malo en la prisiĆ³n militar. Instead of the good and the bad, there is the boring and la repeticiĆ³n—the repetitive. The routine is as endless as it is numbing. It’s like Groundhog Day [1993], except that I am getting older.
WALLACE: What is your rapport like with other inmates and officers or wardens? Has it changed in the time since you’ve been there? Have provisions and accommodations changed to better suit you since you began transitioning?
MANNING: I don’t have any issues with the inmates or the guard force here at the prison. Initially, I didn’t have any problems with the senior staff, but that started to change last summer. Lately, I’m under a lot of scrutiny every day by those here that run the prison but don’t actually walk inside except on rare occasions. It seems as though they press the junior staff to focus their attention on me-and not in good ways. It is very exhausting. For the transition, I am being provided cosmetics, female undergarments, and a stable hormone treatment. I am still cutting my hair to a two-inch male restriction imposed by the prison, which I am fighting. I only want to have carefully groomed shoulder length hair meeting the standard of other female military prisoners. Yet, even the accommodations I have now were only provided after a year and a half of fighting. So I remain hopeful.
WALLACE: Are you able to sense how things on the outside have changed for the trans community in, say, the past five years? Are you hearing enough from people on the outside to be able to gauge that?
MANNING: Unfortunately, I don’t sense that things have really changed for the trans community in the last five years. Sure, we are certainly much more visible than we were only a few years ago. Media outlets are more frequently using the correct names, titles, and pronouns for trans folks as well. Yet visibility is not equality. We are still in very, very bad shape. There are still many homeless trans folk wandering the streets. They are still harassed on the street by bystanders and police officers. We still face many administrative hurdles in every aspect of our lives. If anything, things are actually getting harder for us, because now there are people who are using our visibility as an excuse to say that we are already receiving fair and honest treatment, when the reality is that we are still in bad shape as a community.
WALLACE: How much do you think about perceptions of you personally? How would you like to be thought of, understood, perceived?
MANNING: You know, I really don’t care how I am perceived by people on the outside. I am aware of—and endlessly grateful for—the support that I get through all of their letters, cards, statements of support, and petitions. Yet, none of this means that I want to be perceived in any particular way. Even if I didn’t have the support that I have, I would still be fighting the same fights, and I would still be the same person that I am today.
WALLACE: What changes do you most notice about the world, about reporting, warfare, and intelligence in the time since your trial?
MANNING: The press and free speech landscape has totally changed. There is far less news reporting today. Instead, we have this endless stream of—largely meaningless and speculative—analysis by sideline commentators and self-proclaimed “experts.” This is because investigative journalism and reporting has become much more dangerous. This is especially true for journalists and sources in National Security—but it has been getting pretty bad for beat reporters and small outlets doing local reporting, too. Beyond the obvious crackdown on leaks under the current U.S. Administration, there has also been the passing of so-called “Ag-gag” laws in states, and the increasingly looming threat of civil litigation by large corporations following the lawsuit over ABC’s 1992 report on Food Lion that have also made it harder for reporters to do their jobs. Disturbingly, the First Amendment, along with the Fourth Amendment—protecting against unreasonable searches and seizures, and requiring warrants—have been the major casualties of the shift in government policy in the last two decades. Unfortunately, I think that the biggest consequences of this tragedy won’t be clear until it is far, far too late. I think that the next two generations of Americans will be grappling with the very real specter of finding themselves living in a new and bizarre kind of digital totalitarian state—one that looks and feels democratic on the surface, but has a fierce undercurrent of fear and technologically enforced fascism any time you step out of line. I really hope this isn’t the case, but it looks really bad right now, doesn’t it?
WALLACE: What are your greatest comforts? Are there any particular books, letters, etcetera, that have been great buoys for you recently?
MANNING: Absolutely! On my birthday, there was a campaign online to send me thousands of postcards. This really gave me a boost during the toughest time of the year—the holidays. Among these, I received about a hundred or so cards and letters from my trans siblings out there, including trans kids. I was moved when I read their amazing words. It is amazing to feel such a powerful and tangible connection with other trans folks out there—they’re just so gentle and genuine.
WALLACE: Are you still a fan of Lady Gaga? Are you able to listen to music, hers or otherwise? Or to watch movies or TV?
MANNING: I am. I have a very small plastic radio that only plays whatever’s on the radio in Kansas City and in Lawrence, Kansas. So, I can listen to pop music. I also watch TV on occasion—but nowhere near as frequently as I listen to the radio. I’m also a huge fan of other pop icons today, not just Lady Gaga. I’ve been a fan of Taylor Swift for years—ever since I heard her song “Love Story.” I’m also a really big fan of Selena Gomez—I really started listening to her a lot in the months before and during my court martial in 2013. It might sound absolutely insane to folks out there, but I can safely say that Selena kept me motivated through the toughest portions of the trial. Most of all, I absolutely love Adele! Her music is so overwhelming and relatable. I was so excited to hear “Hello” on the radio that I stopped what I was doing and sat down to listen. It made me very emotional. I really enjoyed the Saturday Night Live spoof of the video, too. I’m also still a huge fan of EDM. I listen to a lot of the popular stuff—Calvin Harris, the Chainsmokers, et cetera—for hours on Saturday nights.
WALLACE: You have criticized Caitlyn Jenner as “the grinch who stole (& sold out) the trans movement.” How do you think she is misrepresenting trans people?
MANNING: Well, first I would like to point out that Caitlyn Jenner is not just a person—she is an institution. She has been surrounded by public relations experts who are carefully crafting and controlling the aspects of her public transition. When she—sort of, since she really danced around the subject—came out as trans in her interview with Diane Sawyer, I wanted to give her a chance. Unfortunately, as it became clear through the last year, it hasn’t been natural for her. She just isn’t up to the task of speaking on these issues. She does not understand, or even try to understand, the trans community as a whole. This is the most disturbing and, frankly, sad aspect of the entire affair. The PR folks are trying to rein in her messaging, but she, as a person, just isn’t up to the task. She can’t even fake it. I have heard—both directly and indirectly—from other trans women, just how tone deaf and distant Ms. Jenner has been with them in their interactions with her last year. But her major public blunders—not quote “getting” marriage equality and worrying about trans women not looking like a “man in a dress”—should make it clear to those who didn’t interact with her personally that she simply has the wrong mind—set to be a spokesperson.
WALLACE: I have heard it said that her transition was “easy.” I cannot imagine a single thing about your transition—at any stage—that could be called easy.
MANNING: I do not think that Caitlyn Jenner’s transition was easy. Coming out and transitioning as a public figure—even for someone like her—is an extraordinarily difficult task to undertake. I might not agree with her on a couple of points, but I will refuse to say that her transition was easy. There is far more to transitioning in the public eye than money, public relations, and logistics. Fundamentally, it is a very real, very difficult emotional roller-coaster. I do not care whether or not you would be considered a hardened celebrity or public personality—you will have sleepless nights, you will have doubts, your mind will go to dark places. Anxiety, depression, and suicide don’t discriminate based on how much money you have—though it might make it easier for you to get help. I think that it will be much easier for the next famous trans person to come out. I predict that such a person is very likely in the process of preparing to come out in transition publicly right now. I think this person is likely a famous actor who will come out as a trans woman in the next year or two. By that time, it will absolutely be a lot easier to transition than it was in 2013 or 2015. I guess we will see how it plays out when it happens. I support the next person fully, and I wish them nothing but the best of luck in their endeavors.
WALLACE: Do you find that you are able to comfort and give strength to others with your story? What, in turn, brings you solace and strength? Were there people who were particularly helpful to you along the way?
MANNING: The most important people for me, at least in the last couple of years since I came out, are my supersecret trans friends and confidantes. I think I need to come up with a code name for this circle. One of them in particular has been my lifeline during really tough moments—like during a rough period of anxiety and depression in May and June of 2015, about three to four months into my hormone treatment. I cried and cried over the phone, and yet these people were there for me when I was at my most vulnerable. It certainly made my struggle a lot easier. I have found hundreds, if not thousands of people who have written to me, or have spoken through people that I know, about the comfort and strength that they have gotten from my story. I must admit: It’s a little overwhelming! I immediately relate to all of them, though—which gives me a lot of strength and energy. I think it’s actually kind of sweet how there is a reciprocal effect that our stories can have on each other. They inspire me far more than they realize.
WALLACE: Can you tell me a little bit about your life before the Army? What were you into as a kid? In moving from one place to another, to Wales, back to Oklahoma, et cetera, did you have things that kept you tethered, inspired you?
MANNING: As a young kid, I spent a lot of time exploring the world around me. I lived a few miles outside of a tiny town in central Oklahoma. I would often run amok though the fields of wheat, the patches of trees, along the railroad tracks, and on red dirt roads. This had a profound effect on my view of the world—vast, open-ended, full of opportunity, and ready for exploration. I also had regular access to a computer, which was rare for kids in the early and mid-1990s. I think the embryonic digital world had the same affect on me as the openness of the old American frontier. While being tossed around the world from place to place as a teenager, I wasn’t really tethered to any place or anyone. I think the increased ubiquity of the internet and networked computing in general allowed me to have some tether no matter where I was geographically. I could log in to a computer from anywhere in the world and access the same information and the same people. It allowed me to transcend the physical differences. I didn’t really have anyone in particular who inspired me or that I found fascinating as a kid. It wasn’t until I was in my early twenties that I began to find people—and they were all historic figures—that I began to relate to and find some inspiration in. Today, there are a lot of pioneers in science and civil rights that I admire—people like Richard Feynman, Carl Sagan, Malcolm X, and Harvey Milk. This might strike some people as odd, but I feel a connection to them nonetheless.
WALLACE: From your Guardian columns, it seems to me that you have really embraced your position as a leader in advocacy for transparency as well as for inclusiveness and rights for trans people. Are you able to communicate with peers in other movements? Do you feel as though you are a leader, a touchstone, a pioneer to any causes? Do you have any specific ambitions or goals—levels of awareness or concrete legislation—that you’d like to see us achieve in the next five years?
MANNING: You know, I don’t think that I’m embracing any kind of leadership for transparency or trans advocacy. It’s not my goal to be a leader or spokesperson, or anything like that. I’ve certainly been given the opportunity to speak out on these issues and a few others. I am really passionate about transparency and trans rights issues, so I embrace these opportunities to speak. I try to stay in touch with those who are prominent in both the trans and transparency movements, but more often than not, I am speaking out on a particular issue on my own. I certainly hope that people listen to me and think about these issues. But regardless of whether I had a public venue to speak in, I would still be passionate about them. On a transparency front, I would say that I certainly dream of a world in which our local, state, and national and international governments and other organizations have a 21st century, digital-era transparency built into them by default. If an organization produces a document, it should be made public as soon as possible. I don’t believe that Freedom of Information laws, which have arbitrary time periods or broad blanket exemptions, meet the level of transparency that society needs today. There are just too many opportunities—and an increasing number of them—to hide systemic, institutional wrongdoing behind legal veils, legal theories, and arbitrary exemptions. I hope that we can start to chip away at this, but it sure looks like society is still sliding in the opposite direction. As for trans issues, I believe that the trans movement is at a crossroads. We have achieved an unprecedented level of visibility in the last couple of years. However, as I said, that’s not the same thing as equality. There is an awful lot of work to do to protect trans folks. We are still disproportionally poor and administratively and institutionally discriminated against at all levels of society. I think we can achieve meaningful change, but only if we demand that the institutions themselves change their behavior. I think that some of today’s focus on freedom of information and trans rights have a tendency to focus on the actions of individuals and how they should be regulated by governments. However, I think it’s important to remember that it is the institutions themselves—schools, tax collection services, banks, human resources decisions, health departments, police departments, prosecutors, courts, and prisons—where the most devastating and systemic problems occur today. The scale of these problems is simply unimaginable. That is why it can be so difficult to get people to think about systemic institutional problems. It is easier just to see the actions of one or two people and say, “That’s wrong!”
CHRIS WALLACE IS INTERVIEW‘S SENIOR EDITOR. 

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Chelsea exposes dangerous nature of Insider Threat Program



Chelsea exposes dangerous nature of Insider Threat Program

March 22, 2016 by the Chelsea Manning Support Network
The overly broad ‘Insider Threat’ program could have thousands of government employees under surveillance, revealed a document obtained by Chelsea Manning and released by the Guardian last week.
‘Insider Threat’, created as a response to Chelsea’s disclosure of documents to Wikileaks in 2010, encourages government employees to examine each other for potential personality traits and motives that might fall in line with a future “threat”—or whistleblower.
Chelsea, still imprisoned at Fort Leavenworth, filed a Freedom of Information Act request to receive the profile they created of her as an example. It labels Chelsea as “disgruntled”, “ideological”, and having “financial difficulties”—all of which are supposedly indications of motive.
In her new Guardian op-ed, Chelsea assesses the danger of this broad language: “Agencies implementing the Insider Threat program could examine anyone. Such subjective labeling could easily be applied to virtually every single person currently holding a security clearance.”
The program is, “modern-day McCarthyism that has friends and colleagues spy on and report each other,” says Jessleyn Radack, whistleblower and attorney for Thomas Drake and Edward Snowden.
“It effectively stifles workplace free speech, dissent and is openly trying to deter whistleblowers.”
The profile further implies that Chelsea’s gender identity is somehow relevant to her disclosure of documents, and could have been a warning. And although obviously aware of Chelsea’s gender identity, the program consistently calls her ‘Bradley Manning’ and uses male pro-nouns. This is a bizarrely backwards stance for an administration that has been so accepting of the LGBTQ community on the surface.
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Chase Strangio, attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, told the Guardian the implication of the document was that anyone who pushes back on injustice against LGBT people within the military should be considered an insider threat.
“They are using her gender identity to suggest it fits into an offender profile. We are seeing that argument used over and over again in Chelsea’s case.”
Read more analysis from VICE, ShadowProof, the Guardian, BoingBoing, TechDirt, TruthDig, and BetaNews.

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A View From The left-Socialism Versus Capitalism-The Big Face Off

A View From The left-Socialism Versus Capitalism-The Big Face Off
 
 
 
 
 

Japanese War Act-Made In The U.S.A.-Save Article Nine-Sign And Distribute The Petition

Japanese War Act-Made In The U.S.A.-Save Article Nine-Sign And Distribute The Petition



Frank Jackman comment:

Usually when I post something from some other source, mostly articles and other materials that may be of interest to the radical public that I am trying to address I place the words “ A View From The Left” in the headline and let the subject of the article speak for itself, or let the writer speak for him or herself without further comment whether I agree with the gist of what is said or not. After all I can write my own piece if some pressing issue is at hand. Occasionally, and the sentiments expressed in this article is one such time, I can stand in solidarity with the remarks made. I do so here.     



JNU Students Charged with Sedition over Kashmir-Indian Government Crackdown on Student Protesters-Down With Hindu Chauvinism!

Workers Vanguard No. 1086
25 March 2016
 
JNU Students Charged with Sedition over Kashmir-Indian Government Crackdown on Student Protesters-Down With Hindu Chauvinism!



LONDON—For some months, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government of Narendra Modi has been on a campaign to purge India’s universities of all opponents of upper-caste Hindu chauvinism. In Hyderabad Central University in January, this witch hunt led to the suicide of Rohith Vemula, a PhD student from the dalit (untouchable) caste. Vemula and four other anti-caste student activists were hounded by the BJP’s student arm as “anti-national,” the byword of the Hindu-chauvinist hysteria. With the backing of the Modi government, Vemula was suspended by the university, thrown out of student housing, and his stipend was cancelled. In a searing indictment of the hideous caste system, his suicide note said: “My birth is my fatal accident.” Vemula’s death ignited widespread student protests against the BJP government.
Mass protests again erupted in February when leftist students in Delhi were slapped with sedition charges at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). The pretext was a meeting held on campus on the anniversary of the execution of Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri nationalist. Guru was framed up and convicted under the last government led by the Congress party [the traditional organization of the Indian bourgeoisie] for the 2001 attack on the Indian parliament, in which five men shot and killed eight state security personnel before being killed themselves. Guru was arrested, tortured and sentenced to death. The prosecution did not allege that he was responsible for any deaths, and he was acquitted of being a member of any terrorist organisation. But he was a Kashmiri and a Muslim, which in the eyes of India’s capitalist rulers amounts to the same thing. He was executed in 2013, with the Supreme Court declaring: “The collective conscience of the society will be satisfied only if the death penalty is awarded.”
It is to their credit that JNU students organised a meeting on Kashmir, which is a taboo subject on the Indian left. Among the speakers was Student Union president Kanhaiya Kumar, a supporter of the Communist Party of India (CPI). In a widely publicised speech, Kumar referenced the death of Rohith Vemula and denounced “the nexus of casteism and capitalism.” Perhaps not surprisingly, he said little on Kashmir, given his party’s line that Kashmir is an integral part of India. But Kumar dared to mention the name of Afzal Guru, which is a lightning rod to Hindu nationalists.
Following the meeting, the BJP’s student organisation filed a complaint with the Delhi police alleging that “anti-national” slogans had been chanted; video footage of the event was splashed on national television, some of it blatantly doctored to portray the organisers and speakers as terrorist sympathisers and agents of Pakistan. Kumar was arrested and charged with sedition. At his court appearance, he and his supporters were physically assaulted by a BJP mob which included lawyers.
Other JNU student leftists who took part in the meeting were hunted down by police. Anirban Bhattacharya and Umar Khalid went into hiding at first but gave themselves up. Khalid, an avowed atheist and a Communist, was maliciously depicted as a Muslim and, by implication, a terrorist. Both he and Bhattacharya are former supporters of the Democratic Students’ Union (DSU). In 2014, the Congress-dominated government set up the DSU for state repression, accusing it of providing “safe haven for Naxalites” (Maoist guerrillas) and placing it on a state “watch list.” Kumar, Khalid and Bhattacharya have been released on bail but still face sedition charges. It is imperative that students, workers and all opponents of BJP rule mobilise to defend these students. Drop all charges against the JNU students!
The attack on students at JNU, one of India’s most prestigious universities and a stronghold of the left, was orchestrated at the highest levels of Narendra Modi’s BJP government. India’s home minister Rajnath Singh, who collaborated with the Delhi police, declared that anyone who shouts “anti-India” slogans “will not be tolerated or spared.” Modi’s election has emboldened Hindu-chauvinist mobs who pose a deadly threat to India’s dalits, as well as to the oppressed Muslim minority. Because of his involvement in the 2002 slaughter of Muslims in Gujarat, Modi has been aptly described as “a man with a massacre on his hands.” Muslim-Hindu couples are witch hunted for the crime of so-called “love jihad.” Last September in a village near Delhi, Mohammad Akhlaq, a 50-year-old Muslim man, was beaten to death and his son left for dead by a frenzied Hindu mob who accused them of eating beef. Dubbed “beef lynching,” such atrocities are spreading in this reactionary climate.
Down With India’s Brutal Occupation of Kashmir!
During his 2014 election campaign, Modi promised to revoke Article 370 of the constitution which grants (limited) autonomous status to Kashmir. India’s occupation of Kashmir, the country’s only Muslim-majority state, is central to Hindu domination. Tens of thousands have died in the last two decades of brutal repression at the hands of some 700,000 Indian troops. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act gives the Indian troops, police and paramilitary thugs a licence to kill; torture, disappearances and rape by the armed forces are commonplace—including the heinous rape of nearly 100 women in the village of Kunan Poshpora in 1991. India and Pakistan have already fought three wars for control of Kashmir—in 1947-48, 1965 and again in 1999. The 1947-48 war, fought while both armies were still under British generals, resulted in the partition of Kashmir.
Insofar as the Kashmiri struggle is not decisively subordinated to a military conflict between the Pakistani ruling class and its Indian rival, we Leninists uphold the right of self-determination for the Kashmiri nation, which means the right to independence or—should they so choose—to merge with Pakistan (or India). In a war between these equally reactionary capitalist powers we call on the workers of India and Pakistan to turn the war into a struggle against their “own” capitalist rulers.
As part of their programme for proletarian socialist revolution, Lenin’s Bolsheviks forthrightly opposed Great Russian chauvinism and called for the right of self-determination for all nations in the tsarist empire. At the same time Lenin insisted, “Marxism cannot be reconciled with nationalism, be it even of the ‘most just’, ‘purest’, most refined and civilised brand” (“Critical Remarks on the National Question,” 1913). As we wrote in 2010:
“In supporting the right of self-determination for Kashmir we do not give an ounce of political support to any of the competing Kashmiri opposition forces—neither the ‘secular’ separatist Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), nor the various Islamic-fundamentalist outfits like Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba. All of these forces are hostile to the class struggle of the workers and peasants against capitalist oppression and exploitation whether in India, Pakistan or Kashmir.”
— “Down With India’s Bloody Repression in Kashmir!” WV No. 966, 8 October 2010
As long as power remains in the hands of the bloody capitalist rulers in Islamabad and New Delhi, backed by the imperialists, the prospects for Kashmiri national liberation are slim indeed. This is especially so given Kashmir’s strategic location and historical role in relations between India and Pakistan. The cause of national justice for the Kashmiri people is inseparably tied up with the revolutionary struggle of the working masses of both countries against their capitalist oppressors. There can be no genuine expression of the right of Kashmiri self-determination without the withdrawal of both occupying armies. In opposition to the chauvinism of the rulers in New Delhi and Islamabad, workers in both countries must demand: All Indian and Pakistani troops out now! The key to ending the national oppression of the Kashmiri people, as well as the poverty and misery that are endemic to capitalism, is the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisies of both India and Pakistan, opening the road to a socialist federation of South Asia.
The Bankruptcy of Indian Stalinism
The JNU arrests throw a spotlight on the Indian left’s shameful record on Kashmir. Even those who defend the JNU students rarely mention the case of S.A.R. Geelani. Geelani, a Kashmiri nationalist and university lecturer, was arrested around the same time as the JNU students, and for the same reason: taking part in a commemoration of Afzal Guru. Geelani had been framed up with Afzal Guru for the 2001 attack on parliament and also sentenced to death. Following a legal battle, Geelani was acquitted for lack of evidence. Scandalously, the CPI and the Communist Party India (Marxist) (CPI[M]) refused to defend Geelani. This time around, students and the left must demand: Drop the charges against S.A.R. Geelani!
The CPI condemned the arrest of Kanhaiya Kumar, who is a member of their student group and who hails from a Communist family in an area of Bihar known as “little Leningrad.” But in their 13 February statement, the CPI made clear that “since the Freedom Struggle” they have been “against all type of Secessionism” (communistparty.in). Indeed, the CPI cravenly opposed the freedom struggle from British colonial rule when Britain was in an alliance with the Soviet Union during World War II. Their position on Kashmir simply apes the Indian bourgeoisie’s view that Kashmir is inseparable from India and is consistent with the CPI’s deep-going Indian nationalism and decades-long support to the Congress party.
The DSU, the student organisation politically sympathetic to the Communist Party of India (Maoist), issued a 28 February statement. Unlike the CPI, the DSU opposed “the historical injustice perpetrated on the people of Kashmir” and upheld the right of self-determination, and defended S.A.R. Geelani, noting that his case has been “conveniently buried.” The DSU noted that anyone who speaks out against “the atrocities perpetrated by the State on the most downtrodden sections of society” will be labelled Maoists and “internal security threats.” The Congress-led government deemed the CPI (Maoist) to be the country’s biggest internal security threat and banned them in 2009, as a prelude to launching “Operation Green Hunt,” a murderous armed operation intended to crush the Maoist insurgents. (See “Down With Government War on Maoists, Tribal Peoples!” WV No. 962, 30 July 2010.)
We have condemned the Indian government’s war against the CPI (Maoist) and adivasi (tribal) villagers, which is being waged at the behest of the venal Indian bourgeoisie and the international mining magnates. However, we have also made clear that the political strategy of the CPI (Maoist) provides no way forward for India’s oppressed masses. The Maoist (Naxalite) guerrillas can seem more militant because of their “armed struggle.” But their perspective boils down to seeking an alliance with a mythical “progressive” wing of the bourgeoisie in the “first stage” of a “two-stage” revolution. As CPI (Maoist) general secretary Ganapathy said: “Our New Democratic United Front (UF) consists of four democratic classes, i.e. workers, peasants, urban petty-bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie” (Sanhati, January 2010). This perspective of “two-stage” revolution ties workers to their class exploiters and has always led to defeat and betrayal of proletarian struggle. All wings of the Indian capitalist class are tied to and dependent on the imperialist powers of Europe, North America and Asia. They cannot be potential allies of the workers and oppressed peoples of India.
Yet in the name of this anti-revolutionary perspective, all of the numerous Indian Stalinist/Maoist formations act as supporters of Indian capitalism. A case in point is the CPI(M), which spent decades administering capitalist rule in West Bengal, where it is now despised for its role in the 2006 Nandigram massacre of impoverished people who were resisting land seizures by capitalist developers. Today, the CPI(M) has formed an electoral bloc with the Congress party which was trounced by the BJP in the 2014 election. It is preposterous to proffer Congress as a solution to Modi’s BJP. The road to Modi’s electoral victory was prepared by decades of Congress party rule, based on Hindu upper-caste supremacy and the oppression of India’s Muslim minority. In addition to presiding over the brutal occupation of Kashmir, in 1984 prominent Congress politicians led lynch mobs in Delhi against the Sikh minority, killing more than 3,000 people.
In keeping with their fealty to capitalist rule, the CPI(M) and CPI promote fatuous illusions in the Indian bourgeois constitution. In his widely publicised 9 February JNU speech, Kanhaiya Kumar declared: “we have full faith in our country’s constitution.” For all the good it does, women’s equality is enshrined in the Indian constitution, while the original constitution drafted by B.R. Ambedkar at the time of independence banned untouchability. Today, almost seven decades after independence, around 70 per cent of the country still lives in rural villages, mired in poverty and caste oppression. The rape of dalit women by upper caste men is commonplace.
India combines rural and caste backwardness with modern capitalist production. Both features of Indian life were shown recently in the state of Haryana, near Delhi. For three days in February, Haryana was shaken by violent protests by the Jat caste which blocked transport routes, torched the finance minister’s home and disrupted the water supply to much of the city of Delhi until the army and police quelled the protests. The Jats were demanding quotas in education and jobs for their caste, along the lines granted to the impoverished “scheduled castes” (dalits), “scheduled tribes” as well as to “other backward castes.” The Jats, however, are by no means among the country’s poorest. While they are not a homogenous group, in Haryana they tend to be landowning farmers. Many Jats have been the target of protests by dalit labourers whom they exploit.
The Jat protests are part of a growing agitation among relatively higher castes—many of whom voted for the BJP but who are losing out in India’s new “globalised” economy. With low profitability in agriculture and rising debt among farmers, land is being sold for development and there are fewer farms left in Haryana. In demanding reservations in education and government jobs, the Jats are trying to ensure that the next generation will get jobs in the city while maintaining their privileged caste status.
Haryana is also home to the city of Gurgaon, known as the “outsourcing capital of the world” with hundreds of multinational software and telecoms companies. It is also the centre of a massive concentration of industrial workers. Maruti Suzuki, India’s largest car manufacturer, produces some 5,000 vehicles per day in the Gurgaon-Manesar area. Maruti Suzuki workers have a history of militant struggle, including for trade union rights, in the face of brutal suppression by the employers. Following bitter strikes, the workers won the right to form a union, but 147 of them were jailed on frame-up charges in 2012. Some 34 workers remain incarcerated.
More recently, around 4,000 workers at the Honda motorcycle plant in Rajasthan went on strike in a situation with strong parallels to the struggles in Maruti Suzuki. In early February some 500 contract workers and the union president had been dismissed for organising a union. Both permanent and contract workers walked out on strike on 6 February when a supervisor physically attacked a contract worker. Facing brutal attacks by the police, strikers camped out at the Honda company HQ in Gurgaon. But using the curfew imposed on the Jats as a pretext, the cops dispersed the Honda strikers on 21 February. Reportedly some of the striking Honda workers went to JNU to show solidarity with the students.
Social liberation in India and the whole subcontinent will only come through the revolutionary mobilisation of the urban working class, a perspective which poses the question of proletarian leadership. The fighting power of India’s working class—already divided by caste, religion and ethnicity—is greatly undercut by the fact that the unions are divided politically among Congress, the BJP and various Stalinist-derived parties. An authentic proletarian leadership would fight for industrial unions which include all workers in an industry as an elementary defence of the working class.
What is needed is the forging of a revolutionary Marxist leadership that fights for proletarian unity and class independence. The class-conscious proletariat must take up the struggle for the emancipation of women and place itself at the head of all the oppressed, leading the rural masses in a struggle to overthrow the landlords and capitalists. Proletarian socialist revolution—spread throughout South Asia and extended to the imperialist centres—will address the task of eliminating scarcity through a qualitative development of the productive forces. Only this can lay the material basis for eradicating the oppression of women and the caste system and for liberating the toiling masses. Our aim is to build Leninist-Trotskyist parties, part of a reforged Fourth International, committed to mobilising the proletariat of India and of the neighbouring countries to sweep away the capitalist system and establish a socialist federation of South Asia.

In Boston -Walk for Water Justice-Saturday, April 23, 2016, 10:00 am to 1:00 pm

Walk for Water Justice

Saturday, April 23, 2016, 10:00 am to 1:00 pm
300 Athenaeum Street • (near Kendall Square red line stop) • Cambridge
From Flint to Chelsea to Palestine, water must be a basic human right.  But water in these communities is being used as a weapon for political purposes.  The Alliance for Water Justice in Palestine and the organization 1for3 are teaming up to bring attention to this issue, especially Israeli control of the water supply used by Palestinians in the Palestinian territories and Gaza.  Water is plentiful in the Jewish settlements, but Palestinians often don't have enough water for daily use.
1for3's Walk for Water is raising money to support important water reclamation projects, rooftop gardens, and more for the Aida Refugee Camp in the West Bank of Palestine.  UJP stands in solidarity with 1for3 and all groups working for water justice.  UJP is supporting this campaign -- come join us!
Join the UJP Team on April 23rd in 1for3's Walk for Water -- 5K walk in support of Palestinian refugees.
Go to http://classy.org/ujp to register and/or donate. 

*****Smokestack Lightning, Indeed- With Bluesman Howlin’ Wolf In Mind

*****Smokestack Lightning, Indeed- With Bluesman Howlin’ Wolf In Mind


 

Sometimes a picture really can be worth a thousand words, a thousand words and more as in the case Howlin’ Wolf doing his Midnight creep in the photograph above taken from an album of his work but nowadays with the advances in computer technology and someone’s desire to share also to be seen on sites such as YouTube where you can get a real flavor of what that mad man was about when he got his blues wanting habits on. In fact I am a little hesitate to use a bunch of words describing Howlin’ Wolf in high gear since maybe I would leave out that drop of perspiration dripping from his overworked forehead and that salted drop might be the very thing that drove him that night or describing his oneness with his harmonica because that might cause some karmic funk. So, no, I am not really going to go on and on about his midnight creep but when the big man got into high gear, when he went to a place where he sweating profusely, a little ragged in voice and eyes all shot to hell he roared for his version of the high white note. Funny, a lot of people, myself for a while included, used to think that the high white note business was strictly a jazz thing, maybe somebody like the “Prez” Lester Young or Duke’s Johnny Hodges after hours, after the paying customers had had their fill, or what they thought was all those men had in them, shutting the doors tight, putting up the tables leaving the chairs for whoever came by around dawn, grabbing a few guys from around the town as they finished their gigs and make the search, make a serious bid to blow the world to kingdom come.

Some nights they were on fire as they blew that big high white note out in to some heavy air and who knows where it landed, most nights though it was just “nice try.” One night I was out in Frisco when “Saps” McCoy blew a big sexy sax right out the door of Chez Benny’s over in North Beach when North Beach was just turning away from be-bop “beat” and that high white note, I swear, blew out into the bay and who knows maybe all the way to the Japan seas. Well see we were all a little high so I don’t know about that Japan seas stuff but I sure know that brother blew that high white one somewhere out the door.  But see if I had, or anybody had, thought about it for a minute jazz and the blues are cousins, cousins no question so of course Howlin’ Wolf blew out that high white note more than once, plenty including a couple of shows I caught him at later when he was not in his prime.         

The photograph (and now video) that I was thinking of is one where he is practically eating the harmonica as he performs How Many More Years (and now like I say thanks to some thoughtful archivist you can go on to YouTube and see him doing his devouring act in real time and in motion, wow, and also berating “father” preacher/sinner man Son House for showing up drunk. Yes, the Wolf could blast out the blues and on this one you get a real appreciation for how serious he was as a performer and as blues representative of the highest order.

Howlin’ Wolf like his near contemporary and rival Muddy Waters, like a whole generation of black bluesmen who learned their trade at the feet of old-time country blues masters like Charley Patton, the aforementioned Son House who had had his own personal fight with the devil, Robert Johnson who allegedly sold his soul to the devil out on Highway 61 so he could get his own version of that high white note, and the like down in Mississippi or other southern places in the first half of the twentieth century. They as part and parcel of that great black migration (even as exceptional musicians they would do stints in the sweated Northern factories before hitting Maxwell Street) took the road north, or rather the river north, an amazing number from the Delta and an even more amazing number from around Clarksville in Mississippi right by that Highway 61 and headed first maybe to Memphis and then on to sweet home Chicago.  

They went where the jobs were, went where the ugliness of Mister James Crow telling them to sit here not there, to walk here but not there, to drink the water here not there, don’t look at our women under any conditions and on and on did not haunt their every move (although they would find not racial Garden of Eden in the North, last hired, first fired, squeezed in cold water flats too many to a room, harassed, but they at least has some breathing space, some room to create a little something they could call their own and not Mister’s), went where the big black migration was heading after World War I. Went also to explore a new way of presenting the blues to an urban audience in need of a faster beat, in need of getting away from the Saturday juke joint acoustic country sound with some old timey guys ripping up three chord ditties to go with that jug of Jack Flash’s homemade corn liquor (or so he, Jack Flash called it).

 
So they, guys like Howlin’ Wolf, Muddy Waters, Magic Slim, Johnny Shines, and James Cotton prospered by doing what Elvis did for rock and rock and Bob Dylan did for folk and pulled the hammer down on the old electric guitar and made big, big sounds that reached all the way back of the room in the Red Hat and Tip Top clubs lining the black streets of blustered America and made the max daddies and max mamas jump, make some moves. And here is where all kinds of thing got intersected, as part of all the trends in post-World War II music up to the 1960s anyway from R&B, rock and roll, electric blues and folk the edges of the music hit all the way to then small white audiences too and they howled for the blues, which spoke to some sense of their own alienation. Hell, the Beatles and more particularly the Stones lived to hear Muddy and the Wolf. The Stones even went to Mecca, to Chess Records to be at one with Muddy. And they also took lessons from Howlin’ Wolf himself on the right way to play Little Red Rooster which they had covered and made famous in the early 1960s (or infamous depending on your point of view since many radio stations including some Boston stations had banned it from the air originally).Yes, Howlin’ Wolf and that big bad harmonica and that big bad voice that howled in the night did that for a new generation, did pretty good, right.  

 

*****The Struggle Continues ….We Will Not Leave Our Sister Behind-A Personal Letter From The Pen Of Chelsea Manning From Fort Leavenworth

 

*****President Obama Pardon Chelsea Manning Now!-The Struggle Continues ….We Will Not Leave Our Sister Behind-A Personal Letter From The Pen Of Chelsea Manning From Fort Leavenworth 

  




 



A while back, maybe a year or so ago, I was asked by a fellow member of Veterans For Peace at a monthly meeting in Cambridge about the status of the case of Chelsea Manning since he knew that I had been seriously involved with publicizing her case and he had not heard much about the case since she had been convicted in August 2013 (on some twenty counts including several Espionage Act counts, the Act itself, as it relates to Chelsea and its constitutionality will be the basis for one of her issues on appeal) and sentenced by Judge Lind to thirty-five years imprisonment to be served at Fort Leavenworth in Kansas. (She had already been held for three years before trial, the subject of another appeals issue and as of May 2015 had served five years altogether thus far and will be formally eligible for parole in the not too distant future although usually the first parole decision is negative).

That had also been the time immediately after the sentencing when Private Manning announced to the world her sexual identity and turned from Bradley to Chelsea. The question of her sexual identity was a situation than some of us already had known about while respecting Private Manning’s, Chelsea’s, and those of her ardent supporters at Courage to Resist and elsewhere the subject of her sexual identity was kept in the background so the reasons she was being tried would not be muddled and for which she was savagely fighting in her defense would not be warped by the mainstream media into some kind of identity politics circus.


I had responded to my fellow member that, as usual in such super-charged cases involving political prisoners, and there is no question that Private Manning is one despite the fact that every United States Attorney-General including the one in charge during her trial claims that there are no such prisoners in American jails only law-breakers, once the media glare of the trial and sentencing is over the case usually falls by the wayside into the media vacuum while the appellate process proceed on over the next several years.

At that point I informed him of the details that I did know. Chelsea immediately after sentencing had been put in the normal isolation before being put in with the general population at Fort Leavenworth. She seemed to be adjusting according to her trial defense lawyer to the pall of prison life as best she could. Later she had gone to a Kansas civil court to have her name changed from Bradley to Chelsea Elizabeth which the judge granted although the Army for a period insisted that mail be sent to her under her former male Bradley name. Her request for hormone therapies to help reflect her sexual identity had either been denied or the process stonewalled despite the Army’s own medical and psychiatric personnel stating in court that she was entitled to such measures.

At the beginning of 2014 the Commanding General of the Military District of Washington, General Buchanan, who had the authority to grant clemency on the sentence part of the case, despite the unusual severity of the sentence, had denied Chelsea any relief from the onerous sentence imposed by Judge Lind.

Locally on Veterans Day 2013, the first such event after her sentencing we had honored Chelsea at the annual VFP Armistice Day program and in December 2013 held a stand-out celebrating Chelsea’s birthday (as we did in December 2014 and will do again this December of 2015).  Most important of the information I gave my fellow VFPer was that Chelsea’s case going forward to the Army appellate process was being handled by nationally renowned lawyer Nancy Hollander and her associate Vincent Ward. Thus the case was in the long drawn out legal phase that does not generally get much coverage except by those interested in the case like well-known Vietnam era Pentagon Papers whistle-blower Daniel Ellsberg, various progressive groups which either nominated or rewarded her with their prizes, and the organization that has steadfastly continued to handle her case’s publicity and raising financial aid for her appeal, Courage to Resist (an organization dedicated to publicizing the cases of other military resisters as well).    
At our February 2015 monthly meeting that same VFPer asked me if it was true that as he had heard the Army, or the Department of Defense, had ordered Chelsea’s hormone therapy treatments to begin. I informed him after a long battle, including an ACLU suit ordering such relief, that information was true and she had started her treatments a month previously. I also informed him that the Army had thus far refused her request to have an appropriate length woman’s hair-do. On the legal front the case was still being reviewed for issues to be presented which could overturn the lower court decision in the Army Court Of Criminal Appeals by the lawyers and the actual writing of the appeal was upcoming. A seemingly small but very important victory on that front was that after the seemingly inevitable stonewalling on every issue the Army had agreed to use feminine or neutral pronoun in any documentation concerning Private Manning’s case. The lawyers had in June 2014 also been successful in avoiding the attempt by the Department of Defense to place Chelsea in a civil facility as they tried to foist their “problem” elsewhere. 
On the political front Chelsea continued to receive awards, and after a fierce battle in 2013 was finally in 2014 made an honorary grand marshal of the very important GLBTQ Pride Parade in San Francisco (and had a contingent supporting her freedom again in the 2015 parade). Recently she has been given status as a contributor to the Guardian newspaper, a newspaper that was central to the fight by fellow whistle-blower Edward Snowden, where her first contribution was a very appropriate piece on what the fate of the notorious CIA torturers should be, having herself faced such torture down in Quantico adding to the poignancy of that suggestion. More recently she has written articles about the dire situation in the Middle East and the American government’s inability to learn any lessons from history and a call on the military to stop the practice of denying transgender people the right to serve. (Not everybody agrees with her positon in the transgender community or the VFP but she is out there in front with it.) 
 

[Maybe most important of all in this social networking, social media, texting world of the young (mostly) Chelsea has a twitter account- @xychelsea ]  


Locally over the past two year we have marched for Chelsea in the Boston Pride Parade, commemorated her fourth year in prison last May [2014] and the fifth this year with a vigil, honored her again on Armistice Day 2014, celebrated her 27th birthday in December with a rally (and did again this year on her 28th birthday).

More recently big campaigns by Courage To Resist and the Press Freedom Foundation have almost raised the $200, 000 needed (maybe more by now) to give her legal team adequate resources during her appeals process (first step, after looking over the one hundred plus volumes of her pre-trial and trial hearings, the Army Court Of Criminal Appeal)

Recently although in this case more ominously and more threateningly Chelsea has been charged and convicted of several prison infractions (among them having a copy of the now famous Vanity Fair with Caitlyn, formerly Bruce, Jenner’s photograph on the cover) which could affect her parole status and other considerations going forward.     

We have continued to urge one and all to sign the on-line Amnesty International petition asking President Obama to grant an immediate pardon as well as asking that those with the means sent financial contributions to Courage To Resist to help with her legal expenses.

After I got home that night of the meeting I began thinking that a lot has happened over the past couple of years in the Chelsea Manning case and that I should made what I know more generally available to more than my local VFPers. I do so here, and gladly. Just one more example of our fervent belief that as we have said all along in Veterans for Peace and elsewhere- we will not leave our sister behind… More later.              

Tuesday, April 19, 2016

In Honor Of Russian Revolutionary Vladimir Lenin’s Birthday (April 1870-Janaury 1924)-The Struggle Continues-Ivan Smilga’s Political Journey-Take Four


In Honor Of Russian Revolutionary Vladimir Lenin’s Birthday (April 1870-Janaury 1924)-The Struggle Continues-Ivan Smilga’s Political Journey-Take Four       

 


From The Pen Of Frank Jackman 

 

For a number of years I have been honoring various revolutionary forbears, including the subject of this birthday tribute, the Russian Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin architect (along with fellow revolutionary Leon Trotsky) of the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 in each January under the headline-Honor The Three L’s –Lenin, Luxemburg , Liebknecht. My purpose then was (and still is) to continue the traditions established by the Communist International in the early post-World War I period in honoring revolutionary forbears. That month has special significance since every January  

Leftists honor those three leading revolutionaries who died in that month, V.I. Lenin of Russia in his sleep after a long illness in 1924, and Karl Liebknecht of Germany and Rosa Luxemburg of Poland in 1919 murdered in separate incidents after leading the defeated Spartacist uprising in Berlin.

 

I have made my political points about the heroic Karl Liebknecht and his parliamentary fight against the German war budget in World War I in which he eventually wound up in prison only to be released when the Kaiser abdicated (correctly went to jail when it came down to it once the government pulled the hammer down on his opposition), on some previous occasions. The key point to be taken away today, still applicable today as in America we are in the age of endless war, endless war appropriations and seemingly endless desires to racket up another war out of whole cloth every change some ill-begotten administration decides it needs to “show the colors”, one hundred years later in that still lonely and frustrating struggle to get politicians to oppose war budgets, to risk prison to choke off the flow of war materials.  

 

I have also made some special point in previous years about the life of Rosa Luxemburg, the “rose of the revolution.” About her always opposing the tendencies in her adopted party, the German Social-Democracy, toward reform and accommodation, her struggle to make her Polish party ready for revolutionary opportunities, her important contributions to Marxist theory and her willing to face and go to jail when she opposed the first World War.

 

This month, the month of his birth, it is appropriate, at a time when the young needs to find, and are in desperate need of a few good heroes, a few revolutionaries who contributed to both our theoretical understandings about the tasks of the international working class in the age of imperialism (the age, unfortunately, that we are still mired in) and to the importance of the organization question in the struggle for revolutionary power, to highlight the  struggles of Vladimir Lenin, the third L, in order to define himself politically.

 

Below is a fourth sketch written as part of a series posted over several days before Lenin’s birthday on the American Left History blog starting on April 16th (see archives) of a young fictional labor militant, although not so fictional in the scheme of the revolutionary developments in the Russia of the Tsar toward the end of the 19th century and early 20th century which will help define the problems facing the working-class there then, and the ones that Lenin had to get a handle on.

*******

Ivan Smilga was sitting at the quay on the Neva River in Saint Petersburg forlorn, more forlorn than he had been since sometime in his early childhood when he found out that the land that he lived on did not actually belong to him, or rather did not belong to his father, and he had run out into the fields in rage, had not understood the almost feudal arrangement that his father had with landlord owner, including service by any sons in case of war decreed by the Tsar. He did not know much about that, didn’t care a fig about that military service part since he was well under any conscript age but he did rage that his father, every year his father never got ahead, never tired as well of talking about the miseries of his life that defeated any chance of his getting ahead on land that he continually said had been played out by the previous tenant, Tsachev. Still his father did nothing about it, not even when he had heard that some young people had come out from Moscow to organize them and instead threatened to turn them in if they dared step on “his land” (although in the end that organization effort came to naught since the city radicals had made the cardinal error of calling themselves intellectuals which set them apart as well as the fact that they, as was their wont in the cities, produced much literature which only a few like Ivan would have been able to read).

This day Ivan was forlorn because they had taken Elena off, off to Siberia a place he himself had known having served a two year sentence there a few years before for political crimes against the state, in short trying to kidnap state officials for ransom to get money and to make the point they could do the deed with impunity,   when he had ill-advisedly and against his common sense took up with a revolutionary cell in Moscow and had been “fingered” by one of the worker comrades to the Okhrana in order to cut his own sentence. Elena had been taken in for trying to organize a demonstration for a shorter work day and other more political rights (ten instead of twelve hours days and half a day on Saturday, the right to organize trade unions, the right to free speech, etc.) in front of the Winter Palace on New Year’s Day to bring in the new year, and the new century [1900].

The direct reason for Ivan’s agitated state was that he had become “engaged” to Elena and had come to depend on her for his emotional support. (This engagement thing was not the old-fashioned type involving dowries and exchanges but a “new-type” where that “engagement” signified that they had already slept together in anticipation of marriage, or in more advanced circles just slept together. Ivan and Elena were the former.)

Yes, the year 1899 had not been a good year for the left-wing political struggles in Russia. The Tsar and his ministers had determined to crush any opposition in the bud and so even the organizing of trade unions, illegal but semi-tolerated especially in the foreign concessions, had become a point of contention. Ivan and Elena had clashed many times over that question. Elena, after they had met, or rather had re-met having worked in Moscow together at the Smythe and Son textile factory, at the Putilov Iron Works where he was an apprentice blacksmith and she worked in the foundry, had been involved in a strike action in which Elena was a central figure that wound up getting a number of fellow workers back on the job after they had been fired. As a result of that victory the previously hesitant Ivan (hesitant due to that very trip to Siberia of his own and a desire not to go back and well as fears for Elena that had now come true) had met Elena “half-way” and worked with her on trade-union organizing issues. He would however have no truck with the broader issues, the question of democratic right when he would have to confront the state in a more direct manner. He had had enough of that. Besides he had come to think, under the influence of various liberal and radical thinkers who were popping up in the capital and who were making some sense to Ivan’s mind that if they, the workers, could just get more pay, less work, and some time off that things would be better. Let others, other, smarter people worry about the larger issues. That day to day struggle fight was all that could be expected and that was enough.

When Elena (and her fellow political workers, mainly students at Saint Petersburg University and radical workers from the Vyborg, the working class quarters) determined that trade union organizing was not enough and that the Tsar had to be confronted with the issue of democratic rights and a street demonstration Ivan had gone off in a fit, had left Elena alone for several days to stew outside Saint Petersburg. During that time Elena, a crackerjack organizer and also a very committed revolutionary, had organized the march set for New Year’s Day. On that day there was no turning back for her and her comrades. The minute they stepped off at noon they were surrounded by sabre-welding Cossacks and arrested. Before Ivan could get back to the city, before he could attempt once again to talk her out of the rash action she had been arrested and faced deportation to Siberia. That is why one Ivan Smilga was sitting before the Neva River forlorn. But that is also one reason why Ivan thought that maybe, just maybe Elena had been right, that the struggle for a better life for him and her, them might need some more thought on his part.      

A Star Is Born-Katherine Hepburn’s Morning Glory


A Star Is Born-Katharine Hepburn’s Morning Glory





DVD Review

By Sam Lowell

 

Morning Glory, starring Katharine Hepburn, Adolph Menjou, Douglas Fairbanks, Junior, 1933   

Funny how some film cycles run for guys like me who like to watch old-time black and white films and review them in a space like this. Quite by accident the film under review, Katharine Hepburn’s Academy Award-winning performance in Morning Glory, and the previous three films I have reviewed are all set in New Jack City (alright I know New York City but black and white times or now you had better have jack if you want to live there, or dream about making yourself a name there). They are all slightly different takes from hobo Meet John Doe down and out to bright guy goes to town Mr. Deeds Goes To Town to melodramatic East Side, West Side about life on the upper crust to this film about a naĆÆve wannabe actress Eva Lovelace who wants to take the town by a storm.

The Broadway part of town anyway, the stage, the legitimate stage they called it then to compare it with crass Hollywood. Eva from nowhere Vermont decided like a million guys and gals before her to flee the confines of small-town anywhere and see the bright lights of the city, of the great white way. She though is strictly from amateur night, strictly from hunger too as she tries to get that first little break that will set her on the road to stardom. A road that is filled with corpses of those who failed.    

But not our gal because she had spunk, had a little talent too, but mostly she had an overweening desire to do what it took to get a shot at the stars-including in pre-Code Hollywood off-stage bedding the big Broadway producer (Adolph Menjou) and putting a spell on her acting coach and an up and coming young writer and director. Eva will as fate would have it get her big chance when an older established star got on her high horse and made one too many non-negotiable demands and left in a huff-leaving the show without a lead. No problem. Quick study Eva slated for a small role from the smitten director (Douglas Fairbanks, Junior) and the rest was history. Well not quite history because in the end, end of the film anyway, fame and fortune don’t give him all she wants. What did she expect. Like I said that road is filled with corpses and the ghosts of the faded past. I don’t know whether her performance was 1933 Oscar-worthy but the cautionary tale was still worth telling.