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International Women’s Day 2012 - Remembering the struggles & victories of women workers
Mar 6, 2012
By Clare Doyle, CWI
For more than a century, 8 March has been the day to commemorate and celebrate the fight of working class and revolutionary women for a better deal and a socialist society.
Its origins are in the struggles for equal pay and decent conditions amongst women in the USA in the 19th century.
On 8 March, 1857, garment workers in New York City marched and picketed, demanding improved working conditions, a ten hour day, and equal rights for women. Their ranks were broken up by the police. Fifty-one years later, 8 March, 1908, their sisters in the needle trades in New York marched again, honouring the 1857 march, demanding the vote, and an end to sweatshops and child labour. The police were present on this occasion too.
A conference in 1910 of socialist women involved in the Second International, adopted a proposal of the German revolutionary fighter, Klara Zetkin, to establish an International Women’s Day. Russian women began to observe this on the last Sunday in February, according to the pre-revolutionary Julien calendar.
In 1917 this was the day the working women of Petrograd literally started a revolution. In protest at rising prices and food shortages, they filed into the centre of the city, calling on all fellow workers to join them. This was actually March 8th according to the (Gregorian) calendar used elsewhere in the world.
’Down with hunger!’ ’Down with the war!’ Hunger was claiming the lives of thousands of children, along with those of older men and women, and the very sick and very poor. The First World War was claiming the lives of millions of farm labourers and workers at the front. The ’February Revolution’ of 1917, which threw off the yoke of Csarism across the Russian Empire, was the precursor of the victorious socialist revolution of October in the same year.
Gains and losses under capitalism
Nearly a hundred years later, the system to which we are told ’there is no alternative’ – capitalism - is undergoing the worst crisis probably in its history. For a while, in the 20th century, in many European countries and in the US, under the pressure of powerful struggles of the working class, capitalism was forced to provide health care, education and nurseries. During the boom periods, labour-saving devices for the home became affordable. The majority of women in Africa, Asia and Latin America, who labour without ceasing, and millions even within the more developed countries, have benefited from few if any of these advances.
In Europe and America, and to some extent in other countries, a layer of working women have been able to insist on equal pay, equal opportunities and flexible working hours. In the 20th century, chauvinist attitudes towards women and sexist advertising were also challenged with some success. In a capitalist world, ’male domination’ is part of the system - a legacy of the past that is a means of maintaining divisions and the super-exploitation of the working class. But the worst of its expressions can be combated by protest, especially where linked to the movement of a united working class against the bosses and their system as a whole.
Hardest hit by crisis
Today, in the context of capitalism in crisis on a world scale, the gains of working class and middle class women are under attack. Equal pay for work of equal value, where it has been won, has to be defended. If the trade union leaders do not put up a fight, this and other basic rights come under attack. Advances in the recognition of domestic violence as a crime and measures to relieve women seeking refuge from violent partners have been set back.
In the first wave of a crisis, male workers can be the first to lose their jobs while the lower paid women workers who are kept on in the workplace. But, as the crisis worsens and public sector jobs are slaughtered, women are hit hardest – losing their paid employment and seeing welfare benefits cut and social services slashed. It is no accident they are to the fore in strikes and general strikes across Europe and elsewhere.
Women are still the main home keepers. They do the most shopping, cooking, cleaning and caring for all the family members. This, in a crisis, means nightmare worries over the shrinking budget – falling incomes and rising costs. As publicly-funded services are cut, it means finding more hours and energy for the care of children, and of sick and elderly members of the family. Mass unemployment amongst young people is a major worry. Education opportunities shrink and cuts or non-existent benefits mean young people are dependent on their families. The burdens on working class families become unbearable and parents can be constantly fearful that unemployed teenagers will turn in on themselves or be drawn into alcoholism, drugs and petty crime.
In the course of the crisis hitting Europe, hundreds of thousands of families have been broken by evictions from their homes, by emigration of younger adults, by suicides and by the inability to care for the youngest and weakest. In Greece, desperate women unable to provide for their children are giving them over to state authorities in the hope they can care for them.
Little wonder that on the demonstrations in Greece, women are amongst the most vociferous. They do not want to see the clock turned back decades, to be confined to managing the family, torn by poverty, hunger, a new military dictatorship. They have nothing to lose but their future. A socialist programme of ‘No to the debt; no to the EU!’ is gathering support. The idea of revolutionary change and self-organisation, throwing off capitalists and bankers and planning society according to need and not greed – all this can be attractive to women – young and old. The alternative under capitalism is a nightmare.
It is women who suffer most from wars, civil wars, famines, natural disasters, land grabs and environmental degradation. They suffer most from reactionary religious practices like forced marriages, genital mutilation. But it is also women who suffer most from capitalism’s inability to develop economies for the benefit of all, instead of the handful of rich.
If, in so-called developed countries, longer hours at work put huge strains on family life, especially on women, in undeveloped economies, women do all the most onerous work in the fields. They are also the ones who carry water for miles across country. They, along with child labourers, are the most harassed and exploited workers in the factories and the mines.
As Care International points out on their web-site: 70% of the world’s poorest billion people are women and girls, two thirds of people who cannot read or write are women and in many countries, more women are likely to die in childbirth than get an education. In a world where the rich in every country are getting richer and the poor poorer, the fight to win women workers to the banner of socialist struggle and revolution becomes daily more urgent.
India and China
In countries like India and China, the majority of women and their children live in absolute poverty. A certain layer of society (about 300 million people in each case) has been raised from absolute poverty to a reasonable lower middle class existence. As the crisis hits, they are beginning to be forced back into the mire of poverty and homelessness. Some are beginning to fight back on the question of housing and the environment.
Workers – young men and women - who have been drawn from the poverty-stricken countryside into big factories have begun to fight against the long hours and slave labour conditions inflicted on them. In India, young workers at Suzuki Maruti, for example, have formed their own unions, taken strike action and won better pay and conditions. This gives them a better chance to feed, clothe and house their families and spend some time with them.
Young women in the hot-houses of China’s factories, sometimes work up to 12 hours a day. Recently they have been involved in important strikes. At Foxconn (which employs a million, mostly women, in China) suicide appeared as the only way out. The strikes of last year, however, won at least temporary improvements. Threatened mass suicides have again hit the headlines but the idea of mass struggle is gaining momentum. Revolutionary upsurges are rooted in the present situation in China and many women will play a vital role in leading them to partial and full victories.
Resentment is also building up in China against the regime’s rigid one-child policy. It causes great emotional and material suffering, especially for women. Some, who can find the necessary money, travel to Hong Kong to get round the rule and give birth in hospitals there. But they face not only the possibility of punishment on returning home, but also attempts by racists to whip up hostility towards mainland Chinese. CWI members in Hong Kong adamantly fight for women’s rights and also against all expressions of racism.
Women’s rights
Women must have the chance to freely decide when and if to have children (and how many). As child-bearers, they can suffer huge emotional and material stress from both having and not having children. Socialists believe they should be able to choose to safely terminate pregnancies they do not want to go ahead with. CWI members across the globe have campaigned against religious bigots and other reactionaries who will not accede to the demand for safe, early and free abortion on demand. This must be seen as a right and not what the hypocritical ‘pro-lifers’ call ‘infanticide’! In Ireland, Socialist Party member of parliament, Clare Daly, has spoken out for abortion rights.
As the crises deepen, women – alone or with partners – will find it harder and harder to feed and clothe their children. If they need or want to limit the number of children they have (or to have no children) they should not be prevented from doing so by religious, state or financial restrictions on contraception and abortion. Women should be able to enjoy sexual relations without fear of unwanted pregnancy. They should also, on the other hand, be helped with problems of fertility, again, with the full assistance of the state.
Socialists need sensitively to conduct campaigns against forced marriages, rape, female circumcision. Religion is important to many people and they should have the right to practice whatever they wish as individuals, as long as it does not impinge on the basic rights of others. This includes the wearing of the hijab or even the burka. This right should not be denied to women nor should it be forced upon them.
Revolution
In the past year, revolutions have been on the agenda. Throughout history - in France 1789 or Russia 1917, or on the streets of Tunis or Cairo, they can erupt over the basic demand for bread. They can finish by ousting Kings, Csars and dictators.
In the revolutions of North Africa and the Middle East, women have taken an important role in the battles on the streets and in the strikes which have brought victories. Young women especially have shown a fierce determination to win a different society than that prescribed by the dictators and also by reactionary religious fundamentalists.
The size of the task which remains to be completed, however, in countries like Tunisia and Egypt has been illustrated by the brutal attacks on women even in Tahrir Square – centre of the revolution. Women have organised important demonstrations in protests at this. In Tunisia, members of the extreme Salafist sect have been attacking relatively ’liberated’ women who work in the universities because they choose not to wear the headscarf.
A recent report on British TV showed that even a year after the revolution in Egypt, 90% of parents are still subjecting their daughters to vaginal mutilation – robbing them for life of the possibility of experiencing sexual satisfaction. There is a long way to go in the struggle for equal rights!
As long as capitalism survives, the exploitation and oppression of women will continue. One of its worst expressions is the gruesome practice of people trafficking, mostly with the aim of selling women and girls into forced prostitution. Campaigns against all forms of exploitation and oppression in present day society, and of discrimination on the grounds of sex, nationality, creed and sexual orientation, need the full backing of the organised workers’ movement.
Women must stay to the fore in all the struggles for reform as well as revolution. The CWI is bound to do all within its power to ensure this happens. Books, pamphlets and leaflets on the issues that most affect women are an enormous help. Meetings and demonstrations on particular issues – closures of nurseries, maternity units, playgroups – can attract women to the socialist struggle. They are already playing a vital role in the campaigns for youth jobs and in the strikes of teachers, civil servants and health-workers against cuts and austerity.
In Sri Lanka, women working in the Free Trade Zones have participated in strike action against the Rajapakse dictatorship’s pension reforms and won! In Pakistan an important strike of nurses was victorious. In Sindh province last year, CWI women organised an impressive and noisy march behind the banner of the "Progressive Female Health Workers Association". (see the video here). In Kazakhstan, women play a vital role in the fight against housing evictions. In the USA and elsewhere, the ‘Occupy’ movements have seen women expressing great anger against bankers and the pampered and privileged 1% who dominate society under capitalism. The way in which ‘indignad@s’ is written in Spain – combining the feminine ’a’ ending with the masculine ’o’ - indicates a keen awareness of the importance of women and men being treated as equals.
On International Women’s Day, 2012, the CWI salutes the brave socialist women pioneers. It also looks to a new period of revolutionary upheaval opening up in which the CWI will be filled out and enriched by the recruitment of fearless women fighters.
The Bolsheviks who came to power under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, immediately opened the door on a ’New Life’ for women, as a famous propaganda poster of the time put it. On the basis of a nationalised economy, run by workers’ elected representatives, and an extension of the revolution to more ‘advanced’ economies where industry could develop more rapidly, the dream of life without drudgery at home and at work could be rapidly realised.
The rise of Stalin, the crushing of genuine socialist internationalism, slammed this door shut. Under the jack-boot of the dictator, life for women grew harder and harder – bearing, as they were forced to once more, the double burdens of long hours in the factory and inadequate provision of crèches, laundries, restaurants and recreational facilities.
New revolutions in today’s world take place against a completely different background. They will spread rapidly from country to country as they did just last year. Workers’ governments established through mass struggle today will have the task of reorganising and developing society on the basis of a far higher level of technology and science.
The workers – men and women – who make the socialist revolutions of the 21st century will fight tenaciously to prevent the old rulers from hanging on to power. They will also fight tooth and nail to prevent any figure like Stalin, or a privileged clique from stealing their revolution. On the basis of nationalisation and workers’ control and management, such vistas will open up for a future society – based on fulfilment of needs and wishes rather than greed and exploitation, that no one will accept the turning back of the clock.
We in the CWI will not stint until socialism is achieved world-wide. Such a society, achieved through public ownership and democratic planning and control, will at last be able to utilise harmoniously and cooperatively, every human being’s talent and every natural resource of the planet to the greatest benefit of all human society.
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Phone: (206)526-7185
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Monday, March 12, 2012
From The Archives Of The “American Left History” Blog- The Struggle To Create Anti-War Soldiers And Sailors Solidarity Committees- A Personal Note (2010)
Markin comment:
Over the past several years that this blog has been running I have had on a fair number of occasions opportunity to write entries that link my current radical political preoccupations with some aspect of my earlier political development, or the effect of some earlier development on my subsequent attitude toward the struggle for our communist future. Nowhere is that link more apparent that in my current, revived struggle to generate support for the creation of anti-war soldiers and sailors solidarity committees (hereafter solidarity committees) as we gear up our opposition to Obama’s Afghan War escalation.
Literally, my baptism of fire as a radical (although not then a communist) is directly related to my personal involvement in the military, the struggle against the military while in it during the Vietnam War period, and the conclusions that I drew there about the imperial nature of modern American capitalist society and a lifelong need to oppose it as a result of that experience. However, today I am not interested in rehashing those events, per se, so much as to draw attention to some lessons and some anecdotal evidence for the importance of creating those solidarity committees. For those who want to read more specifically about the contours of my own political trajectory I have placed a linked article above from an “American Left History" blog entry, dated March 16, 2009, and titled "A Short Note on History and the Individual- A Tale of Sorts".
First things first, though. Prior to the later stages of the anti-Vietnam War movement, there had been no serious thought, at least that I was aware of, given to directly linking up to the emerging struggle INSIDE the military, especially in the army the was fighting the war and taking a serious psychological, if not physical beating, as the Vietnamese liberation forces proved tougher than expected. They too, in the end, got caught part of the anti-war fervor that was building up at home, and around the world. Finally, significant numbers of people, and not just young people although, to be sure, they were well represented, were looking to find a way to express their anti-war sentiments in a more fervent and effective way that through the electoral process, or its extension, seemingly endless mass demonstrations created mainly to put pressure on those politicians to end that war there was audience.
Of course, we now know, at least those of us who looked into the matter, then and later, that there were a whole lot of prior experience that in some cases, especially on the part of the American Socialist Workers Party, were willfully ignored about prior efforts to link up with soldiers struggles. In the SWP’s case, their class struggle fight against World War II, the fight for faster troop demobilization immediately after World War II and in their lonely struggle against the Korean War. Moreover, we were left woefully ignorant of the most important example of anti-war military work in history, the Bolshevik anti-war program against the carnage of World War I, encapsulated in the slogans “the main enemy s at home” and not one penny, not one man for the war, that also was a critical factor in the later success of the October revolution. I could also add to the list the struggle of French leftists of various political tendencies to add the Algerian national liberation struggle. There are other examples, too few to be sure, but the point to be made here is that the core of the support started from civilian political organizations outside the military.
And that, of necessity, becomes the central point. Even under conditions of relative bourgeois political normalcy the ruling class gets very touchy about people, in or out of the military, fooling around with their military (and their police, prisons and courts, as well). They will forgive many things but not that. To insure that stability today, especially in light of the lessons that THEY learned from the Vietnam War experience where, arguably, their army almost fell apart as an effective fighting force toward the end, they have curtailed or restructured the democratic rights of those in the military that we civilians are permitted to use, for now. Thus issues like: when and where and how service personnel can use their political rights, including their right to demonstrate; who they can talk to and when: and, the use or non-use of the uniform are all very much issues that those of us on the outside take, more or less, for granted. I will not bore you with the gross curtailment of justice meted out under military law, except to paraphrase something the great sardonic comic and social critic, Lenny Bruce, said - “in the hall of (military) justice the only justice is in the halls”.
If those adverse conditions are part of the obstacles that we face today in organizing support for anti-war G.I.’s then you get a small sense of what it was like for soldiers in the Vietnam era (and before) to express their political opposition to that war, and more importantly, to organize their fellow soldiers around the struggle against it. And that is where the personal part of this entry really begins. I have already mentioned in previous postings that in 1968 I went from pillar to post in bourgeois politics trying to defeat Richard M. Nixon, rightly seen as the most visible political villain of that time. I worked exhaustively for Bobby Kennedy and after his assassination, holding my nose, for Hubert Humphrey. (Excuse me one moment: I am still blushing over that one). Thus, I knew how to get thing done, or get advice on how to get things done, in bourgeois politics.
Not so when I tried to do essentially the same thing (merely to exercise my democratic right to organize) anti-war opposition in the military. First off, I had not links to any radical groups to fall back on. I was, in any case, at that time leery of most of them. Moreover, one of the bases I was at was in the Deep South and out in the boondocks (and today the location of key military bases, like Fort Drum in rural upstate New York, home of the heavily-used 10th Mountain Division continues that trend) , and a Yankee to boot, put me at a severe disadvantage. So whom do I turn to? Well, who is more against war that the Quakers, at least in the popular imagination. Even I knew that much at the time. So I ran to the Quakers, or rather their outreach branch, the American Friends Service Committee.
Of course they were mainly set up to counsel individual resisters, military of civilian, at that point. No question, however, that they did yeoman’s work in assisting and supporting various efforts that were undertaken by my military friends and me (and, not so strangely, today still do that same work). In the end, we might not be able to make a righteous united front with them or join with then in their contingents in anti-war marches because the pacific slogans they would be able to support and the explicit anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist slogans called for by today’s political situation are counter-posed but I have always had a soft spot for their steadfastness, and that, my friends, is a rare commodity. That said, I kept those experiences in mind, especially the need to broaden the scope of the anti-war work to a more left-wing political level when I was discharged from the service (nice term, right?).
If I was not familiar, in the early of stages of my military ‘career’, with the G.I. anti-war coffeehouse movement that was starting to blossom at such places as Fort Hood (the legendary “Oleo Strut”, whose history I have placed links on this site) and Fort Ord (California) I was totally immersed in the literature after my discharge. I immediately got involved in an anti-war G.I. coffeehouse in the Northeast that I was familiar with (and, more importantly for organizing purposes, knew some soldiers at the base). Many of the things that I learned about extra-parliamentary organizing came out of that experience. Although it was relatively shorted-lived (a couple of years, off and on) as the war in Vietnam dwindled down, the draft ended, and soldiers, especially drafted soldiers who were easier to approach, stopped showing up it became time to move on. Invaluable experience though.
Is anti-war G.I. work hard? It is nothing but tough work, believe me. The above-mentioned restrictions on service personnel’s’ political activity. The, frankly, low political consciousness of the rank and file soldier. The, usually, tough personal circumstances that drive an individual solder to seek relief outside the military chain of command. The very real problem of spies, finks and informers, military and civilian in the small town environment where the work has to get done. Hell, sometimes the gap between the obvious up-front political goals of the civilian support group and the soldiers’ lesser demands. All those militate against success. Ya, it’s tough. But hear me out.
How good does it feel, as I have felt, to be in an anti-war demonstration INSIDE a military base with soldiers (out of uniform, of course) calling for an end to the Vietnam War in front of post headquarters. That will trump a thousand marches in Washington, D.C. Or of holding anti-war demonstrations right outside the gates of some boondocks fort, staring down a company of military police at the ready, to let one and all know the struggle continues and the anti-war soldiers inside do not stand alone. Or, to get back to the history of military anti-war work mentioned above, to savor the Bolshevik experience. But that last one is music for the future. Now though create, or start to think about creating, those anti-war soldiers and sailors solidarity committees. And emblazoned on their banners- Obama- Immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops and mercenaries from Afghanistan and Iraq. Hands off Pakistan and Iran.
Over the past several years that this blog has been running I have had on a fair number of occasions opportunity to write entries that link my current radical political preoccupations with some aspect of my earlier political development, or the effect of some earlier development on my subsequent attitude toward the struggle for our communist future. Nowhere is that link more apparent that in my current, revived struggle to generate support for the creation of anti-war soldiers and sailors solidarity committees (hereafter solidarity committees) as we gear up our opposition to Obama’s Afghan War escalation.
Literally, my baptism of fire as a radical (although not then a communist) is directly related to my personal involvement in the military, the struggle against the military while in it during the Vietnam War period, and the conclusions that I drew there about the imperial nature of modern American capitalist society and a lifelong need to oppose it as a result of that experience. However, today I am not interested in rehashing those events, per se, so much as to draw attention to some lessons and some anecdotal evidence for the importance of creating those solidarity committees. For those who want to read more specifically about the contours of my own political trajectory I have placed a linked article above from an “American Left History" blog entry, dated March 16, 2009, and titled "A Short Note on History and the Individual- A Tale of Sorts".
First things first, though. Prior to the later stages of the anti-Vietnam War movement, there had been no serious thought, at least that I was aware of, given to directly linking up to the emerging struggle INSIDE the military, especially in the army the was fighting the war and taking a serious psychological, if not physical beating, as the Vietnamese liberation forces proved tougher than expected. They too, in the end, got caught part of the anti-war fervor that was building up at home, and around the world. Finally, significant numbers of people, and not just young people although, to be sure, they were well represented, were looking to find a way to express their anti-war sentiments in a more fervent and effective way that through the electoral process, or its extension, seemingly endless mass demonstrations created mainly to put pressure on those politicians to end that war there was audience.
Of course, we now know, at least those of us who looked into the matter, then and later, that there were a whole lot of prior experience that in some cases, especially on the part of the American Socialist Workers Party, were willfully ignored about prior efforts to link up with soldiers struggles. In the SWP’s case, their class struggle fight against World War II, the fight for faster troop demobilization immediately after World War II and in their lonely struggle against the Korean War. Moreover, we were left woefully ignorant of the most important example of anti-war military work in history, the Bolshevik anti-war program against the carnage of World War I, encapsulated in the slogans “the main enemy s at home” and not one penny, not one man for the war, that also was a critical factor in the later success of the October revolution. I could also add to the list the struggle of French leftists of various political tendencies to add the Algerian national liberation struggle. There are other examples, too few to be sure, but the point to be made here is that the core of the support started from civilian political organizations outside the military.
And that, of necessity, becomes the central point. Even under conditions of relative bourgeois political normalcy the ruling class gets very touchy about people, in or out of the military, fooling around with their military (and their police, prisons and courts, as well). They will forgive many things but not that. To insure that stability today, especially in light of the lessons that THEY learned from the Vietnam War experience where, arguably, their army almost fell apart as an effective fighting force toward the end, they have curtailed or restructured the democratic rights of those in the military that we civilians are permitted to use, for now. Thus issues like: when and where and how service personnel can use their political rights, including their right to demonstrate; who they can talk to and when: and, the use or non-use of the uniform are all very much issues that those of us on the outside take, more or less, for granted. I will not bore you with the gross curtailment of justice meted out under military law, except to paraphrase something the great sardonic comic and social critic, Lenny Bruce, said - “in the hall of (military) justice the only justice is in the halls”.
If those adverse conditions are part of the obstacles that we face today in organizing support for anti-war G.I.’s then you get a small sense of what it was like for soldiers in the Vietnam era (and before) to express their political opposition to that war, and more importantly, to organize their fellow soldiers around the struggle against it. And that is where the personal part of this entry really begins. I have already mentioned in previous postings that in 1968 I went from pillar to post in bourgeois politics trying to defeat Richard M. Nixon, rightly seen as the most visible political villain of that time. I worked exhaustively for Bobby Kennedy and after his assassination, holding my nose, for Hubert Humphrey. (Excuse me one moment: I am still blushing over that one). Thus, I knew how to get thing done, or get advice on how to get things done, in bourgeois politics.
Not so when I tried to do essentially the same thing (merely to exercise my democratic right to organize) anti-war opposition in the military. First off, I had not links to any radical groups to fall back on. I was, in any case, at that time leery of most of them. Moreover, one of the bases I was at was in the Deep South and out in the boondocks (and today the location of key military bases, like Fort Drum in rural upstate New York, home of the heavily-used 10th Mountain Division continues that trend) , and a Yankee to boot, put me at a severe disadvantage. So whom do I turn to? Well, who is more against war that the Quakers, at least in the popular imagination. Even I knew that much at the time. So I ran to the Quakers, or rather their outreach branch, the American Friends Service Committee.
Of course they were mainly set up to counsel individual resisters, military of civilian, at that point. No question, however, that they did yeoman’s work in assisting and supporting various efforts that were undertaken by my military friends and me (and, not so strangely, today still do that same work). In the end, we might not be able to make a righteous united front with them or join with then in their contingents in anti-war marches because the pacific slogans they would be able to support and the explicit anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist slogans called for by today’s political situation are counter-posed but I have always had a soft spot for their steadfastness, and that, my friends, is a rare commodity. That said, I kept those experiences in mind, especially the need to broaden the scope of the anti-war work to a more left-wing political level when I was discharged from the service (nice term, right?).
If I was not familiar, in the early of stages of my military ‘career’, with the G.I. anti-war coffeehouse movement that was starting to blossom at such places as Fort Hood (the legendary “Oleo Strut”, whose history I have placed links on this site) and Fort Ord (California) I was totally immersed in the literature after my discharge. I immediately got involved in an anti-war G.I. coffeehouse in the Northeast that I was familiar with (and, more importantly for organizing purposes, knew some soldiers at the base). Many of the things that I learned about extra-parliamentary organizing came out of that experience. Although it was relatively shorted-lived (a couple of years, off and on) as the war in Vietnam dwindled down, the draft ended, and soldiers, especially drafted soldiers who were easier to approach, stopped showing up it became time to move on. Invaluable experience though.
Is anti-war G.I. work hard? It is nothing but tough work, believe me. The above-mentioned restrictions on service personnel’s’ political activity. The, frankly, low political consciousness of the rank and file soldier. The, usually, tough personal circumstances that drive an individual solder to seek relief outside the military chain of command. The very real problem of spies, finks and informers, military and civilian in the small town environment where the work has to get done. Hell, sometimes the gap between the obvious up-front political goals of the civilian support group and the soldiers’ lesser demands. All those militate against success. Ya, it’s tough. But hear me out.
How good does it feel, as I have felt, to be in an anti-war demonstration INSIDE a military base with soldiers (out of uniform, of course) calling for an end to the Vietnam War in front of post headquarters. That will trump a thousand marches in Washington, D.C. Or of holding anti-war demonstrations right outside the gates of some boondocks fort, staring down a company of military police at the ready, to let one and all know the struggle continues and the anti-war soldiers inside do not stand alone. Or, to get back to the history of military anti-war work mentioned above, to savor the Bolshevik experience. But that last one is music for the future. Now though create, or start to think about creating, those anti-war soldiers and sailors solidarity committees. And emblazoned on their banners- Obama- Immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops and mercenaries from Afghanistan and Iraq. Hands off Pakistan and Iran.
“We don’t want the word peace connected with the word veteran”-paraphrase of a remark by an official parade organizer- “Oh ya, well watch this”- All Out For The Smedley Butler Brigade Veterans For Peace-Initiated Saint Patrick’s PEACE Parade on Sunday March 18th in South Boston
Click on the headline to link to the Smedley Butler Brigade Facebook page.
Veterans For Peace
Call for Help
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
When: Sunday, March 18-2:00 PM
Where: South Boston- form up outside the Broadway Redline Station
Please join us for our Second Annual Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, the Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice.
Once again Veterans for Peace have been denied to walk in the Saint Patrick’s Parade in South Boston. Last year they gave us a reason for the denial, “They did not want the word Peace associated with the word Veteran”. Well last year, in three weeks time, we pulled our own permit and had our own parade with 500 participants. We had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. We had lead cars with our older vets asGrand Marshals, Vets For Peace, MFSO, Code Pink and numerous other local peace groups.
Also: Seventeen years ago the gay and bisexual groups in Boston were also denied. They were the first groups we reached out to and invited them to walk in our parade. Last year we had Join the Impact with us. We also had church / religious groups, and labor. Last year we stole the press, it was a controversy and we received front page coverage and editorial articles in all of the major newspapers, radio and television reports.
This year we anticipate 2,000 people in our parade, multiple bands, we have a Duck Boat, the Ragging Grannies will be singing from the top of the boat. We have a trolley for older folks not able to walk. We may have floats. We will have multiple street bands, a large religious division, a large labor division and “Occupy Everywhere” division, including Occupy Boston and numerous other Occupy groups.
All we need is you, your VFP chapter, peace groups, GLBT groups, religious and labor groups and Occupy groups. Please come to Boston and join us in this fabulous parade.
Please see the attached flyer and a description of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, it’s history and where we are.
On behalf of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade Organizing Committee.
Thank you,
Pat Scanlon (VN 69’)
Coordinator, VFP Chapter 9, Smedley Butler Brigade
patscanlonmusic@yahoo.com
978-475-1776
*******
Markin comment:
As if I needed any extra push to join in this VFP action I have reposted a blog that pretty clearly explains why I am always ready to march with my fellow VFPers, any time any place.
Re-posted From American Left History- Thursday, November 11, 2010
*A Stroll In The Park On Veterans Day- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S. Troops From Iraq and Afghanistan!
Markin comment:
Listen, I have been to many marches and demonstrations for democratic, progressive, socialist and communist causes in my long political life. However, of all those events none, by far, has been more satisfying that to march alongside my fellow ex-soldiers who have “switched” over to the other side and are now part of the struggle against war, the hard, hard struggle against the permanent war machine that this imperial system that governs us has embarked upon. From as far back as in the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) days I have always felt that ex-soldiers (hell, active soldiers too, if you can get them) have had just a little bit more “street cred” on the war issue than the professors, pacifists and little old ladies in tennis sneakers who have traditionally led the anti-war movements. Maybe those brothers (and in my generation it was mainly only brothers) and now sisters may not quite pose the questions of war and peace the way I do, or the way that I would like them to do, but they are kindred spirits.
Now normally in Boston, and in most places, a Veterans Day parade means a bunch of Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) or American Legion-types taking time off from drinking at their post bars (“the battle of the barstool”) and donning the old overstuffed uniform and heading out on to Main Street to be waved at, and cheered on, by like-minded, thankful citizens. And of course that happened this time as well. What also happened in Boston this year (and other years but I have not been involved in previous marches) was that the Veterans For Peace (VFP) organized an anti-war march as part of their “Veterans Day” program. Said march to be held at the same place and time as the official one.
Previously there had been a certain amount of trouble, although I am not sure that it came to blows, between the two groups. (I have only heard third-hand reports on previous events.) You know, the "super-patriots" vs. “commie symps” thing that has been going on as long as there have been ex-soldiers (and others) who have differed from the bourgeois party pro-war line. In any case the way this impasse had been resolved previously, and the way the parameters were set this year as well, was that the VFP took up the rear of the official parade, and took up the rear in an obvious way. Separated from the main body of the official parade by a medical emergency truck. Nice, right? Something of the old playground “I’ll take my ball and bat and go home” by the "officials" was in the air on that one.
But here is where there is a certain amount of rough plebeian justice, a small dose for those on the side of the angels, in the world. In order to form up, and this was done knowingly by VFP organizers, the official marchers, the bands and battalions that make up such a march, had to “run the gauntlet” of dove emblem-emblazoned VFP banners waving frantically directly in front of their faces as they passed by. Moreover, although we formed the caboose of this thing the crowds along the parade route actually waited as the official paraders marched by and waved and clapped at our procession. Be still my heart. But that response just provides another example of the ‘street cred” that ex-soldiers have on the anti-war question. Now, if there is to be any really serious justice in the world, if only these vets would go beyond the “bring the troops home” and embrace- immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops from Iraq and Afghanistan then we could maybe start to get somewhere out on those streets. But today I was very glad to be fighting for our communist future among those who know first-hand about the dark side of the American experience. No question.
************
From Veterans For Peace:
Saint Patrick's Peace Parade
Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
Saint Patrick, the patron Saint of Ireland was a man of peace. Saint Patrick's Day should be a day to celebrate Saint Patrick and the Irish Heritage of Boston and the contributions of the Irish throughout American history. In Boston the parade should be a day to celebrate the changes in our culture, the ethnic, religious diversity, points of views and politics of our great City of Boston. For on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
Saint Patrick Day parades have been held in Boston since 1737 (Unofficial parades). In 1901 Evacuation Day was declared a holiday in the City of Boston. Because of the coincidence of the proximity of the two holidays the celebrations were combined and for the past forty years the Allied War Veterans Council have been organizing the Saint Patrick's Day Parade, turning what should be the celebration of Saint Patrick, the Irish Heritage and History into a military parade.
In 2011, the local chapter of Veterans For Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade submitted an application to march in the traditional Saint Patrick's Day Parade. Veterans For Peace is a national veterans organization with 130 chapters across the country. The Smedley Butler Brigade has over 200 members locally. It's members range from veterans from WWII, Korea, Vietnam, Gulf, Iraq and the Afghanistan War. All Veterans For Peace wanted to do was to march in the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and carry their flags and banners. Their application was denied by the "Allied War Council". When the organizer of the parade, Phil Wuschke, was asked why their application was denied, he stated, "Because they did not want to have the word peace associated with the word Veteran". They were also told that they were too political, as if the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and other activities surrounding the parade are not political.
Veterans For Peace subsequently filed for their own permit for the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade. Seventeen years ago, the gay and bisexual community (GLBT) had also applied to march in the parade and like the veterans were denied. GBLT sued the Allied War Council and the case went all the way to the US Supreme Court, resulting in the Hurley Decision, named after Wacko Hurley, the ruler supreme of the parade. This decision states that who ever is organizing the parade has the right to say who is in and who can be excluded from the parade, no questions asked. Even though the City of Boston will spend in excess of $300,000.00 in support of this parade, they have no say in who can be in the parade. The Saint Patrick's Day Parade should be sponsored by the City of Boston and not a private group, who have secretive, private meetings, not open to the public and who practice discrimination and exclusion.
In the case of Veterans For Peace, if you are carrying a gun or drive a tank you can be in the parade, if you are a veteran of the US Military and carrying a peace symbol, you are excluded. Once Veterans For Peace had their parade permit in hand the first group they reached out to was the gay and bisexual community in Boston. "You were not allowed to walk in their parade seventeen years ago, how would you like to walk in our parade" The response was immediate and Join the Impact, one of many GLBT organizations in the Boston area enthusiastically joined the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade, the alternative peoples parade. Because of another Massachusetts's Court decision the "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. With only three weeks to organize the parade when it steped off this little parade had over 500 participants, grand marshals, a Duck Boat, a band, veterans, peace groups, church groups, GBLT groups, labor groups and more. It was a wonderful parade and was very warmly welcomed by the residents of South Boston.
This year, once again, Veterans For Peace submitted an application to the "Allied War Council" for the inclusion of the small "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" into the larger parade. Once again the Veterans were denied;
"Your application has been reviewed, we refer you to the Supreme Court ruling on June 19,1995your application to participate in the March 18,2012 Saint Patrick's Day Parade had been denied"
No reason given as to why, just denied. This should be unacceptable to every citizen of Boston, especially the politicians who will be flocking to the Breakfast and Roast on March 18th. This kind of exclusion should not be condoned nor supported by anyone in the City of Boston, especially our elected political leaders.
Just in case the Allied War Council has not noticed, South Boston is no longer a strictly Irish Catholic community. In fact the Irish are no longer a majority in South Boston. The community is much more diverse in 2012 in ethnicity, life styles, religion, points of view and politics then it was forty years ago. Times have changed, the City has changed, the population has changed, social norms have changed. People are much more accepting of those that may be different, have a different religion, customs or ideas. We are a much more inclusive society, everyone that is except the antiquated Allied War Veterans.
It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be inclusive of these differing groups. It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be reflective of the changes in our culture. It is time for this parade to include groups of differing life styles, points of views and politics or the City of Boston should take back this parade. There is no place in Boston or anywhere in this country for bigotry, hatred, censorship, discrimination and exclusion. This should be a day of celebration, for all the peoples of the great City of Boston to come together, to celebrate Saint Patrick and our Irish History and Heritage. In 2012 this parade should be inclusive and also celebrate what makes us Americans, what makes this country great, our multi-ethnic diversity, differing life-styles, religious affiliations, differing politics and points of views. All of us should wear the green, no one should be excluded, since on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
http://www.facebook.com/editprofile.php?sk=basic&success=1#!/smedleyvfp?sk=wall
Click on the headline to link to the Smedley Butler Brigade Facebook page.
Veterans For Peace
Call for Help
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
When: Sunday, March 18-2:00 PM
Where: South Boston- form up outside the Broadway Redline Station
Please join us for our Second Annual Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, the Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice.
Once again Veterans for Peace have been denied to walk in the Saint Patrick’s Parade in South Boston. Last year they gave us a reason for the denial, “They did not want the word Peace associated with the word Veteran”. Well last year, in three weeks time, we pulled our own permit and had our own parade with 500 participants. We had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. We had lead cars with our older vets asGrand Marshals, Vets For Peace, MFSO, Code Pink and numerous other local peace groups.
Also: Seventeen years ago the gay and bisexual groups in Boston were also denied. They were the first groups we reached out to and invited them to walk in our parade. Last year we had Join the Impact with us. We also had church / religious groups, and labor. Last year we stole the press, it was a controversy and we received front page coverage and editorial articles in all of the major newspapers, radio and television reports.
This year we anticipate 2,000 people in our parade, multiple bands, we have a Duck Boat, the Ragging Grannies will be singing from the top of the boat. We have a trolley for older folks not able to walk. We may have floats. We will have multiple street bands, a large religious division, a large labor division and “Occupy Everywhere” division, including Occupy Boston and numerous other Occupy groups.
All we need is you, your VFP chapter, peace groups, GLBT groups, religious and labor groups and Occupy groups. Please come to Boston and join us in this fabulous parade.
Please see the attached flyer and a description of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, it’s history and where we are.
On behalf of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade Organizing Committee.
Thank you,
Pat Scanlon (VN 69’)
Coordinator, VFP Chapter 9, Smedley Butler Brigade
patscanlonmusic@yahoo.com
978-475-1776
*******
Markin comment:
As if I needed any extra push to join in this VFP action I have reposted a blog that pretty clearly explains why I am always ready to march with my fellow VFPers, any time any place.
Re-posted From American Left History- Thursday, November 11, 2010
*A Stroll In The Park On Veterans Day- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S. Troops From Iraq and Afghanistan!
Markin comment:
Listen, I have been to many marches and demonstrations for democratic, progressive, socialist and communist causes in my long political life. However, of all those events none, by far, has been more satisfying that to march alongside my fellow ex-soldiers who have “switched” over to the other side and are now part of the struggle against war, the hard, hard struggle against the permanent war machine that this imperial system that governs us has embarked upon. From as far back as in the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) days I have always felt that ex-soldiers (hell, active soldiers too, if you can get them) have had just a little bit more “street cred” on the war issue than the professors, pacifists and little old ladies in tennis sneakers who have traditionally led the anti-war movements. Maybe those brothers (and in my generation it was mainly only brothers) and now sisters may not quite pose the questions of war and peace the way I do, or the way that I would like them to do, but they are kindred spirits.
Now normally in Boston, and in most places, a Veterans Day parade means a bunch of Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) or American Legion-types taking time off from drinking at their post bars (“the battle of the barstool”) and donning the old overstuffed uniform and heading out on to Main Street to be waved at, and cheered on, by like-minded, thankful citizens. And of course that happened this time as well. What also happened in Boston this year (and other years but I have not been involved in previous marches) was that the Veterans For Peace (VFP) organized an anti-war march as part of their “Veterans Day” program. Said march to be held at the same place and time as the official one.
Previously there had been a certain amount of trouble, although I am not sure that it came to blows, between the two groups. (I have only heard third-hand reports on previous events.) You know, the "super-patriots" vs. “commie symps” thing that has been going on as long as there have been ex-soldiers (and others) who have differed from the bourgeois party pro-war line. In any case the way this impasse had been resolved previously, and the way the parameters were set this year as well, was that the VFP took up the rear of the official parade, and took up the rear in an obvious way. Separated from the main body of the official parade by a medical emergency truck. Nice, right? Something of the old playground “I’ll take my ball and bat and go home” by the "officials" was in the air on that one.
But here is where there is a certain amount of rough plebeian justice, a small dose for those on the side of the angels, in the world. In order to form up, and this was done knowingly by VFP organizers, the official marchers, the bands and battalions that make up such a march, had to “run the gauntlet” of dove emblem-emblazoned VFP banners waving frantically directly in front of their faces as they passed by. Moreover, although we formed the caboose of this thing the crowds along the parade route actually waited as the official paraders marched by and waved and clapped at our procession. Be still my heart. But that response just provides another example of the ‘street cred” that ex-soldiers have on the anti-war question. Now, if there is to be any really serious justice in the world, if only these vets would go beyond the “bring the troops home” and embrace- immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops from Iraq and Afghanistan then we could maybe start to get somewhere out on those streets. But today I was very glad to be fighting for our communist future among those who know first-hand about the dark side of the American experience. No question.
************
From Veterans For Peace:
Saint Patrick's Peace Parade
Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
Saint Patrick, the patron Saint of Ireland was a man of peace. Saint Patrick's Day should be a day to celebrate Saint Patrick and the Irish Heritage of Boston and the contributions of the Irish throughout American history. In Boston the parade should be a day to celebrate the changes in our culture, the ethnic, religious diversity, points of views and politics of our great City of Boston. For on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
Saint Patrick Day parades have been held in Boston since 1737 (Unofficial parades). In 1901 Evacuation Day was declared a holiday in the City of Boston. Because of the coincidence of the proximity of the two holidays the celebrations were combined and for the past forty years the Allied War Veterans Council have been organizing the Saint Patrick's Day Parade, turning what should be the celebration of Saint Patrick, the Irish Heritage and History into a military parade.
In 2011, the local chapter of Veterans For Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade submitted an application to march in the traditional Saint Patrick's Day Parade. Veterans For Peace is a national veterans organization with 130 chapters across the country. The Smedley Butler Brigade has over 200 members locally. It's members range from veterans from WWII, Korea, Vietnam, Gulf, Iraq and the Afghanistan War. All Veterans For Peace wanted to do was to march in the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and carry their flags and banners. Their application was denied by the "Allied War Council". When the organizer of the parade, Phil Wuschke, was asked why their application was denied, he stated, "Because they did not want to have the word peace associated with the word Veteran". They were also told that they were too political, as if the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and other activities surrounding the parade are not political.
Veterans For Peace subsequently filed for their own permit for the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade. Seventeen years ago, the gay and bisexual community (GLBT) had also applied to march in the parade and like the veterans were denied. GBLT sued the Allied War Council and the case went all the way to the US Supreme Court, resulting in the Hurley Decision, named after Wacko Hurley, the ruler supreme of the parade. This decision states that who ever is organizing the parade has the right to say who is in and who can be excluded from the parade, no questions asked. Even though the City of Boston will spend in excess of $300,000.00 in support of this parade, they have no say in who can be in the parade. The Saint Patrick's Day Parade should be sponsored by the City of Boston and not a private group, who have secretive, private meetings, not open to the public and who practice discrimination and exclusion.
In the case of Veterans For Peace, if you are carrying a gun or drive a tank you can be in the parade, if you are a veteran of the US Military and carrying a peace symbol, you are excluded. Once Veterans For Peace had their parade permit in hand the first group they reached out to was the gay and bisexual community in Boston. "You were not allowed to walk in their parade seventeen years ago, how would you like to walk in our parade" The response was immediate and Join the Impact, one of many GLBT organizations in the Boston area enthusiastically joined the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade, the alternative peoples parade. Because of another Massachusetts's Court decision the "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. With only three weeks to organize the parade when it steped off this little parade had over 500 participants, grand marshals, a Duck Boat, a band, veterans, peace groups, church groups, GBLT groups, labor groups and more. It was a wonderful parade and was very warmly welcomed by the residents of South Boston.
This year, once again, Veterans For Peace submitted an application to the "Allied War Council" for the inclusion of the small "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" into the larger parade. Once again the Veterans were denied;
"Your application has been reviewed, we refer you to the Supreme Court ruling on June 19,1995your application to participate in the March 18,2012 Saint Patrick's Day Parade had been denied"
No reason given as to why, just denied. This should be unacceptable to every citizen of Boston, especially the politicians who will be flocking to the Breakfast and Roast on March 18th. This kind of exclusion should not be condoned nor supported by anyone in the City of Boston, especially our elected political leaders.
Just in case the Allied War Council has not noticed, South Boston is no longer a strictly Irish Catholic community. In fact the Irish are no longer a majority in South Boston. The community is much more diverse in 2012 in ethnicity, life styles, religion, points of view and politics then it was forty years ago. Times have changed, the City has changed, the population has changed, social norms have changed. People are much more accepting of those that may be different, have a different religion, customs or ideas. We are a much more inclusive society, everyone that is except the antiquated Allied War Veterans.
It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be inclusive of these differing groups. It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be reflective of the changes in our culture. It is time for this parade to include groups of differing life styles, points of views and politics or the City of Boston should take back this parade. There is no place in Boston or anywhere in this country for bigotry, hatred, censorship, discrimination and exclusion. This should be a day of celebration, for all the peoples of the great City of Boston to come together, to celebrate Saint Patrick and our Irish History and Heritage. In 2012 this parade should be inclusive and also celebrate what makes us Americans, what makes this country great, our multi-ethnic diversity, differing life-styles, religious affiliations, differing politics and points of views. All of us should wear the green, no one should be excluded, since on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
Veterans For Peace
Call for Help
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
When: Sunday, March 18-2:00 PM
Where: South Boston- form up outside the Broadway Redline Station
Please join us for our Second Annual Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, the Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice.
Once again Veterans for Peace have been denied to walk in the Saint Patrick’s Parade in South Boston. Last year they gave us a reason for the denial, “They did not want the word Peace associated with the word Veteran”. Well last year, in three weeks time, we pulled our own permit and had our own parade with 500 participants. We had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. We had lead cars with our older vets asGrand Marshals, Vets For Peace, MFSO, Code Pink and numerous other local peace groups.
Also: Seventeen years ago the gay and bisexual groups in Boston were also denied. They were the first groups we reached out to and invited them to walk in our parade. Last year we had Join the Impact with us. We also had church / religious groups, and labor. Last year we stole the press, it was a controversy and we received front page coverage and editorial articles in all of the major newspapers, radio and television reports.
This year we anticipate 2,000 people in our parade, multiple bands, we have a Duck Boat, the Ragging Grannies will be singing from the top of the boat. We have a trolley for older folks not able to walk. We may have floats. We will have multiple street bands, a large religious division, a large labor division and “Occupy Everywhere” division, including Occupy Boston and numerous other Occupy groups.
All we need is you, your VFP chapter, peace groups, GLBT groups, religious and labor groups and Occupy groups. Please come to Boston and join us in this fabulous parade.
Please see the attached flyer and a description of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, it’s history and where we are.
On behalf of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade Organizing Committee.
Thank you,
Pat Scanlon (VN 69’)
Coordinator, VFP Chapter 9, Smedley Butler Brigade
patscanlonmusic@yahoo.com
978-475-1776
*******
Markin comment:
As if I needed any extra push to join in this VFP action I have reposted a blog that pretty clearly explains why I am always ready to march with my fellow VFPers, any time any place.
Re-posted From American Left History- Thursday, November 11, 2010
*A Stroll In The Park On Veterans Day- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S. Troops From Iraq and Afghanistan!
Markin comment:
Listen, I have been to many marches and demonstrations for democratic, progressive, socialist and communist causes in my long political life. However, of all those events none, by far, has been more satisfying that to march alongside my fellow ex-soldiers who have “switched” over to the other side and are now part of the struggle against war, the hard, hard struggle against the permanent war machine that this imperial system that governs us has embarked upon. From as far back as in the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) days I have always felt that ex-soldiers (hell, active soldiers too, if you can get them) have had just a little bit more “street cred” on the war issue than the professors, pacifists and little old ladies in tennis sneakers who have traditionally led the anti-war movements. Maybe those brothers (and in my generation it was mainly only brothers) and now sisters may not quite pose the questions of war and peace the way I do, or the way that I would like them to do, but they are kindred spirits.
Now normally in Boston, and in most places, a Veterans Day parade means a bunch of Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) or American Legion-types taking time off from drinking at their post bars (“the battle of the barstool”) and donning the old overstuffed uniform and heading out on to Main Street to be waved at, and cheered on, by like-minded, thankful citizens. And of course that happened this time as well. What also happened in Boston this year (and other years but I have not been involved in previous marches) was that the Veterans For Peace (VFP) organized an anti-war march as part of their “Veterans Day” program. Said march to be held at the same place and time as the official one.
Previously there had been a certain amount of trouble, although I am not sure that it came to blows, between the two groups. (I have only heard third-hand reports on previous events.) You know, the "super-patriots" vs. “commie symps” thing that has been going on as long as there have been ex-soldiers (and others) who have differed from the bourgeois party pro-war line. In any case the way this impasse had been resolved previously, and the way the parameters were set this year as well, was that the VFP took up the rear of the official parade, and took up the rear in an obvious way. Separated from the main body of the official parade by a medical emergency truck. Nice, right? Something of the old playground “I’ll take my ball and bat and go home” by the "officials" was in the air on that one.
But here is where there is a certain amount of rough plebeian justice, a small dose for those on the side of the angels, in the world. In order to form up, and this was done knowingly by VFP organizers, the official marchers, the bands and battalions that make up such a march, had to “run the gauntlet” of dove emblem-emblazoned VFP banners waving frantically directly in front of their faces as they passed by. Moreover, although we formed the caboose of this thing the crowds along the parade route actually waited as the official paraders marched by and waved and clapped at our procession. Be still my heart. But that response just provides another example of the ‘street cred” that ex-soldiers have on the anti-war question. Now, if there is to be any really serious justice in the world, if only these vets would go beyond the “bring the troops home” and embrace- immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops from Iraq and Afghanistan then we could maybe start to get somewhere out on those streets. But today I was very glad to be fighting for our communist future among those who know first-hand about the dark side of the American experience. No question.
************
From Veterans For Peace:
Saint Patrick's Peace Parade
Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
Saint Patrick, the patron Saint of Ireland was a man of peace. Saint Patrick's Day should be a day to celebrate Saint Patrick and the Irish Heritage of Boston and the contributions of the Irish throughout American history. In Boston the parade should be a day to celebrate the changes in our culture, the ethnic, religious diversity, points of views and politics of our great City of Boston. For on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
Saint Patrick Day parades have been held in Boston since 1737 (Unofficial parades). In 1901 Evacuation Day was declared a holiday in the City of Boston. Because of the coincidence of the proximity of the two holidays the celebrations were combined and for the past forty years the Allied War Veterans Council have been organizing the Saint Patrick's Day Parade, turning what should be the celebration of Saint Patrick, the Irish Heritage and History into a military parade.
In 2011, the local chapter of Veterans For Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade submitted an application to march in the traditional Saint Patrick's Day Parade. Veterans For Peace is a national veterans organization with 130 chapters across the country. The Smedley Butler Brigade has over 200 members locally. It's members range from veterans from WWII, Korea, Vietnam, Gulf, Iraq and the Afghanistan War. All Veterans For Peace wanted to do was to march in the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and carry their flags and banners. Their application was denied by the "Allied War Council". When the organizer of the parade, Phil Wuschke, was asked why their application was denied, he stated, "Because they did not want to have the word peace associated with the word Veteran". They were also told that they were too political, as if the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and other activities surrounding the parade are not political.
Veterans For Peace subsequently filed for their own permit for the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade. Seventeen years ago, the gay and bisexual community (GLBT) had also applied to march in the parade and like the veterans were denied. GBLT sued the Allied War Council and the case went all the way to the US Supreme Court, resulting in the Hurley Decision, named after Wacko Hurley, the ruler supreme of the parade. This decision states that who ever is organizing the parade has the right to say who is in and who can be excluded from the parade, no questions asked. Even though the City of Boston will spend in excess of $300,000.00 in support of this parade, they have no say in who can be in the parade. The Saint Patrick's Day Parade should be sponsored by the City of Boston and not a private group, who have secretive, private meetings, not open to the public and who practice discrimination and exclusion.
In the case of Veterans For Peace, if you are carrying a gun or drive a tank you can be in the parade, if you are a veteran of the US Military and carrying a peace symbol, you are excluded. Once Veterans For Peace had their parade permit in hand the first group they reached out to was the gay and bisexual community in Boston. "You were not allowed to walk in their parade seventeen years ago, how would you like to walk in our parade" The response was immediate and Join the Impact, one of many GLBT organizations in the Boston area enthusiastically joined the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade, the alternative peoples parade. Because of another Massachusetts's Court decision the "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. With only three weeks to organize the parade when it steped off this little parade had over 500 participants, grand marshals, a Duck Boat, a band, veterans, peace groups, church groups, GBLT groups, labor groups and more. It was a wonderful parade and was very warmly welcomed by the residents of South Boston.
This year, once again, Veterans For Peace submitted an application to the "Allied War Council" for the inclusion of the small "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" into the larger parade. Once again the Veterans were denied;
"Your application has been reviewed, we refer you to the Supreme Court ruling on June 19,1995your application to participate in the March 18,2012 Saint Patrick's Day Parade had been denied"
No reason given as to why, just denied. This should be unacceptable to every citizen of Boston, especially the politicians who will be flocking to the Breakfast and Roast on March 18th. This kind of exclusion should not be condoned nor supported by anyone in the City of Boston, especially our elected political leaders.
Just in case the Allied War Council has not noticed, South Boston is no longer a strictly Irish Catholic community. In fact the Irish are no longer a majority in South Boston. The community is much more diverse in 2012 in ethnicity, life styles, religion, points of view and politics then it was forty years ago. Times have changed, the City has changed, the population has changed, social norms have changed. People are much more accepting of those that may be different, have a different religion, customs or ideas. We are a much more inclusive society, everyone that is except the antiquated Allied War Veterans.
It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be inclusive of these differing groups. It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be reflective of the changes in our culture. It is time for this parade to include groups of differing life styles, points of views and politics or the City of Boston should take back this parade. There is no place in Boston or anywhere in this country for bigotry, hatred, censorship, discrimination and exclusion. This should be a day of celebration, for all the peoples of the great City of Boston to come together, to celebrate Saint Patrick and our Irish History and Heritage. In 2012 this parade should be inclusive and also celebrate what makes us Americans, what makes this country great, our multi-ethnic diversity, differing life-styles, religious affiliations, differing politics and points of views. All of us should wear the green, no one should be excluded, since on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
http://www.facebook.com/editprofile.php?sk=basic&success=1#!/smedleyvfp?sk=wall
Click on the headline to link to the Smedley Butler Brigade Facebook page.
Veterans For Peace
Call for Help
Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade
Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
When: Sunday, March 18-2:00 PM
Where: South Boston- form up outside the Broadway Redline Station
Please join us for our Second Annual Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, the Alternative Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice.
Once again Veterans for Peace have been denied to walk in the Saint Patrick’s Parade in South Boston. Last year they gave us a reason for the denial, “They did not want the word Peace associated with the word Veteran”. Well last year, in three weeks time, we pulled our own permit and had our own parade with 500 participants. We had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. We had lead cars with our older vets asGrand Marshals, Vets For Peace, MFSO, Code Pink and numerous other local peace groups.
Also: Seventeen years ago the gay and bisexual groups in Boston were also denied. They were the first groups we reached out to and invited them to walk in our parade. Last year we had Join the Impact with us. We also had church / religious groups, and labor. Last year we stole the press, it was a controversy and we received front page coverage and editorial articles in all of the major newspapers, radio and television reports.
This year we anticipate 2,000 people in our parade, multiple bands, we have a Duck Boat, the Ragging Grannies will be singing from the top of the boat. We have a trolley for older folks not able to walk. We may have floats. We will have multiple street bands, a large religious division, a large labor division and “Occupy Everywhere” division, including Occupy Boston and numerous other Occupy groups.
All we need is you, your VFP chapter, peace groups, GLBT groups, religious and labor groups and Occupy groups. Please come to Boston and join us in this fabulous parade.
Please see the attached flyer and a description of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade, it’s history and where we are.
On behalf of the Saint Patrick’s Peace Parade Organizing Committee.
Thank you,
Pat Scanlon (VN 69’)
Coordinator, VFP Chapter 9, Smedley Butler Brigade
patscanlonmusic@yahoo.com
978-475-1776
*******
Markin comment:
As if I needed any extra push to join in this VFP action I have reposted a blog that pretty clearly explains why I am always ready to march with my fellow VFPers, any time any place.
Re-posted From American Left History- Thursday, November 11, 2010
*A Stroll In The Park On Veterans Day- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal Of All U.S. Troops From Iraq and Afghanistan!
Markin comment:
Listen, I have been to many marches and demonstrations for democratic, progressive, socialist and communist causes in my long political life. However, of all those events none, by far, has been more satisfying that to march alongside my fellow ex-soldiers who have “switched” over to the other side and are now part of the struggle against war, the hard, hard struggle against the permanent war machine that this imperial system that governs us has embarked upon. From as far back as in the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) days I have always felt that ex-soldiers (hell, active soldiers too, if you can get them) have had just a little bit more “street cred” on the war issue than the professors, pacifists and little old ladies in tennis sneakers who have traditionally led the anti-war movements. Maybe those brothers (and in my generation it was mainly only brothers) and now sisters may not quite pose the questions of war and peace the way I do, or the way that I would like them to do, but they are kindred spirits.
Now normally in Boston, and in most places, a Veterans Day parade means a bunch of Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) or American Legion-types taking time off from drinking at their post bars (“the battle of the barstool”) and donning the old overstuffed uniform and heading out on to Main Street to be waved at, and cheered on, by like-minded, thankful citizens. And of course that happened this time as well. What also happened in Boston this year (and other years but I have not been involved in previous marches) was that the Veterans For Peace (VFP) organized an anti-war march as part of their “Veterans Day” program. Said march to be held at the same place and time as the official one.
Previously there had been a certain amount of trouble, although I am not sure that it came to blows, between the two groups. (I have only heard third-hand reports on previous events.) You know, the "super-patriots" vs. “commie symps” thing that has been going on as long as there have been ex-soldiers (and others) who have differed from the bourgeois party pro-war line. In any case the way this impasse had been resolved previously, and the way the parameters were set this year as well, was that the VFP took up the rear of the official parade, and took up the rear in an obvious way. Separated from the main body of the official parade by a medical emergency truck. Nice, right? Something of the old playground “I’ll take my ball and bat and go home” by the "officials" was in the air on that one.
But here is where there is a certain amount of rough plebeian justice, a small dose for those on the side of the angels, in the world. In order to form up, and this was done knowingly by VFP organizers, the official marchers, the bands and battalions that make up such a march, had to “run the gauntlet” of dove emblem-emblazoned VFP banners waving frantically directly in front of their faces as they passed by. Moreover, although we formed the caboose of this thing the crowds along the parade route actually waited as the official paraders marched by and waved and clapped at our procession. Be still my heart. But that response just provides another example of the ‘street cred” that ex-soldiers have on the anti-war question. Now, if there is to be any really serious justice in the world, if only these vets would go beyond the “bring the troops home” and embrace- immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops from Iraq and Afghanistan then we could maybe start to get somewhere out on those streets. But today I was very glad to be fighting for our communist future among those who know first-hand about the dark side of the American experience. No question.
************
From Veterans For Peace:
Saint Patrick's Peace Parade
Peoples Parade for Peace, Equality, Jobs, Social and Economic Justice
Saint Patrick, the patron Saint of Ireland was a man of peace. Saint Patrick's Day should be a day to celebrate Saint Patrick and the Irish Heritage of Boston and the contributions of the Irish throughout American history. In Boston the parade should be a day to celebrate the changes in our culture, the ethnic, religious diversity, points of views and politics of our great City of Boston. For on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
Saint Patrick Day parades have been held in Boston since 1737 (Unofficial parades). In 1901 Evacuation Day was declared a holiday in the City of Boston. Because of the coincidence of the proximity of the two holidays the celebrations were combined and for the past forty years the Allied War Veterans Council have been organizing the Saint Patrick's Day Parade, turning what should be the celebration of Saint Patrick, the Irish Heritage and History into a military parade.
In 2011, the local chapter of Veterans For Peace, the Smedley Butler Brigade submitted an application to march in the traditional Saint Patrick's Day Parade. Veterans For Peace is a national veterans organization with 130 chapters across the country. The Smedley Butler Brigade has over 200 members locally. It's members range from veterans from WWII, Korea, Vietnam, Gulf, Iraq and the Afghanistan War. All Veterans For Peace wanted to do was to march in the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and carry their flags and banners. Their application was denied by the "Allied War Council". When the organizer of the parade, Phil Wuschke, was asked why their application was denied, he stated, "Because they did not want to have the word peace associated with the word Veteran". They were also told that they were too political, as if the Saint Patrick's Day Parade and other activities surrounding the parade are not political.
Veterans For Peace subsequently filed for their own permit for the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade. Seventeen years ago, the gay and bisexual community (GLBT) had also applied to march in the parade and like the veterans were denied. GBLT sued the Allied War Council and the case went all the way to the US Supreme Court, resulting in the Hurley Decision, named after Wacko Hurley, the ruler supreme of the parade. This decision states that who ever is organizing the parade has the right to say who is in and who can be excluded from the parade, no questions asked. Even though the City of Boston will spend in excess of $300,000.00 in support of this parade, they have no say in who can be in the parade. The Saint Patrick's Day Parade should be sponsored by the City of Boston and not a private group, who have secretive, private meetings, not open to the public and who practice discrimination and exclusion.
In the case of Veterans For Peace, if you are carrying a gun or drive a tank you can be in the parade, if you are a veteran of the US Military and carrying a peace symbol, you are excluded. Once Veterans For Peace had their parade permit in hand the first group they reached out to was the gay and bisexual community in Boston. "You were not allowed to walk in their parade seventeen years ago, how would you like to walk in our parade" The response was immediate and Join the Impact, one of many GLBT organizations in the Boston area enthusiastically joined the Saint Patrick's Peace Parade, the alternative peoples parade. Because of another Massachusetts's Court decision the "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" had to walk one mile behind the traditional parade. With only three weeks to organize the parade when it steped off this little parade had over 500 participants, grand marshals, a Duck Boat, a band, veterans, peace groups, church groups, GBLT groups, labor groups and more. It was a wonderful parade and was very warmly welcomed by the residents of South Boston.
This year, once again, Veterans For Peace submitted an application to the "Allied War Council" for the inclusion of the small "Saint Patrick's Peace Parade" into the larger parade. Once again the Veterans were denied;
"Your application has been reviewed, we refer you to the Supreme Court ruling on June 19,1995your application to participate in the March 18,2012 Saint Patrick's Day Parade had been denied"
No reason given as to why, just denied. This should be unacceptable to every citizen of Boston, especially the politicians who will be flocking to the Breakfast and Roast on March 18th. This kind of exclusion should not be condoned nor supported by anyone in the City of Boston, especially our elected political leaders.
Just in case the Allied War Council has not noticed, South Boston is no longer a strictly Irish Catholic community. In fact the Irish are no longer a majority in South Boston. The community is much more diverse in 2012 in ethnicity, life styles, religion, points of view and politics then it was forty years ago. Times have changed, the City has changed, the population has changed, social norms have changed. People are much more accepting of those that may be different, have a different religion, customs or ideas. We are a much more inclusive society, everyone that is except the antiquated Allied War Veterans.
It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be inclusive of these differing groups. It is time for the Saint Patrick's Day Parade to be reflective of the changes in our culture. It is time for this parade to include groups of differing life styles, points of views and politics or the City of Boston should take back this parade. There is no place in Boston or anywhere in this country for bigotry, hatred, censorship, discrimination and exclusion. This should be a day of celebration, for all the peoples of the great City of Boston to come together, to celebrate Saint Patrick and our Irish History and Heritage. In 2012 this parade should be inclusive and also celebrate what makes us Americans, what makes this country great, our multi-ethnic diversity, differing life-styles, religious affiliations, differing politics and points of views. All of us should wear the green, no one should be excluded, since on Saint Patrick's Day we are all Irish.
From The Archives Of The “American Left History” Blog- As We Prepare For The 2012 Anti-War Season- As The 2010 Anti-War Season Heats Up- A Note On The Three Whales For A Class Struggle Fight Against Obama’s Wars (2010)
Markin comment:
Yes, I know, the weather in the Midwest makes it likely that there will not be a thaw until July 4th. Washington, D.C. an anti- war protestor’s Mecca is paralyzed from the snow, among other little matters like the governance of the country. Florida is off-the-hook with its weather. All true but the hard days of January are none too early to began, at least in our heads, preparations for the anti-war offensive we desperately need to take flight if we are to end these madnesses. With that warning in mind I have three suggestions that militants should at least think about. There are just through into the kettle for discussion at this point. The three whales reference in the headline is not some sly kabalistic reference but taken from the propaganda program of the Bolsheviks who tended to work with three points for ease of agitational effect. Ten and Fourteen Point programs are for political pros, for the rest keep it short and sweet if nevertheless meaty.
One: Recruit and run independent labor candidates for any and all Congressional and Senatorial seats that are open this year. This includes, horror of horrors, going out of our way to oppose so-called progressive Democrats, especially those like Nancy Pelosi who talk the talk, but refuse (or do not want to) walk the walk. If they ask- why pick on old progressive me- she is your retort – Break with the party of war, imperialism and capitalist crisis, break with the Democrats.
The Three Whales of any campaign can, and should, include: Immediate Unconditional Withdrawal of all troops AND a no vote on ALL military budgets; expropriate the banks (and the myriad other such financial institutions that act like banks that have sprung up in late imperialist society); and, build a workers party that fights for a workers government.
Two: Gear up for this years struggle against the Afghan and Iraq war budgets. This is one of the only two ways we can end Obama’s war. Cut off the funds now. Hold the feet of every politician right, left or center, over an open fire on this on.
Three: As mentioned above there are only to ways to end the wars, stop the money and stopping the supply of cannon fodder for the wars. A couple years ago I, and my ad hoc group of anti-war militants, fought around the slogan for the creation of soldier and sailor solidarity committees to reach out to the troops that were actual doing the fighting. This is tough, hard work, especially when there is not the potentially explosive mixture of a draft army is not currently in play, but it is not too soon to start making the links. I note that there is already some action on this front down at Fort Hood in Texas, a key transit area (as we learned tragically in November 2009).
More later….
Yes, I know, the weather in the Midwest makes it likely that there will not be a thaw until July 4th. Washington, D.C. an anti- war protestor’s Mecca is paralyzed from the snow, among other little matters like the governance of the country. Florida is off-the-hook with its weather. All true but the hard days of January are none too early to began, at least in our heads, preparations for the anti-war offensive we desperately need to take flight if we are to end these madnesses. With that warning in mind I have three suggestions that militants should at least think about. There are just through into the kettle for discussion at this point. The three whales reference in the headline is not some sly kabalistic reference but taken from the propaganda program of the Bolsheviks who tended to work with three points for ease of agitational effect. Ten and Fourteen Point programs are for political pros, for the rest keep it short and sweet if nevertheless meaty.
One: Recruit and run independent labor candidates for any and all Congressional and Senatorial seats that are open this year. This includes, horror of horrors, going out of our way to oppose so-called progressive Democrats, especially those like Nancy Pelosi who talk the talk, but refuse (or do not want to) walk the walk. If they ask- why pick on old progressive me- she is your retort – Break with the party of war, imperialism and capitalist crisis, break with the Democrats.
The Three Whales of any campaign can, and should, include: Immediate Unconditional Withdrawal of all troops AND a no vote on ALL military budgets; expropriate the banks (and the myriad other such financial institutions that act like banks that have sprung up in late imperialist society); and, build a workers party that fights for a workers government.
Two: Gear up for this years struggle against the Afghan and Iraq war budgets. This is one of the only two ways we can end Obama’s war. Cut off the funds now. Hold the feet of every politician right, left or center, over an open fire on this on.
Three: As mentioned above there are only to ways to end the wars, stop the money and stopping the supply of cannon fodder for the wars. A couple years ago I, and my ad hoc group of anti-war militants, fought around the slogan for the creation of soldier and sailor solidarity committees to reach out to the troops that were actual doing the fighting. This is tough, hard work, especially when there is not the potentially explosive mixture of a draft army is not currently in play, but it is not too soon to start making the links. I note that there is already some action on this front down at Fort Hood in Texas, a key transit area (as we learned tragically in November 2009).
More later….
Sunday, March 11, 2012
6 Ways to Get Ready for the May 1st GENERAL STRIKE
Click on headline to link to Occupy Wall Street online article.
From The Struggle Against The MBTA In Boston-Stop the cuts! Stop the hikes! March 14th Rally At The Massachusetts Transportation Building
Upcoming Events
> February 14: Have a Heart - Day of
Acti on, State House, Boston.
2:30 p.m. Press Conference
3:30 p.m. Prep action at State House
4:00 p.m. Broken heart die-in action
Tell your legislators to save the T!
» February 21: Save Mass Transit Night of Action, 5:30 to 8:00 p.m. at Bikes Not Bombs, 284 Amory Street, Jamaica Plain.
Share how the fare increase and service cuts affect you and take action by calling & writing legislators.
February 21, 28, March 6, 13:
Transportation Tuesdays!
Join Massachusetts Senior Action Council at the State House to ask legislators to stand up for riders. Call 617-284-1234 for more info.
* February 28: MBTA Finance Committee Meeting, 11:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., Transportation Building, 10 Park Plaza, Suite 3830, Boston.
This committee will discuss which fare increase and service cuts proposal will be presented to the MBTA Board for a vote on April 4. Contact us if you can attend and bring a picture ID.
> March 14: Rally at MBTA Board
Meeting, 1:00 to 3:00 p.m.,
Transportation Building, 10 Park
Plaza, Suite 3830, Boston.
Details TBA. The board will vote in April on fare hikes and service cuts. Join us to tell the board these proposals are unacceptable. Contact us if you can attend, bring photo ID.
Stay tuned for upcoming events, including an April 4: People's Speak Out for Public Transportation at the State House.
More info: ace-ei.org/event
Stop the cuts! Stop the hikes!
Today we're calling on Governor Patrick to act now and Save the T! The Governor appoints MassDOT Secretary of Transportation Richard Davey and all five Directors on the MBTA Board, who will vote on the fare increase and service cuts proposal in April.
There are immediate AND long-term solutions that do not hurt riders and those who can least afford it. We'll be calling on Speaker of the House Robert DeLeo, Senate President Therese Murray, our legislators and the MBTA Board of Directors in the days to come.
Great ways to help:
Contact the Governor's office at (617) 725-4005 or @MassGovernor to say
"Act NOW! Save the T.We have immediate AND long-term $ solutions that DO NOT target riders and those who can least afford it."
Call your legislators and ask them to fix the T. Ask them to attend fare increase and service cuts hearings and support immediate and long-term solutions to the MBTA debt problem.
Sign our petition to save the T: ace-ei.org/petition. Ask others to sign and collect signatures on our paper petition, available at: ace-ej.org/stopthehikes.
Be a part of the conversation! Use the hashtags #Tcuts and #TFareHike on Twitter to share your perspective on the MBTA's proposals and the importance of public transportation. Follow us @AceEJ.
Spread the word! Find and share images to use as profile pictures: ace-ei.orq/trubuttons.
Share materials! Find us at an upcoming event to get buttons and stickers.
Sign on as a supporting organization! Contact us to become a co-sponsor of upcoming actions and events.
Make a donation to support this work: ace-ei.orq/donatenow
Contact US: 617-442-3343 • info@ace-ej.org
ace-ej.org/stopthehikes • facebook.com/tridersunion • @AceEJ
2181 Washington Street, Suite 301 • Roxbury, MA 02119
CO-SPONSORS: Alternatives for Community & Environment (ACE), Boston Alliance of Gay Lesbian Bisexual Transgender Youth (BAGLY), Beantown Society, Bikes Not Bombs (BNB), Books of Hope, Boston Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Boston Student Advisory Council (BSAC), Boston-area Youth Organizing Project (BYOP), Chelsea Creek Action Group (CCAG) Youth, Chinese Youth Initiative (CYI), The City School, Coalition to Fund Our Communities / Cut Military Spending 25%, Community Corridor Planning, Dorchester People for Peace, El Movimiento, Fenway Community Development Corporation, The Food Project, L Green-Rainbow Party, Greater Four Corners Action Coalition (GFCAC), Green Dorchester, Groundwork Somerville, Groundwork Somerville Green Team, Jamaica Plain Neighborhood Development Corporation (JPNDC), Livable Streets Alliance, Massachusetts Association of Community Development Corporations (MACDC), Mass Senior Action Council (MASC), MataHari: Eye of the Day, Occupy Boston, Occupy Somerville, On the Move (OTM) Greater Boston Transportation Justice Coalition, Project HIP-HOP, Right to the City - Boston, Roxbury Environmental Empowerment Project (REEP) of ACE, Save Our Somerville (SOS), SEIU 615, Sierra Club, Massachusetts Chapter, Somerville Community Corporation, Students Against T Cuts, T Riders Union (TRU) of ACE, Teen Empowerment, Transportation for Massachusetts (T4MA), Washington Street Corridor Coalition, Youth Affordability Coalition (YAC), Youth Involvement Sub-committee of Cambridge City Council (YIS), Youth Way on the MBTA.
> February 14: Have a Heart - Day of
Acti on, State House, Boston.
2:30 p.m. Press Conference
3:30 p.m. Prep action at State House
4:00 p.m. Broken heart die-in action
Tell your legislators to save the T!
» February 21: Save Mass Transit Night of Action, 5:30 to 8:00 p.m. at Bikes Not Bombs, 284 Amory Street, Jamaica Plain.
Share how the fare increase and service cuts affect you and take action by calling & writing legislators.
February 21, 28, March 6, 13:
Transportation Tuesdays!
Join Massachusetts Senior Action Council at the State House to ask legislators to stand up for riders. Call 617-284-1234 for more info.
* February 28: MBTA Finance Committee Meeting, 11:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., Transportation Building, 10 Park Plaza, Suite 3830, Boston.
This committee will discuss which fare increase and service cuts proposal will be presented to the MBTA Board for a vote on April 4. Contact us if you can attend and bring a picture ID.
> March 14: Rally at MBTA Board
Meeting, 1:00 to 3:00 p.m.,
Transportation Building, 10 Park
Plaza, Suite 3830, Boston.
Details TBA. The board will vote in April on fare hikes and service cuts. Join us to tell the board these proposals are unacceptable. Contact us if you can attend, bring photo ID.
Stay tuned for upcoming events, including an April 4: People's Speak Out for Public Transportation at the State House.
More info: ace-ei.org/event
Stop the cuts! Stop the hikes!
Today we're calling on Governor Patrick to act now and Save the T! The Governor appoints MassDOT Secretary of Transportation Richard Davey and all five Directors on the MBTA Board, who will vote on the fare increase and service cuts proposal in April.
There are immediate AND long-term solutions that do not hurt riders and those who can least afford it. We'll be calling on Speaker of the House Robert DeLeo, Senate President Therese Murray, our legislators and the MBTA Board of Directors in the days to come.
Great ways to help:
Contact the Governor's office at (617) 725-4005 or @MassGovernor to say
"Act NOW! Save the T.We have immediate AND long-term $ solutions that DO NOT target riders and those who can least afford it."
Call your legislators and ask them to fix the T. Ask them to attend fare increase and service cuts hearings and support immediate and long-term solutions to the MBTA debt problem.
Sign our petition to save the T: ace-ei.org/petition. Ask others to sign and collect signatures on our paper petition, available at: ace-ej.org/stopthehikes.
Be a part of the conversation! Use the hashtags #Tcuts and #TFareHike on Twitter to share your perspective on the MBTA's proposals and the importance of public transportation. Follow us @AceEJ.
Spread the word! Find and share images to use as profile pictures: ace-ei.orq/trubuttons.
Share materials! Find us at an upcoming event to get buttons and stickers.
Sign on as a supporting organization! Contact us to become a co-sponsor of upcoming actions and events.
Make a donation to support this work: ace-ei.orq/donatenow
Contact US: 617-442-3343 • info@ace-ej.org
ace-ej.org/stopthehikes • facebook.com/tridersunion • @AceEJ
2181 Washington Street, Suite 301 • Roxbury, MA 02119
CO-SPONSORS: Alternatives for Community & Environment (ACE), Boston Alliance of Gay Lesbian Bisexual Transgender Youth (BAGLY), Beantown Society, Bikes Not Bombs (BNB), Books of Hope, Boston Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Boston Student Advisory Council (BSAC), Boston-area Youth Organizing Project (BYOP), Chelsea Creek Action Group (CCAG) Youth, Chinese Youth Initiative (CYI), The City School, Coalition to Fund Our Communities / Cut Military Spending 25%, Community Corridor Planning, Dorchester People for Peace, El Movimiento, Fenway Community Development Corporation, The Food Project, L Green-Rainbow Party, Greater Four Corners Action Coalition (GFCAC), Green Dorchester, Groundwork Somerville, Groundwork Somerville Green Team, Jamaica Plain Neighborhood Development Corporation (JPNDC), Livable Streets Alliance, Massachusetts Association of Community Development Corporations (MACDC), Mass Senior Action Council (MASC), MataHari: Eye of the Day, Occupy Boston, Occupy Somerville, On the Move (OTM) Greater Boston Transportation Justice Coalition, Project HIP-HOP, Right to the City - Boston, Roxbury Environmental Empowerment Project (REEP) of ACE, Save Our Somerville (SOS), SEIU 615, Sierra Club, Massachusetts Chapter, Somerville Community Corporation, Students Against T Cuts, T Riders Union (TRU) of ACE, Teen Empowerment, Transportation for Massachusetts (T4MA), Washington Street Corridor Coalition, Youth Affordability Coalition (YAC), Youth Involvement Sub-committee of Cambridge City Council (YIS), Youth Way on the MBTA.
From The Partisan Defense Committee Newsletter- January 31, 2012
We are currently winding up our 26l Annual Holiday Appeal activities. Fund raising took place in Los Angeles, the Bay Area, Chicago, Toronto and New York. While it is too early to give a full accounting of the results from these efforts, some of which took place in January, we can report that thousands were netted in these successful activities. We would like to thank our supporters for making this important program a success and keeping alive the necessary solidarity with those who have stood up to racist capitalist repression and imperialist depredation.
As we were building for this year's Holiday Appeals, the Philadelphia District Attorney in December announced his office's decision to stop its long-standing efforts to seek Mumia's legal lynching. Subsequently he was transferred from death row to vindictively onerous conditions at SCI Mahanoy in the Pennsylvania prison system. As Mumia, himself described it in his greetings to the Holiday Appeals, he now considers himself on "'slow' Death Row." The text of the greeting is printed in Workers Vanguard'No. 994 (20 January).
The significance of our stipend program was expressed in greetings from Mumia and nearly all of the sixteen prisoners. Tom Manning sent a letter replete with heart-rending details of the numerous and serious medical conditions he is facing as exemplified by the fact he was suffering mini-strokes even as he was writing. Jaan Laaman's letter thanked us for the many years we sent a holiday gift to his son who recently passed away. Hugo Pinell sent inspirational greetings from Pelican Bay Special Housing Unit, the focal point for two hunger strikes in the California penal system. Many warm letters of appreciation were received from the class-war prisoners known as the MOVE 9, all of whom have been turned down for parole over the last three years.
In the New York fundraiser held at the CWA Local 1180 Hall, trade unionists, students and PDC supporters heard from Ralph Poynter, husband of Lynne Stewart. He read a statement from her in which she said, "I want to thank you with my heart for your consistent, never-failing support of political prisoners. Many other groups do so only when there is some momentous event to trigger their memories. PDC has always remembered and remembers all of us." The gathering also heard from Francisco Torres, the last of the San Francisco 8 to finally have his charges dismissed earlier in 2011. Noting the torture that was used against his codefendants in the 40-year vendetta against the former Black Panthers, he said, "Torture is in the DNA of America."
One of the highlights of the evening was the speech of PDC Staff Counsel, Valerie West in remembrance of the life and struggle of Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt). As you will recall Geronimo passed away in Tanzania last June. For nearly a decade West was part of the legal defense team, with attorney Stuart Hanlon. In 1997, after 27 years in the California dungeons, this innocent class-war prisoner and former Black Panther was finally freed, having been framed for a murder the cops knew he did not commit. Her personal reminisces, motivated by the PDC's non-sectarian defense for those cases and causes in the interest of the whole of the working people, made for a powerful presentation. The entire text of that speech can be seen in Workers Vanguard No. 994.
As we were building for this year's Holiday Appeals, the Philadelphia District Attorney in December announced his office's decision to stop its long-standing efforts to seek Mumia's legal lynching. Subsequently he was transferred from death row to vindictively onerous conditions at SCI Mahanoy in the Pennsylvania prison system. As Mumia, himself described it in his greetings to the Holiday Appeals, he now considers himself on "'slow' Death Row." The text of the greeting is printed in Workers Vanguard'No. 994 (20 January).
The significance of our stipend program was expressed in greetings from Mumia and nearly all of the sixteen prisoners. Tom Manning sent a letter replete with heart-rending details of the numerous and serious medical conditions he is facing as exemplified by the fact he was suffering mini-strokes even as he was writing. Jaan Laaman's letter thanked us for the many years we sent a holiday gift to his son who recently passed away. Hugo Pinell sent inspirational greetings from Pelican Bay Special Housing Unit, the focal point for two hunger strikes in the California penal system. Many warm letters of appreciation were received from the class-war prisoners known as the MOVE 9, all of whom have been turned down for parole over the last three years.
In the New York fundraiser held at the CWA Local 1180 Hall, trade unionists, students and PDC supporters heard from Ralph Poynter, husband of Lynne Stewart. He read a statement from her in which she said, "I want to thank you with my heart for your consistent, never-failing support of political prisoners. Many other groups do so only when there is some momentous event to trigger their memories. PDC has always remembered and remembers all of us." The gathering also heard from Francisco Torres, the last of the San Francisco 8 to finally have his charges dismissed earlier in 2011. Noting the torture that was used against his codefendants in the 40-year vendetta against the former Black Panthers, he said, "Torture is in the DNA of America."
One of the highlights of the evening was the speech of PDC Staff Counsel, Valerie West in remembrance of the life and struggle of Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt). As you will recall Geronimo passed away in Tanzania last June. For nearly a decade West was part of the legal defense team, with attorney Stuart Hanlon. In 1997, after 27 years in the California dungeons, this innocent class-war prisoner and former Black Panther was finally freed, having been framed for a murder the cops knew he did not commit. Her personal reminisces, motivated by the PDC's non-sectarian defense for those cases and causes in the interest of the whole of the working people, made for a powerful presentation. The entire text of that speech can be seen in Workers Vanguard No. 994.
5th ANNUAL NEW ENGLAND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE APRIL 14TH-15TH SATURDAY AND SUNDAY-IN CAMBRIDGE
5th ANNUAL NEW ENGLAND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE APRIL 14TH-15TH SATURDAY AND SUNDAY)-IN CAMBRIDGE
The Democracy Center
45 Mt Auburn Street, Cambridge MA
Short Walk from Harvard Sq T Stop
* FEATURED EVENTS *
DISCUSSION • SHOULD THE LEFT SUPPORT DEMOCRATS?
FORUM • INTERNATIONAL CRISIS AND THE FIGHT AGAINST THE 1%
FORUM - SOCIALISM FAQS
-Labor Donated-
WORKSHOPS INCLUDE:
Dismantling Sexist Culture
Racism, Prisons and Police Brutality
Book Launch: Lessons of Wisconsin
For further details, see
Boston.SocialistAlternative.org
as the event approaches.
Call: 774-454-9060
Email: Boston@SocialistAlternative.org Visit: SocialistWorld.net or
SocialistAlternative.org
The Democracy Center
45 Mt Auburn Street, Cambridge MA
Short Walk from Harvard Sq T Stop
* FEATURED EVENTS *
DISCUSSION • SHOULD THE LEFT SUPPORT DEMOCRATS?
FORUM • INTERNATIONAL CRISIS AND THE FIGHT AGAINST THE 1%
FORUM - SOCIALISM FAQS
-Labor Donated-
WORKSHOPS INCLUDE:
Dismantling Sexist Culture
Racism, Prisons and Police Brutality
Book Launch: Lessons of Wisconsin
For further details, see
Boston.SocialistAlternative.org
as the event approaches.
Call: 774-454-9060
Email: Boston@SocialistAlternative.org Visit: SocialistWorld.net or
SocialistAlternative.org
From "Time" Magazine-Why I Protest: Javier Sicilia of Mexico
TIME
Wednesday, Dec. 14, 2011
Why I Protest: Javier Sicilia of Mexico
By Tim Padgett / Mexico City
When Javier Sicilia's 24-year-old son, health-administration student Juan Francisco, was brutally killed by drug traffickers in March, it was headline-grabbing news, because Sicilia, 55, is one of Mexico's best-known authors and poets. But the tragedy made Sicilia realize how all too anonymous most of the 50,000 victims of Mexico's bloody drug war have been. Believing that President Felipe Calderon's five-year-long military campaign against Mexico's narcocartels has simply exacerbated the violence, he created the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity — which is informally and popularly called Hasta la Madre! or Fed Up! - to push for a stop to the mafia bloodshed and for new anticrime strategies and reforms. The ranks of its rallies and marches quickly grew from hundreds to hundreds of thousands, culminating in a June caravan through a dozen cities, where families held up pictures of slain relatives. By giving names, faces and voices to Mexico's drug-war dead, Sicilia helped prod Calderon to a conference at Mexico City's Chapultepec Castle over the summer to discuss the kind of modern judicial institutions and social investment that Mexico's political class has too long ignored — but which may be the only way to end Mexico's narco-nightmare.
Sicilia, a left-leaning, spiritual Roman Catholic (aside from his mystical poetry, he's written a novel about John the Baptist), still looks the owlish, bearded bohemian he was at the outset of his campaign. He talked in Mexico City with TIME's Latin America bureau chief, Tim Padgett, about turning personal horror into national hope:
"I got the awful news about Juan Francisco's murder while I was at a conference in the Philippines. When I got to Cuernavaca [the Mexican town south of Mexico City where his son and six friends had been tortured and killed by gangsters who were angry that two of the young men had reported members of their gang to police] I was i a lot of emotional pain. But when
I arrived at the crematorium I had to deal with the media. I asked the reporters to have some respect; I told them I'd meet them the next day in the city plaza. When I got there I found they'd put a table [for a press conference] out for me, and I realized this was going to be bigger than I'd anticipated.
"I had never thought of starting a movement or being a spokesman for anything. I'm a poet, and poets are better known for working with more obscure intuitions. But in those moments I was reminded that the life of the soul can be powerful too. My chief intuition then was that we had to give name and form to this tragedy and somehow put that into action with real citizens as a way to tell the government, 'We need something new, especially new institutions to fight our lawlessness and corruption and impunity, not just that of the drug cartels but the state.'
"Mexico has a long history of mobilizing, from the revolution to the demonstrations of 1968 to the Zapatista uprising [of 1994]. Confronting our security crisis, the murders and the kidnappings and the extortion, was more difficult. But like any mobilization, we had to reach the middle class and place the deaths and disappearances in the national consciousness — make visible the face of our national pain. The drug-war statistics were hiding those faces; the powers that be were trying to tell us that all those who were dying were just criminals, just cockroaches. We had to change that mind-set and put names to the victims for a change. And that meant the criminal dead as well as the innocent dead like Juan Francisco. We also have to focus on the poverty and the lack of economic opportunity that helps breed the criminality.
"So that first Sunday after Juan Francisco's death I issued an open letter to the nation's politicians, and I said, 'Estamos hasta la madre!' ("We've had it up to here!") I was surprised by the reaction it got, but I shouldn't have been. On the one hand, yes, hasfa la madre is Mexican slang, but it has a very religious component as well. The mother, like the Virgin of Guadalupe [Mexico's Roman Catholic patroness], is sacred. To say you're hasra la madre means they've insulted our mother protector; they've committed a sacrilege. It's very strong, very Mexican, but very poetic too in its own way. Anyway, it resonated in ways that exceeded my expectations.
"The most memorable day, then, turned out to be the first march from Cuernavaca to Mexico City in May. It seemed we started out with about 200 people and by the time we got to the Zocalo [main plaza] here in the capital we had more than 100,000.1 remember coming into Mexico City, near the UNAM [National Autonomous University of Mexico] and hearing them performing Mozart's "Requiem" in one of the university's buildings. But then in the Zocalo you could feel the promise of life again. It felt like the civic miracle we needed.
"Still, the movement's success surprised me quite a bit. My intention at the beginning was just to signal the horror of the crimes being committed as well as the government's faulty reaction to it. I did only what my heart was telling me to do. It was a great surprise to me to see the national response. As a Catholic I think a lot about grace, and this was as surprising as the arrival of God's grace. You don't expect it, but it was like the answer to my pain. It eased the pain of my son's death.
"One of the most gratifying moments occurred [during the conference] at Chapultepec Castle, when President Calderon met a woman named Maria Elena Herrera, from Calderon's home state of Michoacan, whose four sons disappeared after being abducted by gangsters. The President hugged her, and I could see he was shaken by her experience. I saw his recognition that the victims are human beings and not statistics. I saw his face of pain, and in that moment the President himself became more humanized to me.
The most disappointing thing was what happened at the end of the caravan at [the northern border city of] Juarez, [which today has the world's highest murder rate], when leftist groups tried to hijack the movement for their own political agendas. [The groups, for example, tried to get the movement to insist that Calderon remove all troops from Mexico's Streets, something even Sicilia knew was an impractical and irresponsible demand.] It threatened to drain the force of the movement. It showed me that a protest can't be overly ideological if it's going to be successful.
"The other disappointing thing was gaining a better appreciation of the cluelessness of Mexico's political class regarding the violence crisis. They did begin to make some reform-legislation movements this past year, but deep down I don't feel as if they've really thought about how to fight the cartels in a more effective and less deadly way. I fear we're going into [general] elections next year without that consciousness, without really acknowledging the magnitude of the problem Mexico faces.
"One of the most memorable persons I got to know was Julian Lebaron, [a Mormon farmer from the border state of Chihuahua whose anticrime-activist brother, Benjamin, was murdered in 2009 by gangsters]. I remember one day during the caravan I was trying to put a plaque with names on a memorial to murder victims, and I was using the screwdriver very clumsily, as you'd expect from a poet. Julian came over and said, 'Javier, get your pen and give me the screwdriver.' His speeches during the caravan rallies were like that: very brief but strong and direct.
"That Mormon became a very important symbol for the movement. There was one dangerous moment in Durango, in the plaza there, when armed and masked men showed up at our demonstration. Lebaron took the microphone and said, 'If there are any killers here among us, please raise your hands.' The masked men left. Julian told the crowd, You see, when a country unites it creates less space for criminals.'
"A successful protest movement needs humor too. Once, we were on a dangerous stretch of road near Coatzacoalcos, in Tabasco [state], where narcos were known to abduct people at roadblocks. At one roadblock we thought gangsters were going to board our bus and perhaps kill us. One of our companions said he had a m'do [nest] in his throat; I said, 'Don't you mean a nudo [knot]?' He said, 'No, a nido because I'm so scared right now I've got my two huevos de pajaro (bird's eggs, slang for testicles) up there.' No gangsters boarded the bus, fortunately, but our friend's joke relieved the tension. Humor helps to make the weight of death more relative.
"I can't say that other protests this year had a big influence on us. It's obvious there's a civic miracle going on in certain parts of the world, especially the Middle East. But I don't think I and others in this movement were really inspired by anything other than our own pain and suffering. In my case, my heart was simply responding to my son's death more than to anything going on in the Arab Spring.
"I think the greatest change the movement produced was that we made the [drug war's] victims' names and faces visible — we reclaimed the victims, put the photos of them smiling before all this horror hit us into the national consciousness. We made the rest of Mexico recognize that we have a national emergency to confront, and we got the nation and its families together to question how the government was confronting it.
"For me personally, it made my faith even deeper — made it naked for the first time in my life. It made the mediation of religion more real than ever for me. I do think the poetry of Hasta la Madre! helped make the mobilization more possible. It's a bit like the idea of prophecy in the Judeo-Christian tradition, a voice speaking out inside the tribe. But personally, I've given up poetry after Juan Francisco's murder because language no longer consoles me, and in lieu of poetry I now depend on that depth of faith that can't be uttered or verbalized.
"I tell my daughter I feel like Ulysses trying to return, between monsters and moral duties, to the nostalgia of my home, and I know one day eventually I will return to that home. But until then, home is no longer a place for me; it's a much broader concept — a community, a nation. If anything, I think we helped Mexico take a big step toward reclaiming that public space for us and not the criminals."
Epilogue: In the past month, two activists in Sicilia's movement have been murdered. Two others have been abducted and are missing. Another human rights activist was murdered in Juarez.
Find this article at:
http://wwv.time.eom/time/specials/packages/article/Q.288o4.aioi74S .2102138. 2iQ22a8.oo.html
Wednesday, Dec. 14, 2011
Why I Protest: Javier Sicilia of Mexico
By Tim Padgett / Mexico City
When Javier Sicilia's 24-year-old son, health-administration student Juan Francisco, was brutally killed by drug traffickers in March, it was headline-grabbing news, because Sicilia, 55, is one of Mexico's best-known authors and poets. But the tragedy made Sicilia realize how all too anonymous most of the 50,000 victims of Mexico's bloody drug war have been. Believing that President Felipe Calderon's five-year-long military campaign against Mexico's narcocartels has simply exacerbated the violence, he created the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity — which is informally and popularly called Hasta la Madre! or Fed Up! - to push for a stop to the mafia bloodshed and for new anticrime strategies and reforms. The ranks of its rallies and marches quickly grew from hundreds to hundreds of thousands, culminating in a June caravan through a dozen cities, where families held up pictures of slain relatives. By giving names, faces and voices to Mexico's drug-war dead, Sicilia helped prod Calderon to a conference at Mexico City's Chapultepec Castle over the summer to discuss the kind of modern judicial institutions and social investment that Mexico's political class has too long ignored — but which may be the only way to end Mexico's narco-nightmare.
Sicilia, a left-leaning, spiritual Roman Catholic (aside from his mystical poetry, he's written a novel about John the Baptist), still looks the owlish, bearded bohemian he was at the outset of his campaign. He talked in Mexico City with TIME's Latin America bureau chief, Tim Padgett, about turning personal horror into national hope:
"I got the awful news about Juan Francisco's murder while I was at a conference in the Philippines. When I got to Cuernavaca [the Mexican town south of Mexico City where his son and six friends had been tortured and killed by gangsters who were angry that two of the young men had reported members of their gang to police] I was i a lot of emotional pain. But when
I arrived at the crematorium I had to deal with the media. I asked the reporters to have some respect; I told them I'd meet them the next day in the city plaza. When I got there I found they'd put a table [for a press conference] out for me, and I realized this was going to be bigger than I'd anticipated.
"I had never thought of starting a movement or being a spokesman for anything. I'm a poet, and poets are better known for working with more obscure intuitions. But in those moments I was reminded that the life of the soul can be powerful too. My chief intuition then was that we had to give name and form to this tragedy and somehow put that into action with real citizens as a way to tell the government, 'We need something new, especially new institutions to fight our lawlessness and corruption and impunity, not just that of the drug cartels but the state.'
"Mexico has a long history of mobilizing, from the revolution to the demonstrations of 1968 to the Zapatista uprising [of 1994]. Confronting our security crisis, the murders and the kidnappings and the extortion, was more difficult. But like any mobilization, we had to reach the middle class and place the deaths and disappearances in the national consciousness — make visible the face of our national pain. The drug-war statistics were hiding those faces; the powers that be were trying to tell us that all those who were dying were just criminals, just cockroaches. We had to change that mind-set and put names to the victims for a change. And that meant the criminal dead as well as the innocent dead like Juan Francisco. We also have to focus on the poverty and the lack of economic opportunity that helps breed the criminality.
"So that first Sunday after Juan Francisco's death I issued an open letter to the nation's politicians, and I said, 'Estamos hasta la madre!' ("We've had it up to here!") I was surprised by the reaction it got, but I shouldn't have been. On the one hand, yes, hasfa la madre is Mexican slang, but it has a very religious component as well. The mother, like the Virgin of Guadalupe [Mexico's Roman Catholic patroness], is sacred. To say you're hasra la madre means they've insulted our mother protector; they've committed a sacrilege. It's very strong, very Mexican, but very poetic too in its own way. Anyway, it resonated in ways that exceeded my expectations.
"The most memorable day, then, turned out to be the first march from Cuernavaca to Mexico City in May. It seemed we started out with about 200 people and by the time we got to the Zocalo [main plaza] here in the capital we had more than 100,000.1 remember coming into Mexico City, near the UNAM [National Autonomous University of Mexico] and hearing them performing Mozart's "Requiem" in one of the university's buildings. But then in the Zocalo you could feel the promise of life again. It felt like the civic miracle we needed.
"Still, the movement's success surprised me quite a bit. My intention at the beginning was just to signal the horror of the crimes being committed as well as the government's faulty reaction to it. I did only what my heart was telling me to do. It was a great surprise to me to see the national response. As a Catholic I think a lot about grace, and this was as surprising as the arrival of God's grace. You don't expect it, but it was like the answer to my pain. It eased the pain of my son's death.
"One of the most gratifying moments occurred [during the conference] at Chapultepec Castle, when President Calderon met a woman named Maria Elena Herrera, from Calderon's home state of Michoacan, whose four sons disappeared after being abducted by gangsters. The President hugged her, and I could see he was shaken by her experience. I saw his recognition that the victims are human beings and not statistics. I saw his face of pain, and in that moment the President himself became more humanized to me.
The most disappointing thing was what happened at the end of the caravan at [the northern border city of] Juarez, [which today has the world's highest murder rate], when leftist groups tried to hijack the movement for their own political agendas. [The groups, for example, tried to get the movement to insist that Calderon remove all troops from Mexico's Streets, something even Sicilia knew was an impractical and irresponsible demand.] It threatened to drain the force of the movement. It showed me that a protest can't be overly ideological if it's going to be successful.
"The other disappointing thing was gaining a better appreciation of the cluelessness of Mexico's political class regarding the violence crisis. They did begin to make some reform-legislation movements this past year, but deep down I don't feel as if they've really thought about how to fight the cartels in a more effective and less deadly way. I fear we're going into [general] elections next year without that consciousness, without really acknowledging the magnitude of the problem Mexico faces.
"One of the most memorable persons I got to know was Julian Lebaron, [a Mormon farmer from the border state of Chihuahua whose anticrime-activist brother, Benjamin, was murdered in 2009 by gangsters]. I remember one day during the caravan I was trying to put a plaque with names on a memorial to murder victims, and I was using the screwdriver very clumsily, as you'd expect from a poet. Julian came over and said, 'Javier, get your pen and give me the screwdriver.' His speeches during the caravan rallies were like that: very brief but strong and direct.
"That Mormon became a very important symbol for the movement. There was one dangerous moment in Durango, in the plaza there, when armed and masked men showed up at our demonstration. Lebaron took the microphone and said, 'If there are any killers here among us, please raise your hands.' The masked men left. Julian told the crowd, You see, when a country unites it creates less space for criminals.'
"A successful protest movement needs humor too. Once, we were on a dangerous stretch of road near Coatzacoalcos, in Tabasco [state], where narcos were known to abduct people at roadblocks. At one roadblock we thought gangsters were going to board our bus and perhaps kill us. One of our companions said he had a m'do [nest] in his throat; I said, 'Don't you mean a nudo [knot]?' He said, 'No, a nido because I'm so scared right now I've got my two huevos de pajaro (bird's eggs, slang for testicles) up there.' No gangsters boarded the bus, fortunately, but our friend's joke relieved the tension. Humor helps to make the weight of death more relative.
"I can't say that other protests this year had a big influence on us. It's obvious there's a civic miracle going on in certain parts of the world, especially the Middle East. But I don't think I and others in this movement were really inspired by anything other than our own pain and suffering. In my case, my heart was simply responding to my son's death more than to anything going on in the Arab Spring.
"I think the greatest change the movement produced was that we made the [drug war's] victims' names and faces visible — we reclaimed the victims, put the photos of them smiling before all this horror hit us into the national consciousness. We made the rest of Mexico recognize that we have a national emergency to confront, and we got the nation and its families together to question how the government was confronting it.
"For me personally, it made my faith even deeper — made it naked for the first time in my life. It made the mediation of religion more real than ever for me. I do think the poetry of Hasta la Madre! helped make the mobilization more possible. It's a bit like the idea of prophecy in the Judeo-Christian tradition, a voice speaking out inside the tribe. But personally, I've given up poetry after Juan Francisco's murder because language no longer consoles me, and in lieu of poetry I now depend on that depth of faith that can't be uttered or verbalized.
"I tell my daughter I feel like Ulysses trying to return, between monsters and moral duties, to the nostalgia of my home, and I know one day eventually I will return to that home. But until then, home is no longer a place for me; it's a much broader concept — a community, a nation. If anything, I think we helped Mexico take a big step toward reclaiming that public space for us and not the criminals."
Epilogue: In the past month, two activists in Sicilia's movement have been murdered. Two others have been abducted and are missing. Another human rights activist was murdered in Juarez.
Find this article at:
http://wwv.time.eom/time/specials/packages/article/Q.288o4.aioi74S .2102138. 2iQ22a8.oo.html
From The Socialist Equality Party-No to Cuts at the MBTA (In Boston)!-For a Socialist Program to Defend Jobs and Services!
Socialist Equality Party-No to Cuts at the MBTA!-For a Socialist Program to Defend Jobs and Services!
The MBTA is planning deep cuts to the transit system relied upon by millions throughout the Boston area. The T is seeking to make working people pay for a crisis that is not of their making. Along with the cuts in services, the jobs of more than 500 T workers are also threatened with elimination.
The Socialist Equality Party insists that affordable mass transit is a social right that is not negotiable. Not only should cuts to existing services and fare hikes be resisted, there should be a citywide offensive for improvements to services. Instead of cutting jobs and services, more workers should be hired to overhaul the system, which is in a state of disrepair and plagued by breakdowns.
The driving force for the cuts to the T are principal and interest payments on $5.2 billion owed to the banks and other predatory lenders, which consume nearly 30 percent of the system's operating budget. The T's primary source of funding since 2000 is a 20 percent share of the statewide sales tax —itself a retrogressive tax that disproportionately hits working people.
The starting point for addressing the financial crisis of the MBTA should be the repudiation of the debt. The banks and financial institutions have already received billions of dollars in bailout money from the Obama administration. Now working people are being asked to accept fare hikes and service cuts in order to pay back the debt at extortionate interest rates.
Citing a projected $185 million operating deficit for fiscal year 2013, T officials are appearing at public meetings across the region where they are pitching their proposals. MBTA General Manager Jonathan Davis and other officials no doubt see these meetings as a means to allow residents to let off steam. The so-called "consultative meeting" is a method used time and again to give a democratic
veneer to social cuts that have already been decided. Whether in relation to the school closure proposals last year, or the cuts in public libraries, angry denunciations from the floor of these meetings are routinely ignored.
The two alternative proposals presented by T officials are equally bad and unacceptable. One proposal would raise fares by an average of 43 percent and eliminate 25 percent of bus routes. The other would raise fares by an average of 35 percent and eliminate 75 percent of current bus routes. Both proposals eliminate commuter rail services on weekends and after 10 p.m. on weekdays. Services on the Green Line's E Branch and Mattapan Trolley would be eliminated on weekends. All MBTA ferry routes would be eliminated outright.
T officials have admitted that under both plans, the jobs of about 525 MBTA workers are threatened —this under conditions of widespread unemployment in the area.
The steepest fare hikes will hit those least able to defend themselves. THE RIDE, which provides services for the disabled, will see steep fare increases, plus the introduction of "Premium" fare trips outside the fixed route service area, or for trips before or after hours, or those booked the same day. With many people unable to pay the new rate, this amounts to an elimination of a vital social service.
The claim that there is "no money" to finance the T is a lie. There are more than 58,000 millionaires in the Boston area, with nearly one in 20 families worth at least $1 million. Over the past two decades the wealthiest households in the state have seen their incomes rise five times faster than the poorest and twice as fast as those in the middle class.
Boston has some of the country's top educational institutions, such as Harvard and MIT, with massive endowments and tuition fees over $50,000 a year. Clearly the issue here is not a lack of money, but who decides how the money is to be spent.
For more information visit the World Socialist Web Site at http://www.wsws.org
The MBTA is planning deep cuts to the transit system relied upon by millions throughout the Boston area. The T is seeking to make working people pay for a crisis that is not of their making. Along with the cuts in services, the jobs of more than 500 T workers are also threatened with elimination.
The Socialist Equality Party insists that affordable mass transit is a social right that is not negotiable. Not only should cuts to existing services and fare hikes be resisted, there should be a citywide offensive for improvements to services. Instead of cutting jobs and services, more workers should be hired to overhaul the system, which is in a state of disrepair and plagued by breakdowns.
The driving force for the cuts to the T are principal and interest payments on $5.2 billion owed to the banks and other predatory lenders, which consume nearly 30 percent of the system's operating budget. The T's primary source of funding since 2000 is a 20 percent share of the statewide sales tax —itself a retrogressive tax that disproportionately hits working people.
The starting point for addressing the financial crisis of the MBTA should be the repudiation of the debt. The banks and financial institutions have already received billions of dollars in bailout money from the Obama administration. Now working people are being asked to accept fare hikes and service cuts in order to pay back the debt at extortionate interest rates.
Citing a projected $185 million operating deficit for fiscal year 2013, T officials are appearing at public meetings across the region where they are pitching their proposals. MBTA General Manager Jonathan Davis and other officials no doubt see these meetings as a means to allow residents to let off steam. The so-called "consultative meeting" is a method used time and again to give a democratic
veneer to social cuts that have already been decided. Whether in relation to the school closure proposals last year, or the cuts in public libraries, angry denunciations from the floor of these meetings are routinely ignored.
The two alternative proposals presented by T officials are equally bad and unacceptable. One proposal would raise fares by an average of 43 percent and eliminate 25 percent of bus routes. The other would raise fares by an average of 35 percent and eliminate 75 percent of current bus routes. Both proposals eliminate commuter rail services on weekends and after 10 p.m. on weekdays. Services on the Green Line's E Branch and Mattapan Trolley would be eliminated on weekends. All MBTA ferry routes would be eliminated outright.
T officials have admitted that under both plans, the jobs of about 525 MBTA workers are threatened —this under conditions of widespread unemployment in the area.
The steepest fare hikes will hit those least able to defend themselves. THE RIDE, which provides services for the disabled, will see steep fare increases, plus the introduction of "Premium" fare trips outside the fixed route service area, or for trips before or after hours, or those booked the same day. With many people unable to pay the new rate, this amounts to an elimination of a vital social service.
The claim that there is "no money" to finance the T is a lie. There are more than 58,000 millionaires in the Boston area, with nearly one in 20 families worth at least $1 million. Over the past two decades the wealthiest households in the state have seen their incomes rise five times faster than the poorest and twice as fast as those in the middle class.
Boston has some of the country's top educational institutions, such as Harvard and MIT, with massive endowments and tuition fees over $50,000 a year. Clearly the issue here is not a lack of money, but who decides how the money is to be spent.
For more information visit the World Socialist Web Site at http://www.wsws.org
Not Quite Ready For Prime Time Class Struggle- The Art Of Fine Cooking For The Servantless- “Julie and Julia”- A Film Review
Markin comment:
Every once in a while there is something to review that just does not fit the high standards necessary to be worthy of comment in the way of lessons to be drawn for the class struggle. Or, put another way, this writer, on occasion has the need to stretch out and write something whimsical. Today commentary is one such example. So be it.
Julie and Julia, starring Meryl Streep, directed by Nora Ephron, 2009
I can boil water. My “soul mate” can boil water and, in addition, throw something in the pot. That, sadly, is the extent of our culinary acumen. That condition, nevertheless, does not preclude said “soul mate” from enthusiastically partaking in the recent mania for all things cookery. This last sentence is a round about way of getting to the why of reviewing this recent film centered on a parallel presentation of the lives of a modern (maybe, post-modern, blog and all) alienated middle-class woman who gets caught up in a French cooking frenzy and the American post-World War II “queen” of that domain, the alienated upper middle-class woman, Julia Child.
Now it would be quite easy to sneer at the original premise of the plot- connecting the high-pitched old PBS icon Child with a thoroughly modern Millie in a fluffy, feel good piece of film about the travails of finding meaning in modern day life. Or to look askance at those old OSS (predecessor of the CIA) connections of Julia and her husband, Paul. Or, more interesting, the noblesse oblige premise of an intelligent woman with time on her hands behind the struggle to publish a book on fine French cooking for the average servantless American housewife.
On most days I would be more than happy to throw some barbs that way. But here is the “skinny”. This is just , in its own way, a funny look at a couple of slices of Americana. Beside that, who has time to be critical in the above-mentioned ways when you have to concentrate on watching Meryl Streep BE Julia Childs. (Nora Ephron, apparently, just let Streep goes through her paces, thankfully). As always that actress turns in a sterling performance, no matter what the part. Moreover, if those are not good and sufficient reasons, please remember that “soul mate”, who loved this film. I do not want to have to revive in our household the old tradition of having someone else taste my food before I eat it.
Every once in a while there is something to review that just does not fit the high standards necessary to be worthy of comment in the way of lessons to be drawn for the class struggle. Or, put another way, this writer, on occasion has the need to stretch out and write something whimsical. Today commentary is one such example. So be it.
Julie and Julia, starring Meryl Streep, directed by Nora Ephron, 2009
I can boil water. My “soul mate” can boil water and, in addition, throw something in the pot. That, sadly, is the extent of our culinary acumen. That condition, nevertheless, does not preclude said “soul mate” from enthusiastically partaking in the recent mania for all things cookery. This last sentence is a round about way of getting to the why of reviewing this recent film centered on a parallel presentation of the lives of a modern (maybe, post-modern, blog and all) alienated middle-class woman who gets caught up in a French cooking frenzy and the American post-World War II “queen” of that domain, the alienated upper middle-class woman, Julia Child.
Now it would be quite easy to sneer at the original premise of the plot- connecting the high-pitched old PBS icon Child with a thoroughly modern Millie in a fluffy, feel good piece of film about the travails of finding meaning in modern day life. Or to look askance at those old OSS (predecessor of the CIA) connections of Julia and her husband, Paul. Or, more interesting, the noblesse oblige premise of an intelligent woman with time on her hands behind the struggle to publish a book on fine French cooking for the average servantless American housewife.
On most days I would be more than happy to throw some barbs that way. But here is the “skinny”. This is just , in its own way, a funny look at a couple of slices of Americana. Beside that, who has time to be critical in the above-mentioned ways when you have to concentrate on watching Meryl Streep BE Julia Childs. (Nora Ephron, apparently, just let Streep goes through her paces, thankfully). As always that actress turns in a sterling performance, no matter what the part. Moreover, if those are not good and sufficient reasons, please remember that “soul mate”, who loved this film. I do not want to have to revive in our household the old tradition of having someone else taste my food before I eat it.
A Man Of The West- The Old West Ballads Of Johnny Cash
CD Review
Johnny Cash Sings The True Ballads Of The Old West, Johnny Cash, Sbme Special Mkts, 2009
I have spent some time, and I believe time well spent, at this site over the pass couple of years talking about things of the West, old and new. You know the stuff of legends like we grew up with as kids, at least my generation, the generation of ’68, did, for better or worst. Blame it on Larry McMurtry, his books, and his incessant Old West reviews in The New York Review Of Books. Some of this stuff is genuine history, things that today’s labor militants should know about like the struggles of the Western Federation Of Miners, Big Bill Haywood and the legendary Wobblies (IWW, Industrial Workers Of The World) who led many a strike against the mine, farm, and lumber bosses.
Other things are, and should be treated a little more circumspectly, like the legends of Jesse James and John Wesley Harding, especially those who honor the Northern victory in the American Civil War. There has, in short, been no lack of song and storytelling about the Old West. This is a round-about way of introducing Johnny Cash’s valuable little cache of old time Western-oriented material, mainly ballads, including some long needed focus on the struggle s of Native Americans, the odd group out in the West, old and new.
The name Johnny Cash, although well thought of in this space, has mainly been mentioned in connection with his connection to the legendary Carter family (he married Maybelle’s daughter, June, for those who are not familiar with that family’s genealogy), a family more noted for their contributions to mountain music, eastern mountain music, than the hard western plains described in this album. Nonetheless, Johnny in that deep, authoritative and plaintive voice of his has brought the Old West alive in this recording. I should like to note several stick out items of interest here. First off- the rendition, based on Longfellow, of “Hiawatha’s Vision”; an interesting song about the fate of the assassin of President James Garfield in the post-Civil War period, “Mr. Garfield; and, a song of the original old West, Kentucky, in” Road to Kaintuck”. Then to finish this compilation up there are songs that truly reflect the struggles of the Old West, “Stampede,” “Blizzard,” “The Streets Of Laredo,” and “Bury Me Not On The Lone Prairie”. Just a nice little slice of Americana, mainly not mentioned in the history books, or by western Chamber of Commerces.
Johnny Cash Sings The True Ballads Of The Old West, Johnny Cash, Sbme Special Mkts, 2009
I have spent some time, and I believe time well spent, at this site over the pass couple of years talking about things of the West, old and new. You know the stuff of legends like we grew up with as kids, at least my generation, the generation of ’68, did, for better or worst. Blame it on Larry McMurtry, his books, and his incessant Old West reviews in The New York Review Of Books. Some of this stuff is genuine history, things that today’s labor militants should know about like the struggles of the Western Federation Of Miners, Big Bill Haywood and the legendary Wobblies (IWW, Industrial Workers Of The World) who led many a strike against the mine, farm, and lumber bosses.
Other things are, and should be treated a little more circumspectly, like the legends of Jesse James and John Wesley Harding, especially those who honor the Northern victory in the American Civil War. There has, in short, been no lack of song and storytelling about the Old West. This is a round-about way of introducing Johnny Cash’s valuable little cache of old time Western-oriented material, mainly ballads, including some long needed focus on the struggle s of Native Americans, the odd group out in the West, old and new.
The name Johnny Cash, although well thought of in this space, has mainly been mentioned in connection with his connection to the legendary Carter family (he married Maybelle’s daughter, June, for those who are not familiar with that family’s genealogy), a family more noted for their contributions to mountain music, eastern mountain music, than the hard western plains described in this album. Nonetheless, Johnny in that deep, authoritative and plaintive voice of his has brought the Old West alive in this recording. I should like to note several stick out items of interest here. First off- the rendition, based on Longfellow, of “Hiawatha’s Vision”; an interesting song about the fate of the assassin of President James Garfield in the post-Civil War period, “Mr. Garfield; and, a song of the original old West, Kentucky, in” Road to Kaintuck”. Then to finish this compilation up there are songs that truly reflect the struggles of the Old West, “Stampede,” “Blizzard,” “The Streets Of Laredo,” and “Bury Me Not On The Lone Prairie”. Just a nice little slice of Americana, mainly not mentioned in the history books, or by western Chamber of Commerces.
The Girl With The Bette Davis Eyes- Somerset Maugham’s “The Letter”-A Film Review
Click on the headline to link to a Wikipedia entry for the Bette Davis film The Letter.
DVD Review
The Letter, starring Bette Davis, Herbert Marshall, directed by William Wyler, based on a play by Somerset Maugham, Warner Brothers, 1940
Not every black and white film is a noir and not every crime noir has a femme fatale although in both cases many are. Nor are all films based on the work of world literature figures like Somerset Maugham (although his reputation has been eclipsed somewhat since his 1920s-1930s heyday when he produced classics like The Razor’s Edge and Of Human Bondage). But the film under review, The Letter, is all of them, kind of. Sure the black and white crime noir is present although with a more than usual amount of melodramatic moments, and as noted so is the world literature authorship.
The real question is the femme fatale aspect. Now Bette Davis was an extremely fine actress during her 1940s and 1950s heyday (and earlier as well in such beauties as The Petrified Forest) but she never struck me as a femme fatale like Lana Turner, Lauren Bacall and Rita Hayworth. You know leaving the guys gasping for breath, and asking for more. No question in this role as the put-upon and isolated wife of a owner of a rubber plantation in pre-war (pre-World War II war to be precise) in colonial British Malaysia scorned by a wayward lover she matches any femme fatale with a quick, too quick, trigger finger when things don’t go her way. She certainly could use her wiles, feminine or otherwise, to get out from under the law, British colonial style. And she was just psycho enough to stand one’s hair on edge. But a lot of her actions (and frankly Davis’ performance) are just too mawkish to root for.
Maybe a little sketch of the plot will illustrate the point. As the film opens Ms. Davis is firing away with that old root-a-toot-toot like crazy at that scornful lover (Hammond by name) mentioned above. No question she is a classic murder one case, and let’s just wrap it up and ship her off to some English prison. Right. But she has a story; a fantastic story on its face about a known intruder making sexual advances to her while her husband is away. Moreover this is the 1930s colonial outback of the Empire and Bette is the proper wife of a stand-up rubber plantation owner (played by Herbert Marshall).
Needless to say, outback or not, murder is murder and the wheels of justice must grind along. A mere formality if her story holds up, a quick trial and she will be free. Except a certain letter, and hence the title of the piece, shows up in mid-plot from her to the intruder. Seems they were lovers, that she had been scorned, and that moreover he had picked up an inconvenient wife, a Eurasian wife to boot. Said letter was in possession of the wife who had her own ax to grind after Bette put six in her husband. A deal between Bette’s compromised lawyer and the wife suppressed this piece of key evidence that would convict Bette.
Bette thereafter was acquitted. Legally acquitted. But you know how those Eurasian women are. That was not to be the end of it. Naturally between a woman scorned and a woman bereft of her companion-lover something has to give. And instead of getting the hell out of town on the first boat, canoe or raft like any real femme fatale our Bette just steps into her fatal fate. See what I mean.
DVD Review
The Letter, starring Bette Davis, Herbert Marshall, directed by William Wyler, based on a play by Somerset Maugham, Warner Brothers, 1940
Not every black and white film is a noir and not every crime noir has a femme fatale although in both cases many are. Nor are all films based on the work of world literature figures like Somerset Maugham (although his reputation has been eclipsed somewhat since his 1920s-1930s heyday when he produced classics like The Razor’s Edge and Of Human Bondage). But the film under review, The Letter, is all of them, kind of. Sure the black and white crime noir is present although with a more than usual amount of melodramatic moments, and as noted so is the world literature authorship.
The real question is the femme fatale aspect. Now Bette Davis was an extremely fine actress during her 1940s and 1950s heyday (and earlier as well in such beauties as The Petrified Forest) but she never struck me as a femme fatale like Lana Turner, Lauren Bacall and Rita Hayworth. You know leaving the guys gasping for breath, and asking for more. No question in this role as the put-upon and isolated wife of a owner of a rubber plantation in pre-war (pre-World War II war to be precise) in colonial British Malaysia scorned by a wayward lover she matches any femme fatale with a quick, too quick, trigger finger when things don’t go her way. She certainly could use her wiles, feminine or otherwise, to get out from under the law, British colonial style. And she was just psycho enough to stand one’s hair on edge. But a lot of her actions (and frankly Davis’ performance) are just too mawkish to root for.
Maybe a little sketch of the plot will illustrate the point. As the film opens Ms. Davis is firing away with that old root-a-toot-toot like crazy at that scornful lover (Hammond by name) mentioned above. No question she is a classic murder one case, and let’s just wrap it up and ship her off to some English prison. Right. But she has a story; a fantastic story on its face about a known intruder making sexual advances to her while her husband is away. Moreover this is the 1930s colonial outback of the Empire and Bette is the proper wife of a stand-up rubber plantation owner (played by Herbert Marshall).
Needless to say, outback or not, murder is murder and the wheels of justice must grind along. A mere formality if her story holds up, a quick trial and she will be free. Except a certain letter, and hence the title of the piece, shows up in mid-plot from her to the intruder. Seems they were lovers, that she had been scorned, and that moreover he had picked up an inconvenient wife, a Eurasian wife to boot. Said letter was in possession of the wife who had her own ax to grind after Bette put six in her husband. A deal between Bette’s compromised lawyer and the wife suppressed this piece of key evidence that would convict Bette.
Bette thereafter was acquitted. Legally acquitted. But you know how those Eurasian women are. That was not to be the end of it. Naturally between a woman scorned and a woman bereft of her companion-lover something has to give. And instead of getting the hell out of town on the first boat, canoe or raft like any real femme fatale our Bette just steps into her fatal fate. See what I mean.
Out In The Be-Bop 1960s Night- When Butterfly Swirl Swirled- A CD Review
Click on the headline to link to YouTube film clip of the Kinks performing their classic rock number, You Really Got Me.
CD Review
Classic Rock: 1964, various artists, Time-Life Music, 1987
Scene brought to mind by the cover art that graces this CD. Said cover art showing in the background a motley foursome from some post- British invasion invasion group all with de rigueur Nehru jackets and getting little long in the back and on the sides better get to the barber boys reminds dear old moms. But that is some much fluff. Because in the foreground is the object our, ah, inspection, one female, dangling earring bejeweled, but more importantly day-glo, or if not day-glo then some non-toxic paint celebration, painted flower. No tattoo, no permanent not in those days, although more than few young women has an off the back of the shoulder flower and some even had, well that is a story for another time. A time when the snooping grandchildren are safely out of sight.
The whole effect, as if in a flashback, no not that kind, immediately brought to my memory’s eye one Kathleen Callahan, a. k. a. Butterfly Swirl, Carlsbad (California, that’s important) High School Class of 1968 and Josh Breslin’s old flame from the summer of love, 1967 version, circa San Francisco in the merry prankster, yellow brick road night. Of course, as always in the interest of full disclosure, Ms. Swirl was my girl. Very much my girl, until old Josh, Olde Saco High School Class of 1967 (that’s up in Maine, although that is not important to the story, or just a little) showed up in a Russian Hill park one day.
[That, by the way, is Joshua Lawrence Breslin, the radical journalist whose by-line has appeared in half the unread back hall recycle bin radical newspapers and public good alternative vision journals in the country over the past forty years. And here is the beauty of it. Since he is legally a “public figure” (I looked it up before starting), although he is right now holed in some podunk Maine log cabin holding off the winter chills in solitude, he had better not even think of the word “defamation.” I know where the bodies are buried and while I am not usually a “snitch” I do have a long, very long memory.]
This was a day when we, our whole merry prankster crew, Butterfly Swirl included, were taking in the view (read: smoking dope, fine stuff I can still smell now from Panama I think, and actually inhaling don’t let anyone, including amnesiac Josh, tell you otherwise. And, yes, I said that with the full knowledge that the statute of limitations has run out on that. I checked that up too just to make sure). And that one fine day was, well, when “stole” her from me. That too is not important to the story, except maybe to explain, a little, the kind of magnetic gal Kathleen was. What is important is how she came to be, not even out of high school yet, Butterfly Swirl.
No question in 1957 or 1977 Kathleen Callahan, brown hair, bright smile, good figure, great legs, and an irksomely sunny disposition would have been just Kathleen Callahan, maybe the head cheerleader at some suburban school, some seaside suburban school like Carlsbad just norte of San Diego. Or, more realistically given that locale, some dippy surfer joe girl watching while they, some impossibly blond surfer joes, were hanging five or ten or whatever they did to those LaJolla, Malibu, Carlsbad waves that weren’t harming anybody as they slipped tepidly to shore. And, as she later confessed to Josh, she actually had been a surfer joe girl, although the guy’s name was Spin Curley, nice right.
Then the 1964 British invasion came, and she, all of thirteen, although fully formed in lots of ways as she also told Josh was swept away, swept away from the silly little surfer girl life, small seaside everybody adobe-housed Spanish fandango and the inevitably inevitable Spin. She told Josh it was really the Kinks that got her off-center. Not the Beatles or Rolling Stones as you might think. She said she was mad for their You Really Got Me, it kind of turned her on, turned her on a lot. A lot more than Spin could deal with what with his having to hang five or ten out in mother nature wave land. So naturally she headed to Los Angeles to check things out for a few days. Her and another girl from school a year ahead of her but about one hundred years ahead in everything else, whose story can be summed up in one word-bonkers. Heavy petal to the metal drug bonkers.
But she, that girl, get this, already had a moniker, Serendipity Swan, and knew some real cool people that she had met down at LaJolla where they were taking care of some rich guy’s estate (they are all estates in that zip code, then known as postal zones, look it up in Wikipedia, alright). This rich guy got rich, got very rich by “inventing” acid (LSD), or something like that. Or knew guys who invented it, or something like that. Old Serendipity wasn’t much on facts, straight or crooked. But in any case, the guys taking care of the estate, Captain Crunch and his confederates were always high, were always on the move with their merry prankster yellow brick road bus and were always welcoming to lost lambs, and ex-surfer girls.
That was how, a couple of years, before Kathleen, who had not then metamorphosized into Butterfly Swirl, kind of at wit’s end, eventually came up further north. And that is how I met her, when she got “on the bus” around Big Sur, I think, somewhere north of Xanadu. And became the Swirl (my pet name for her, for obvious reasons, obvious between us and like I said before relatable when the grandkids are not around). Complete with some tempera design on her face most of the time. Nothing elaborate but sometimes in a certain light she looked like something out of Botticelli. Here’s the funny part though, as things got weird on the bus, or too weird for her and her embedded suburban girl manner (when she wasn’t high, high she was like a Buddha or Siva or whatever those divines are called) she hankered (my word) for home, and for her Spin and his hanging five or ten, or whatever he did to those waves. Like I said in 1957 or 1977 she wouldn’t have even been “on the bus.” But just for that 1967 minute, driven by those wicked Brits she broke free. Josh, after his theft and after she slipped away one night, looked for her later but never caught up to her again.
CD Review
Classic Rock: 1964, various artists, Time-Life Music, 1987
Scene brought to mind by the cover art that graces this CD. Said cover art showing in the background a motley foursome from some post- British invasion invasion group all with de rigueur Nehru jackets and getting little long in the back and on the sides better get to the barber boys reminds dear old moms. But that is some much fluff. Because in the foreground is the object our, ah, inspection, one female, dangling earring bejeweled, but more importantly day-glo, or if not day-glo then some non-toxic paint celebration, painted flower. No tattoo, no permanent not in those days, although more than few young women has an off the back of the shoulder flower and some even had, well that is a story for another time. A time when the snooping grandchildren are safely out of sight.
The whole effect, as if in a flashback, no not that kind, immediately brought to my memory’s eye one Kathleen Callahan, a. k. a. Butterfly Swirl, Carlsbad (California, that’s important) High School Class of 1968 and Josh Breslin’s old flame from the summer of love, 1967 version, circa San Francisco in the merry prankster, yellow brick road night. Of course, as always in the interest of full disclosure, Ms. Swirl was my girl. Very much my girl, until old Josh, Olde Saco High School Class of 1967 (that’s up in Maine, although that is not important to the story, or just a little) showed up in a Russian Hill park one day.
[That, by the way, is Joshua Lawrence Breslin, the radical journalist whose by-line has appeared in half the unread back hall recycle bin radical newspapers and public good alternative vision journals in the country over the past forty years. And here is the beauty of it. Since he is legally a “public figure” (I looked it up before starting), although he is right now holed in some podunk Maine log cabin holding off the winter chills in solitude, he had better not even think of the word “defamation.” I know where the bodies are buried and while I am not usually a “snitch” I do have a long, very long memory.]
This was a day when we, our whole merry prankster crew, Butterfly Swirl included, were taking in the view (read: smoking dope, fine stuff I can still smell now from Panama I think, and actually inhaling don’t let anyone, including amnesiac Josh, tell you otherwise. And, yes, I said that with the full knowledge that the statute of limitations has run out on that. I checked that up too just to make sure). And that one fine day was, well, when “stole” her from me. That too is not important to the story, except maybe to explain, a little, the kind of magnetic gal Kathleen was. What is important is how she came to be, not even out of high school yet, Butterfly Swirl.
No question in 1957 or 1977 Kathleen Callahan, brown hair, bright smile, good figure, great legs, and an irksomely sunny disposition would have been just Kathleen Callahan, maybe the head cheerleader at some suburban school, some seaside suburban school like Carlsbad just norte of San Diego. Or, more realistically given that locale, some dippy surfer joe girl watching while they, some impossibly blond surfer joes, were hanging five or ten or whatever they did to those LaJolla, Malibu, Carlsbad waves that weren’t harming anybody as they slipped tepidly to shore. And, as she later confessed to Josh, she actually had been a surfer joe girl, although the guy’s name was Spin Curley, nice right.
Then the 1964 British invasion came, and she, all of thirteen, although fully formed in lots of ways as she also told Josh was swept away, swept away from the silly little surfer girl life, small seaside everybody adobe-housed Spanish fandango and the inevitably inevitable Spin. She told Josh it was really the Kinks that got her off-center. Not the Beatles or Rolling Stones as you might think. She said she was mad for their You Really Got Me, it kind of turned her on, turned her on a lot. A lot more than Spin could deal with what with his having to hang five or ten out in mother nature wave land. So naturally she headed to Los Angeles to check things out for a few days. Her and another girl from school a year ahead of her but about one hundred years ahead in everything else, whose story can be summed up in one word-bonkers. Heavy petal to the metal drug bonkers.
But she, that girl, get this, already had a moniker, Serendipity Swan, and knew some real cool people that she had met down at LaJolla where they were taking care of some rich guy’s estate (they are all estates in that zip code, then known as postal zones, look it up in Wikipedia, alright). This rich guy got rich, got very rich by “inventing” acid (LSD), or something like that. Or knew guys who invented it, or something like that. Old Serendipity wasn’t much on facts, straight or crooked. But in any case, the guys taking care of the estate, Captain Crunch and his confederates were always high, were always on the move with their merry prankster yellow brick road bus and were always welcoming to lost lambs, and ex-surfer girls.
That was how, a couple of years, before Kathleen, who had not then metamorphosized into Butterfly Swirl, kind of at wit’s end, eventually came up further north. And that is how I met her, when she got “on the bus” around Big Sur, I think, somewhere north of Xanadu. And became the Swirl (my pet name for her, for obvious reasons, obvious between us and like I said before relatable when the grandkids are not around). Complete with some tempera design on her face most of the time. Nothing elaborate but sometimes in a certain light she looked like something out of Botticelli. Here’s the funny part though, as things got weird on the bus, or too weird for her and her embedded suburban girl manner (when she wasn’t high, high she was like a Buddha or Siva or whatever those divines are called) she hankered (my word) for home, and for her Spin and his hanging five or ten, or whatever he did to those waves. Like I said in 1957 or 1977 she wouldn’t have even been “on the bus.” But just for that 1967 minute, driven by those wicked Brits she broke free. Josh, after his theft and after she slipped away one night, looked for her later but never caught up to her again.
From the Archives Of The “American Left History” Blog-As We Prepare For The Spring Anti-War Offensive-Soldiers and Sailors Solidarity Committees- Propaganda Or Agitation? (2010)
Markin Comment:
Let me put the question posed by the title of this entry in context. In early 2006, during the height of the furor over the Cheney/ Bush Administration’s handling of the Iraq War, the circle of anti-war militants that I work with proposed a strategic plan aimed at creating support groups, the soldiers and sailors solidarity committees mentioned in the headline, for the growing discontent inside the military. Politically it was seen by us as a shortcut way to do effective anti-war work in the absence of any real movement by the organized labor to take actions to put a end to the war, and also as a way to galvanize support from those who were repelled by the flagging mainstream anti-war movement that seemed to be bogged down with a strategy of ever more mass demonstrations and with greedy eyes on the then up-coming 2006 mid-term Congressional elections.
There has always been a distinction made in the revolutionary movement, and if it has not made then it should be, and in any case I will make it here, between the tasks that small ad hoc militant leftist groups can propose and carry out in their work and those of a mass labor party or organization. Thus, today, for instance, communists and other radicals are for the most part about the business of carrying out propaganda to small groups of interested militants in order to create a cadre ready to carry out the tasks necessary when our time comes. In 2006 our circle went beyond that. We carried out the propaganda for soldiers and sailors solidarity committees in the local and regional anti-war milieus but we also saw something of a unique opportunity to link up the civilian antiwar movement with what appeared to us to be some serious discontent in the military, and we agitated around the committee slogan.
What we saw was, as with a the general population, a war-weariness on the part of a significant section of the soldiery, a questioning of the mission in the wake of the very serious pre-2007 troop ‘surge’ in the internal situation in Iraq, a disquiet about the mounting personal hardships, especially by those National Guard units that were being held over, and a physical weariness caused by repeated deployments. The tinder was there, if only for a short time. Moreover, the point that pushed us forward was contact with elements in the military that were looking for civilian support. Thus, for most of 2006 we not only carried out propaganda for soldiers and sailors solidarity committees but we actively agitated and built them. Furthermore, our agitation included encouraging larger groups to form committees, and to make contact with military personal in their area and, most importantly, in Iraq. Thus within the limits of our resources and the time frame we were working in we carried out what overall was an exemplary anti-war campaign.
As I have tried to telegraph above this ability to agitate effectively only lasted until the Bush troop surge of 2007. Our anti-war military work, strangely enough, was one of the casualties of that surge. Our contacts dried up, other things got resolved inside the military and that opening closed down. Although we did low level work around the issue the agitational campaign ended and the slogan of the soldiers and sailors committees went back to its original use as a propaganda tool. I wrote a blog entry in this space about that shift from agitation to propaganda, and timeliness in revolutionary politics in general. (Sell linked article above.)
All this background, hopefully, will help explain not only the title of this entry but why recently my circle has again started to put the question of organizing soldiers and sailors solidarity committees on the front burner for propaganda purposes. This is no mere abstract question. One of the younger, and newer, members of the circle questioned why we were reviving the slogan. Good question. We project that this Afghan war, and its future escalations, will be a big and permanent albatross around the neck of Barack Obama during the life of his presidency, especially on his left from the people that we want to talk to today. However that situation does not appear as such today, although there are certainly murmurs of somewhat inarticulate discontent. Moreover, there is nothing, at least nothing that we can grab a hold onto, happening with the soldiers and sailors (they sailors, in any case, will play a diminished role in land-locked Afghanistan) on duty now. So why the emergence of the slogan again, even if only for propaganda purposes. Well, that goes to one of the lessons that we learned from the 2006 experience.
I have recently, and have on many earlier occasions in this space, noted both my own background in anti-war military work and that such work is hard, tough work. One of the biggest initial hurdles to making those first contacts AND winning the trust of the soldiery. Our circle has come to a consensus, and rightly so I think, that we were actually too late in starting our work, that mid-2005 would have placed us in better position to make a bigger splash. So while this slogan in a propaganda point today, we are making it today to get those connections going. For others, to whom this entry is really directed, start thinking along those lines. Not one penny, not one person for Obama’s wars! For soldiers and sailors anti-war solidarity committees! Immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied troops and mercenaries from Iraq and Afghanistan!
Let me put the question posed by the title of this entry in context. In early 2006, during the height of the furor over the Cheney/ Bush Administration’s handling of the Iraq War, the circle of anti-war militants that I work with proposed a strategic plan aimed at creating support groups, the soldiers and sailors solidarity committees mentioned in the headline, for the growing discontent inside the military. Politically it was seen by us as a shortcut way to do effective anti-war work in the absence of any real movement by the organized labor to take actions to put a end to the war, and also as a way to galvanize support from those who were repelled by the flagging mainstream anti-war movement that seemed to be bogged down with a strategy of ever more mass demonstrations and with greedy eyes on the then up-coming 2006 mid-term Congressional elections.
There has always been a distinction made in the revolutionary movement, and if it has not made then it should be, and in any case I will make it here, between the tasks that small ad hoc militant leftist groups can propose and carry out in their work and those of a mass labor party or organization. Thus, today, for instance, communists and other radicals are for the most part about the business of carrying out propaganda to small groups of interested militants in order to create a cadre ready to carry out the tasks necessary when our time comes. In 2006 our circle went beyond that. We carried out the propaganda for soldiers and sailors solidarity committees in the local and regional anti-war milieus but we also saw something of a unique opportunity to link up the civilian antiwar movement with what appeared to us to be some serious discontent in the military, and we agitated around the committee slogan.
What we saw was, as with a the general population, a war-weariness on the part of a significant section of the soldiery, a questioning of the mission in the wake of the very serious pre-2007 troop ‘surge’ in the internal situation in Iraq, a disquiet about the mounting personal hardships, especially by those National Guard units that were being held over, and a physical weariness caused by repeated deployments. The tinder was there, if only for a short time. Moreover, the point that pushed us forward was contact with elements in the military that were looking for civilian support. Thus, for most of 2006 we not only carried out propaganda for soldiers and sailors solidarity committees but we actively agitated and built them. Furthermore, our agitation included encouraging larger groups to form committees, and to make contact with military personal in their area and, most importantly, in Iraq. Thus within the limits of our resources and the time frame we were working in we carried out what overall was an exemplary anti-war campaign.
As I have tried to telegraph above this ability to agitate effectively only lasted until the Bush troop surge of 2007. Our anti-war military work, strangely enough, was one of the casualties of that surge. Our contacts dried up, other things got resolved inside the military and that opening closed down. Although we did low level work around the issue the agitational campaign ended and the slogan of the soldiers and sailors committees went back to its original use as a propaganda tool. I wrote a blog entry in this space about that shift from agitation to propaganda, and timeliness in revolutionary politics in general. (Sell linked article above.)
All this background, hopefully, will help explain not only the title of this entry but why recently my circle has again started to put the question of organizing soldiers and sailors solidarity committees on the front burner for propaganda purposes. This is no mere abstract question. One of the younger, and newer, members of the circle questioned why we were reviving the slogan. Good question. We project that this Afghan war, and its future escalations, will be a big and permanent albatross around the neck of Barack Obama during the life of his presidency, especially on his left from the people that we want to talk to today. However that situation does not appear as such today, although there are certainly murmurs of somewhat inarticulate discontent. Moreover, there is nothing, at least nothing that we can grab a hold onto, happening with the soldiers and sailors (they sailors, in any case, will play a diminished role in land-locked Afghanistan) on duty now. So why the emergence of the slogan again, even if only for propaganda purposes. Well, that goes to one of the lessons that we learned from the 2006 experience.
I have recently, and have on many earlier occasions in this space, noted both my own background in anti-war military work and that such work is hard, tough work. One of the biggest initial hurdles to making those first contacts AND winning the trust of the soldiery. Our circle has come to a consensus, and rightly so I think, that we were actually too late in starting our work, that mid-2005 would have placed us in better position to make a bigger splash. So while this slogan in a propaganda point today, we are making it today to get those connections going. For others, to whom this entry is really directed, start thinking along those lines. Not one penny, not one person for Obama’s wars! For soldiers and sailors anti-war solidarity committees! Immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S./Allied troops and mercenaries from Iraq and Afghanistan!
From The Archives Of The “American Left History” Blog -As We prepare For The 2012 Anti-War Spring Offensive- On The Question Of Organizing For A Major Anti-War March This Spring – A Commentary (2010)
Markin comment:
In a recent blog entry, “As The 2010 Anti-War Season Heats Up- A Note On The Three Whales For A Class Struggle Fight Against Obama’s Wars”, dated January 19, 2010, I put forth a few ideas, particularly around the concept of forming anti-war soldieries and sailors solidarity committee, that the circle of anti-war militants that I work with locally are committed to pursuing this year as the struggle against War-monger-in-Chief Obama’s Afghan war policies take shape. The elephant in the room that was missing in laundry list of tasks listed in the entry was any notion of supporting a national mass anti-war march in Washington, D.C. this spring, now scheduled for the anniversary of the start of the Iraq war March 20th. And there is a good and sufficient reason for that. The circle is split on an orientation toward that event. Thus, the comment that follows in favor of such an endeavor and putting some resources and energy into the event is my own personal take on the question, fair or foul.
Certainly, given the priorities listed in that previous blog entry mentioned above, it would be quite easy to walk away from serious organizing for, getting transportation for, making housing arrangements for and the thousand and one details that go into providing a contingent for a national march. Moreover, as has been argued in the circle by a number of militants, for just one more of a seemingly endless series of mass marches over the past several years. And normally I would agree with that analysis, especially once it becomes clear that the main strategy of those groups who call such national marches is to make that the main point of extra-parliamentary opposition. Or worst, see these things as an effective political tool for “pressuring” politicians, especially “progressive” Democrats (if there are any left as of late). Pleeaasse..
Hear me out on this one thought. President Obama made his dramatic announcement for a major Afghan troop escalation on December 1, 2009. That, along with a less publicized build-up in February 2009, and the odd brigade here or there since has meant that the troop totals ( I will not even bother to count “contractors”, fro the simple reason that who knows what the numbers really are. I don’t) are almost double those that ex-President Bush nearly had his head handed to him on a platter for in the notorious troop “surge” of 2007. And the response to Obama’s war-mongering. Nada. Or almost nothing, except a small demonstration in Washington with the “usual cast of suspects” (Kucinich, McKinney, etc. Al) and a few hundred attendees and small local demonstrations around the country.
Now this might seem like an argument for wasting no more time on the spring March tactics. And that argument is enticing. But, as a veteran of way too many of these demos, and as a militant who has spilled no small amount of ink arguing against the march strategy on many previous occasions I still like the idea of a spring March. First, because Obama needs to know that those on his left, particularly those who supported him in the 2008 election cycle are more than just passively angry at him for the Afghan troop escalation. And that is true even if the numbers do not match those of the Bush era. Secondly, those of us on the extra-parliamentary left need to see who those disenchanted Obamians are. If we are going to be successful we have to get our fair share of these left- liberals before they ditch politics altogether. And lastly, as the bikers say- “we have to show our colors”. Large or small we need to see what we look like. All those may not be sufficient reasons but I will say this to finish. Unless you plan to have an anti-war demonstration outside the gates of places like Fort Bragg, Fort Hood, Fort Drum, and Fort Lewis, in which case I will be more than happy to mark you present you should be I Washington on March 20th. And ready to fight around the slogan – Obama- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops and Mercenaries from Iraq and Afghanistan!
In a recent blog entry, “As The 2010 Anti-War Season Heats Up- A Note On The Three Whales For A Class Struggle Fight Against Obama’s Wars”, dated January 19, 2010, I put forth a few ideas, particularly around the concept of forming anti-war soldieries and sailors solidarity committee, that the circle of anti-war militants that I work with locally are committed to pursuing this year as the struggle against War-monger-in-Chief Obama’s Afghan war policies take shape. The elephant in the room that was missing in laundry list of tasks listed in the entry was any notion of supporting a national mass anti-war march in Washington, D.C. this spring, now scheduled for the anniversary of the start of the Iraq war March 20th. And there is a good and sufficient reason for that. The circle is split on an orientation toward that event. Thus, the comment that follows in favor of such an endeavor and putting some resources and energy into the event is my own personal take on the question, fair or foul.
Certainly, given the priorities listed in that previous blog entry mentioned above, it would be quite easy to walk away from serious organizing for, getting transportation for, making housing arrangements for and the thousand and one details that go into providing a contingent for a national march. Moreover, as has been argued in the circle by a number of militants, for just one more of a seemingly endless series of mass marches over the past several years. And normally I would agree with that analysis, especially once it becomes clear that the main strategy of those groups who call such national marches is to make that the main point of extra-parliamentary opposition. Or worst, see these things as an effective political tool for “pressuring” politicians, especially “progressive” Democrats (if there are any left as of late). Pleeaasse..
Hear me out on this one thought. President Obama made his dramatic announcement for a major Afghan troop escalation on December 1, 2009. That, along with a less publicized build-up in February 2009, and the odd brigade here or there since has meant that the troop totals ( I will not even bother to count “contractors”, fro the simple reason that who knows what the numbers really are. I don’t) are almost double those that ex-President Bush nearly had his head handed to him on a platter for in the notorious troop “surge” of 2007. And the response to Obama’s war-mongering. Nada. Or almost nothing, except a small demonstration in Washington with the “usual cast of suspects” (Kucinich, McKinney, etc. Al) and a few hundred attendees and small local demonstrations around the country.
Now this might seem like an argument for wasting no more time on the spring March tactics. And that argument is enticing. But, as a veteran of way too many of these demos, and as a militant who has spilled no small amount of ink arguing against the march strategy on many previous occasions I still like the idea of a spring March. First, because Obama needs to know that those on his left, particularly those who supported him in the 2008 election cycle are more than just passively angry at him for the Afghan troop escalation. And that is true even if the numbers do not match those of the Bush era. Secondly, those of us on the extra-parliamentary left need to see who those disenchanted Obamians are. If we are going to be successful we have to get our fair share of these left- liberals before they ditch politics altogether. And lastly, as the bikers say- “we have to show our colors”. Large or small we need to see what we look like. All those may not be sufficient reasons but I will say this to finish. Unless you plan to have an anti-war demonstration outside the gates of places like Fort Bragg, Fort Hood, Fort Drum, and Fort Lewis, in which case I will be more than happy to mark you present you should be I Washington on March 20th. And ready to fight around the slogan – Obama- Immediate, Unconditional Withdrawal of all U.S./Allied Troops and Mercenaries from Iraq and Afghanistan!
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